Irish News

New Zealand Tablet, 20 June 1912, Page 39

Irish News

GENERAL. Lord Macdonnell, in a criticism of the Home Rule Bill, says some of its financial proposals must be altered if the hopes of Irishmen and Liberals are to be realised. The Cork Electric Tramways and Light Company show a gross profit on the year’s working of £23,853. A dividend of 4 per cent, was declared on the ordinary shares. The Recorder of Cork, who was recently presented with white gloves at Mallow Quarter Sessions, remarked that it was the third time on which he had received white gloves. His Grace the Most Rev. Dr. Walsh, Archbishop of Dublin and Primate of Ireland, has given a subscription of £IOOO to the Pro-Cathedral (Dublin) New Schools Building Fund. A special meeting of the Dublin Corporation has struck the city rates for the next financial year. On the north side the figure is 9s lOd in the £, and on the south side 9s 9|d in the £. Very Rev. Canon Dunphy, P.P., Stradbally, Co. Waterford, was presented recently by his parishioners, by whom he is much beloved, with an illuminated address and a purse of sovereigns in honor of his golden jubilee and the dignity conferred on him on his elevation to the Chapter. The Estates Commissioners, on the application of counsel for the Marquis of Clanricarde, have a conditional order extending to three months the time for sending in objections against the compulsory acquisition of his Galway estate and as to price, the conditional order to be served on the Congested Districts Board, the board to be at liberty to object if they so desired. It was stated that actions had been commenced in the Chancery Division to restrain the board from proceeding with the compulsory acquisition of . the estate.

THE CORK MAYORALTY. . The most striking ocurrence of the past decade occurred on April 19, when Alderman Henry O’Shea, a pronounced supporter of the Irish Party, was unanimously elected Mayor of Cork. The previous Mayor Simcox, a supporter of William O’Brien, attended a great Home Rule meeting in Dublin on March 31, representing the city and favoring Home Rule. Mr. O’Brien’s organ, the Cork Free Press , denounced Simcox, who at once resigned the Mayoralty. An outspoken supporter of the Irish Party has now been placed in the Mayor’s chair for the first time for many years. The result is held to indicate the end of O’Brien’s domination in Cork. The feeling of the country is so strong in favor of the Irish Party’s policy that nobody could successfully combat it.

A SAD FATALITY. A violent thunderstorm raged over the Swinford district late on the evening of April 25, continuing for upwards of two hours, and accompanied, unfortunately, by very sad results, at a place called Cunlmore, about two miles from the town. An ecclesiastical student named Michael John Costello, aged 19 years, son of the local sub-postmaster, was sitting at the kitchen fire with his mother and a servant girl, when he was struck by the lightning and killed instantaneously. Both ladies sustained a severe shock, and fell off their seats unconscious to the floor. A little dog, which was frisking about on the hearth, was also killed. Medical aid was at once summoned, and shortly after the women were restored to consciousness, but on hearing of the death of her son, Mrs. Costello received a more painful shock. Mr. Costello, who was a student of the Irish College, Paris, was home oh a short holiday;.

THE LATE MR. JUSTIN MCCARTHY. The funeral of the late Mr. Justin McCarthy took place on April 30. A Requiem Mass was celebrated at the Catholic Church, Folkestone, at 8 a.m, by the Rev.

Bertrand Lynch-Staunton. The only relatives present were Mr. Justin Huntly McCarthy and Miss McCarthy. After the service the remains were removed to London for interment, and reached Charing Cross shortly before noon. Among those oh the platform were Fathers Edward Murnane and Byrne, Mr. J. E. Redmond, and fifty-three members of the Irish Party. There were also on the platform the Right Hon. T. W. Russell, M.P., Mr. William Jones, M.P. (representing the Whips of the Liberal Party), and Major Jameson, ex-M.P. The remains were interred at Hampstead Cemetery. Midway between the entrance gate and the grave the coffin was removed from the hearse and the chief mourners fell in behind. They were Mr. and Mrs. Justin Huntly McCarthy (son and daughter-in-law), Miss Charlotte McCarthy (daughter), and Mr. Frank Allman (nephew). Behind came the members of the Irish Parliamentary Party. The O’Brienite section was represented by Mr. Crean, M.P. The Rev. Father Owen Fitzgerald conducted the service, assisted by Fathers Wilkinson and O’Brien. Among the numerous wreaths was a large laurel harp from the Irish Parliamentary Party. Other floral tributes were sent by the American Ambassador, Lady St. Helier, Lady Irving, and Sir Squire and Lady Bancroft. The coffin bore the inscription, ‘ Justin McCarthy, born November 22, 1830. Died April 24, 1912. R.1.P.-’

