The New Zealand Tablet THURSDAY, DECEMBER 21, 1911. IV. THE CHURCH AND SOCIALISM

New Zealand Tablet, 21 December 1911, Page 2589

The New Zealand Tablet THURSDAY, DECEMBER 21, 1911. IV. THE CHURCH AND SOCIALISM

SIK

N our last article on this subject we outlined some of the more important Catholic principles relating to the social question, as set forth in the great Encyclical of Leo XIII. We have given emphasis and prominence to these principles because they are the indispensable pre-requisite to successful social —because they furnish the foundation and the constructive lines on which alone sound and stable social reform can be established. The form in which practical application is given to these principles will necessarily vary with the varying social, industrial, and economic conditions of different countries; and we propose in this concluding article to give a few representative illustrations of the way in which Catholic principles are being worked out, merely premising that the work here described is only a fraction of that which is being actually accomplished and a mere instalment of that which will yet be achieved as the Catholic social sense becomes more and more developed. From considerations of space, we will be compelled to omit all historical or introductory explanation relating to the institutions of the different countries, and confine ourselves to a bare statement of facts. * There is, perhaps, no country in which Catholic social effort and organisation has covered so wide a field and accomplished such remarkable results as in Germany. The modern social movement in that country was inaugurated prior to the issue of the Encyclical on Labor, but it was then, and is now, carried out on strict Catholic principles. It may be said to have begun in 1847 when Father Kolping started Catholic workmen's societies (Gesellenvereine) for mutual relief, advancement, and instruction. Each Gesellenverein, with a priest at its head and a managing committee of six workmen, had its own club, a hospice, and an inn, where members who were travelling, or strangers, \ were sure of finding protection and accommodation. The importance of developing these societies was at once realised; and their wide diffusion was due almost entirely to the efforts of ecclesiastics, such as Herr Schings, Herr Kronenberg, Vicar of Aix-la-Chapelle; Herr Laaf, Vicar of Essen; Herr E. Klein, the Domcapitular of Paderborn; and, most of all, Abbe Arnold Bongartz. The statutes of the societies underwent successive modifications ; but from the first it was laid down as one of the prime objects that the workmen thus united should, above all, and with all their might, avoid being taken ' in tow by capital,' (im Schepptau des Kapltals). When Fr. Kolping died in 1865, there were 400 of these societies; in 1892, there were 800; and to-day there are 3291, with a total membership of 439,749. From 1864 the Catholic labor movement in Germany was led by the great Baron von Ketteler, Archbishop of Mayence, ' the presursor of Leo XIII.' His epoch-

making work, The Labor Question and Christianity, published in 1864, was an uncompromising defence of the laboring classes, against unrestricted competition, pretended freedom of contract, the law of supply and demand, and the 'slave market of modern Europe.' Under his leadership were established Catholic associations for production, Catholic savings and credit associations, , Catholic associations of factory girls, and widespread Catholic social associations, into which members of the middle class and employers are also admitted, and the object of which is to discuss and study the social question from the Christian point of view. In these associations, the priests address the workmen at least once a week, on the rights of labor, and the social question. The workmen take part in the discussions, and in this manner the priest is brought into close and sympathetic touch with the wants, tendencies, and aspirations of the working-classes. As part of ' this movement, »'Abbe Schings of Aix-la-Chapelle founded a labor newspaper, and established a learned Catholic school of social science, represented now by Canon Hitze, Count Losewitz, Meyer, Ratzinger, and many others. Ketteler at first relied entirely upon voluntary effort in his social work, but latterly he came to see that in order to give stability* to corporative labor organisations legislative support from the State was necessary; and this view is now generally adopted, being favored by no less an authority than the great Jesuit, Fr. Lehmkuhl. But perhaps the most impressive feature of Catholic social effort in Germany is the way in which, under the influence of the spirit of Catholic Christianity, German employers have co-operated with their workmen in organising and laboring for the common weal. As an outcome of the widespread organisation promoted by the clergy among Catholic German laborers, an association of Catholic employers was formed, with Abbe Hitze as secretary-general. The work which has been, and is being, done by this organisation can not be better indicated than in the words of the statute setting forth the formal objects of the association. The association, ' proceeding from the conviction that an efficacious struggle against the numerous evils connected with the great manufactory system, and the dangers which, in consequence of these, threaten civilised society, is only possible on the ground of Christianity, and setting aside all political questions, proposes to cooperate for the improvement of the condition of the working-classes.' According to the second article of its statute the association seeks to _ attain this end by 'supporting the religious, moral, and material interests of the laboring-class, and especially: —' 1. By aiding all efforts to raise the standard of education and of Christian life (encouraging good conduct in the factory hands, allowing them to rest from work on Sundays, organising and extending, under ecclesiastic direction, associations of working men and women, supplying them with good reading, etc). 2. By endeavouring to procure greater cordiality in the relations between employers and workmen (interesting the former in the family conditions of tlie latter, etc). 3. By improving workmen's dwellings (cheap and healthy dwellings, moderate rents, etc). 4. By providing for the education, instruction, and recreation of the working-class (infant schools, institutions for imparting elementary and technical knowledge, for teaching domestic economy and needlework to women and girls, associations for recreation, etc.). 5. By founding, with the co-operation of the workmen themselves, economic institutions for their advantage (funds for the relief of the sick, saving banks, funds for relief and for advancing money, funds for the ' relief of the aged, widow's funds, courts of arbitration, the first necessaries of life furnished at low cost, war against usury, etc.). . 6. By attending to the hygiene of the working people and their families (proper ventilation of workshops, etc., bathing establishments, supervision of midwives, prohibition of work being* over-protracted, limitation of working hours for women and children, etc.). 7. By founding institutions for assuring the life and health of the workmen (precautions to ensure safety, proper insurance of work-

men in case of accidents).' The association has a paper of its —the Arbeiterwqhl and Claude Jannet, in his work on State Socialism, declares that this organisation forms one of the great forces of the Catholics in Germany. It is certainly a rare and striking thing to see a great body of employers patronising institutions and supporting legislative measures which are expressly designed to benefit the workers. In connection with the association there has been formed a vast agricultural league {Bauern-V'ereine), which has established a bank of credit on landed property (Landschaft) which advances money to settlers on much the same lines as our New Zealand department, co-operative stores, and co-operative distributing agencies; and which is using every weapon which sagacity and devotion can devise for the protection of the rural population against the economic bondage of the capitalistic system. Every year the delegates of the various associations meet in congress, and out of the Catholic congresses of Germany has grown the Centre Party, the : impregnable centre' and controlling influence in German nolitics. From the beginning until now labor has been the main plank in the Centre platform and all the modern labor legislation of Germany has been initiated or helped through by the Catholic Centre Party. . ! * ■ - When, therefore, we are asked what Catholics who condemn Socialism have to offer in its place, we may point with some effectiveness to what has been done in Catholic Germany. The magnificent organisation of the workers, and the systems of co-operative credit and co-operative production in vogue have tended (1) to obviate strikes; (2) to stimulate the workman to industry and carefulness; (3) to improve his moral, social, and political character ; (4) to provide employment for him independently of the will of the middle-man; and (5) to give him the middle-man's share of the profits. While Socialist leaders have been dreaming and theorising, Catholic social reformers have been doing. Compare ultra-Socialism with co-operation, unlimited statehelp with judicious self-help, Lassalle with Kolping, Karl Marx with Ketteler. The comparisonbetween practical action and mere visionary dreamingrecalls the old Corn Law rhyme ' What is a communist ? One who hath yearnings' For equal division of unequal earnings. . Idler or bungler, or both, he is willing To fork out his penny and pocket your shilling.' Although there is not the same completeness of organisation amongst the Catholics of France as exists in Germany, yet France's contribution to the solution of the social problem is of notable interest, and is every year, by reason of the prominence given to study and to "careful and comprehensive research, becoming more and more valuable. Catholic social effort in France is carried on chiefly by the following organisations. (1) QSuvre des cercles Catholiques d'ouvriers (Catholic Workmen's Clubs) founded after the war in 1870 by the Count de Mun, one of the most brilliant orators in the French Chamber or in the world. The workmen associated to the Cercles, besides receiving assistance in case of sickness or accident, are furnished with diplomas, which serve them as valuable letters of recommendation to Catholic employers of labor. Moreover, the committees generally see to providing them with work. The practical programme of the organisation is very much on the lines of that of the Catholic social party in Germany. The law of 21st March, 1884, by which Trade Councils were instituted in France, was the work of Count de Mun and his followers. (2) Association Catholique de la Jeunesse Francaise (Catholic Association), founded in 1886 by Count de Mun and half a dozen young men. In 1909, the association united in one group nearly 100,000 young men, students, peasants, and employees of various kinds, and had 2400 groups in the provinces. The members lay great stress on the need of social study. They have formed an immense number of ' study circles,' little groups of about a dozen young men who set themselves to investigate and discuss the various social questions of the day under the guidance of some experienced priest or layman. The association has devoted much of its