BELFAST AND RELIGION. Mr. Harold Begbie has been following up in the Daily Chronicle his article on sweating in Belfast by his impressions of religion in that city. Mr. Begbie writes as one who cannot be accused of entertaining prejudices against Protestantism, for he is a strong Protestant. But the conclusion to which his investigations in Belfast has led him is that no credit is done to Protestantism by Belfast’s religion. In fact he roundly declares that it is not Christianity at all. ‘lt is,’ he says, c a religion of organised self-righteousness, from which the beautiful and ministering spirit of Christianity is almost entirely lacking. It is a religion of large and comfortable churches, prosperous and welldressed congregations, cheerful and well-satisfied parties, Bible classes for the saved, meetings for the elect, and gatherings for the oiled and bland. One might almost call it Christianised Pharasaism; one may say with perfect accuracy that it is the religion of Respectability, with the Bible in one hand and a pass-book in the other.’ Mr. Begbm’s testimony as to the character of Belfast’s religion (remarks the Catholic Times) will bring home the truth to many in England who have been pointing to it as something in which all Protestants may take a special pride. In the most unequivocal way he confirms the charges of bigotry, intolerance, and narrow-mindedness made against the majority of the Belfast Protestants. In Belfast wealth and want jostle one another. People who are well-to-do pass by the poor without a care as to their condition. That is why Mr. Harold Begbie’s impeachment of the men in Belfast who loudly proclaim their devotion to religion is so severe. ‘ Under the very eyes of the rich and respectable as they go to church are swarms of half-starved, ill-clothed, and barefoot children playing in the gutters of the streets. All about the worshippers, as they give thanks in their well-warmed churches for health and prosperity, are hideous and congested slums of dense and hopeless poverty.’ To right and to left of them in their daily lives is an appalling sum of sickness and suffering caused by ‘ the low wages paid to the laboring classes.’ Throughout the city, from one end of it to the other, and spreading even from the city to the villages beyond, such sweating of women and children is practised as must wring the soul of Heaven. And all these terrible and iniquitous things are riot lost in a multitudinous world like London, but are obvious,, staring and emphatic.’ 6

A VETERAN PROTESTANT NATIONALIST. . Among the speakers in the debate on the second reading of the Home Rule,Bill in the House of Com-

mons was Mr. Samuel Young, who claimed as a merchant and resident of Belfast, and as a Protestant representative of a Catholic constituency to have a longer experience and knowledge of the northern province than any member of that august assembly. He was afraid he could not follow his h'on. friend who had just sat down, nor could he entertain the opinion which he held with regard to Belfast or the Catholics in Ireland. He had lived 91 years of his life amongst these people in Ireland, and he asserted there would be no despotism, no tyranny, no attempt at putting down the minority of the country, who were Protestants. On the contrary, they would give perfect fair play to all the Protestants with whom they came into contact. He had represented a Catholic constituency for 20 years, so that he could speak with absolute freedom. It was surely time to settle this great National question, which had disturbed the peace of Ireland, and retarded the progress of business in that House for so many years. It had often been a puzzle to him why the British people did not get rid of this diseased limb, which had been a source of so much weakness in the body politic, and that the patent remedy known as Self-Government, had not been applied earlier, when it was known to be so effectual in allaying discontent in Canada, South Africa, and other colonies. The Bill before the House was ardently desired by three-fourths of the people of Ireland, by the people of Wales and Scotland, and by all the Colonial Parliaments. The opposition came from only about half the constituencies of England and the North-East corner of Ireland, where the people were actuated by religious, or, rather irreligious feeling. A few here and there of the Ascendancy class feared to lose place and power. It was not true that the majority of Ulster was opposed to Home Rule. There were about 45 per cent in Ulster who were Catholics, and desired Home Rule, and 12 to 15 per cent. Protestants in that province in harmony with the Bill. It was quite a mistake to say there were only a few Ulster Protestants in favor of it. The fact was, the majority of the Protestants in Belfast were Tories, and the “Liberals feared to lose their trade unless they kept quiet. Now, there were a large number who were beginning to take courage and come out in support of their convictions. When Mr. Churchill came to Belfast, .there were 15,000 people to listen to him. It was not true to talk of Ulster as Unionist; it was Belfast that was Unionist. There was a little gang of six Unionist leaders, who met at the Liberal Unionist Association in Belfast, issued manifestoes, and paraded bogies in panoramic succession through the widely circulated Tory journals. This little band acted like a refracting atmosphere, and distorted the true shape of the Irish demand for the Bill before tbe House. They were incapable of emancipating themse ves rom the tyranny of their sectarian prejudices. Opposition to the Bill came from a bigoted section in If th e U. f Irel , and ’ and ? m P art spirit in the House, it tne Unionists were m power to-morrow they would Severn IreK^ Eu '° in order to make ifc Possible to Uh ", Ire . iand ' No one could refuse a change in the "i d ‘ of government after 100 years of misnile. No of a nation gV 9 rn ! lient could succeed against the wishes or a nation. Such a government must always be exuenSarianSr f °; IP 6 1118 ° f Ireland ’ tbe of sectarian strife, and the creation of a loyal Ireland be broS g ak el t n i d “ - P - rt ° f the Em P ir ® oould manage* own &S™* Pe ° P ’ e *°