attention to the foundation of co-operative societies, popular libraries, labor bureaus, workmen's gardens, and the like all over the country. (3) Le Sillon (the furrow), the well-known and highly original association founded in 1894 by M. .Marc Sangnier, which has become a focus of social, popular, and democratic action. The members proclaim and propagate, with great enthusiasm, the two-fold idea that democracy is the type of social organisation which tends to the highest development of conscience and of civic responsibility in the individual, and that this organisation needs Christianity for its realisation. In this, as in the last mentioned association, the cell of the organism consists inthe ' study circle.' (4) Action Liberate, led by M. Piou, is a political party which has also a social side, and which is meeting with very great success. ' It writes, it lectures, and it organises. It comprises more than 200,000 adherents, and in the Chamber elected in 1906 there were 77 deputies belonging to this association. (5) Lastly, there is L'Action Fopidaire, the united effort of a number of distinguished Catholic publicists and sociologists to encourage and promote all healthy forms of associations among all classes of workers. It has published an important collection of brochures and tracts which forms a perfect reference library for those who wish to study social Catholicism, and an invaluable source of information for those who wish to become active workers in the movement. * .■'. . Belgium is one of the most Catholic, as it is one of the most prosperous and progressive countries in the world; and its advanced legislation is now fairly well known. We give a brief list, compiled a few years ago by Father Van Der Heyden, of the work done in the interests of the laboring classes by the Catholic party since they assumed the reins of power. According to this, the Catholic party ' exempted all working men's homes from taxation, so that 52 per cent, of Belgian homes pay no personal taxes whatsoever. It passed a Bill pensioning aged workers, and at the present writing —one year after the passage of the said 8i11177,000 old men and. women enjoy the benefit of this pension. It reduced to one-fifth of a cent per mile the railroad fares of working men going to or coming from their work, whilst any other citizen pays one cent per mile in third class coaches, and almost three cents per mile in first class. It cut down by one-half, where workwomen are the interested parties, the legal expenses attendant upon the sale or transfer of property. It empowered the State to make loans at an 'interest of,2| per cent., with every facility for payment of capital and interest, to help working, men in securing their own homes. Eighteen thousand working men have in this way become proprietors of their own homes in the last thirteen years, and the Government has 9,000,000 dol. standing out now on these homes—an immense sum, considering the size of the country. It must be added that if the Government loans at 2| per cent., where a working man wishes to buy or build a home for himself, it pays him 3 per cent, for the money he leaves with it at the postal savings bank.' We have only .to add that, in relation to what is known more particularly as the social problem, Catholic reformers in Belgium have devoted themselves chiefly to the advocacy and application of the principle of co-operation in industries hitherto carried on by individual capital. A society of the Aumoniers du Travail' (labor chaplains). has been founded _by the priests under the Abbe Pottier for the specific object of studying social problems in their practical aspect, and of sharing as far as possible the actual conditions of existence amongst the working classes. The Abbe Mellaerts has devoted himself to the task of organising the Belgian peasants and, adapting the principles of co-operation to their lot, has founded co-operative creameries, co-operative productive societies, co-operative supply associations, village banks, etc. Co-operative societies, societies of Catholic employers, societies of Catholic workmen, Catholic associations, are to be found in every town and in every village; and these have all been linked up into one vast and powerful labor federation under the title of the 'Belgian Democratic League.'

Work of this order—the same in spirit and in kind, if not always so impressive in extentis being done in other Continental countries. In England and America, too, the leaven is working ; and on every hand Catholic priests, press, and laymen, are making determined efforts to cultivate and develops the ‘ social sense.’ A constant and characteristic feature is the guiding influence and fostering interest of the Church in the whole social movementemphasising, as she has always done, the fact that the social question is to be solved not so much by economic, as by moral and religious forces. The Church, like her Divine Founder, ‘has compassion on the multitude.’ She loves her working man; and to-day, as ever, shows herself as the good Samaritan to wounded humanity. She does not, as Mr. Chesterton aptly says, ‘assert that she has got better people than are to be found elsewhere, but that such as they are she has got them.’ 1 I do not say,’ he continues, * that freethinkers are bound to be scoundrels ;■ I say they are not bound to be anything.I do not say that the Catholic lamb of mercy is more white, or woolly, or energetic, than many evolutionist lambs. I say it is in the ark. And I say that the evolutionist lambs are being drowned visibly before my eyes. I am looking ahead, lam thinking how all this chaotic morality will turn out. I know what is safe. If the Church exists ten million years hence, amid alien costumes, and incredible architecture, I know that it will still put the oppression of the poor among the four sins crying to heaven for vengeance.’