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HOME RULE.

GREAT DEMONSTRATION IN SYDNEY.

As reported briefly by cable a great Home Rule demonstration took place in Sydney, on Monday evening, July 7. No more representative meeting (says the Freeman's Journal) was ever held in Australia. The demonstration was organised under great difficulties. It was ascertained that the large hall was only available on Monday night, having been booked after that to the 28 th August. To have postponed the gathering till the later date, while it might hay« been the means of securing speakers from other parts of the Commonwealth, would have been unwise. The organisation committee did what was right, secured the hall for July 7, and called upon th« people to support them. The result was, as we have said, a triumph. It must have been a pleasure to the various speakers to have looked at that Bea of faces, animated by the enthusiasm of a great purpose ; to have felt the cordiality of the crowded meeting roasting upon them as they spoke ite mind and expressed the emotions of its heart. When the Mayor of Sydney (Alderman Thomas Hughes) opened the meeting he was addressing an audience of quite 5000 people. The floor of the great hall presented a perfect sea of masculine heads, while the gallaries were crowded with patriotio ladies and their friends. A more respectable-looking, more intelligentlyfeatured, or more orderly gathering could not be conceived. The Mayor reoeived a perfeot ovation when he appeared, and the discriminating enthusiasm of the audience asserted itself at various stages of the evening's proceedings — notably when Senator O'Connor gave dignified utterance to the political faith that belongs to him ; when Mr O'Sullivan once more asserted the genuine democratic instincts, that have carried him into the affection of the people ; and again when ' The Dean of Newtown ' spoke like the true Irishman and the true Australian citizen he is. Irish sentiments, it goes without saying, appealed to the audience ; but the respectful and hearty manner in which it rose to acclaim its sympathy with King Edward iv hia illness might have been an object lesson to many an audience which is as perfunctory as it is insistent upon ' loyalty.' But to get on with the record. A large extended platform had been added to the uaual stage, and seated about the chairman were some 300 citizens. It was impossible from any given point to take in anything like a complete list of these, but one might see amongst others — Hon. R B. O'Connor, K.C. (Vice- President of the Federal Executive), the Hon. John Toohey. M.L.C., the Hon. John Meagher, M.L.C., the Hon. T. M. Slattery. M.L.C., Sir William Manning, the Hon. E. W. O'Sullivan, the Hon. John Hughes. M.L.C., Messrs J. G. Carroll, M L.A., D. O'Connor, M.L.A., P. E. Quinn, M.L.A., R. D. Meagher, M.L.A., Neil Neilsen. M.L.A., A. J. Kelly. M.L.A . W. A. Holman. M.L.A.. P. J. Clara. M.L.A , M. J. McMahon, M.L.A., T. Rose. M.L.A.. W. Daley, M.L A., J. R. Dacey, MX A., J. J. Powler. M.L A., Major Freehill, Alderman J. D. Fitzgerald, Alderman P. Nolan, Alderman G. Perry, Alderman T. Fanning (Mayor of Redfern). Alderman M. O'Riordan (Mayor of Alexandria), Alderman J. Sutton, Dr. Charles W. MaoCarthy, Very Rev. P. Le Rennetel, S.M., Very Rev. Dean blattery, Very Rev. Dean Healy, Very Rev. T. A. Fitzgerald, 0.F.M., Rev. J, P. Moynagh, Rev. J. J. Carroll, Rev, P. Dowling, Rev J. Collins, Rev. J. Hyland, Rev. M. Kirby, Rev. J. P. Considine, Rev. J. J. Murphy, Rev. J. Collender, Rev. J. O'Reilly, Rev. J. Egan, Rev. P. J. Walsh, Rev. P. J. Moore, Rev. E. O'Brien, Rev. M. Fitzpatriok, Rev. J. Barry, Rev. J. Grace. Rev. Father Rohan (Moss Vale), Rev. Father Rohan (Annandale), Rev. Father Morris, etc, etc. His Grace Archbishop Kelly wrote to the secretary as follows : ' I am in receipt of your invitation to speak at the meeting on next Monday. Official duties long since appointed keep me away. I should be happy in making any effort to re-enlist public confidence in the cause of justice to Ireland. I may be permitted to express my hope that earnestness, moderation, and good statesmanship will shine forth from the addresses, and permanently impress the assembly. If a subscription list be opened, please have me inscribed for £10 10s." Apologies were reoeived from the following : — Right Hon. C. C. Kingston, P. C. Hon. Sir William Lyne, K.C.M.G., Hon, T. Waddell, Senators Higga, Thomas Glassey, and Messrs F. Clarke, J. C. Watson, J. Gormly, and other members of the State aud Federal Parliaments After a brief opening speech by the Mayor of Sydney Senator O'Connor moved the following resolution which was carried with great enthusiasm, the audience rising and cheering loudly : ' That this meeting reoords its deep sympathy with the King in his illness, and earnestly wishes him speedy restoration to health, and a peaceful and prosperous reign.' Senator O'Connor then proceeded to speak of the progress of the Irish movement. He said that they were met thefe to take practical action in aid of the Irish Parliamentary Party. They had met at a time which, of all occasions for some years past, was the most propitious. Ireland itself was united ; the Parliamentary Party itself was united, under a leader of great experience and patriotism ; Irishmen in America had consolidated themselves to aid the United Irish Party ; Canada had done the same ; the movement was spreading throughout Australia, and in Melbourne last Friday there was a magnificent demonstration of Irishmen and the friends of Irishmen to aid the Parliamentary Party ; and he was certain that those before him would show that their generous assistance and moral power would always be at the service of Ireland. Another circumstance which made the meeting opportune was this : The Liberal Party, which bo nearly carried thn Home Rule Bill under the great Gladstone was now divided, and they found Lord Roaebery, who never had anything nioro than an intel-

leotual sympathy with Home Rule, coming forward, and, with several eraiwhile Liberals, telling them that they were going to throw away the alliance ; that they were going to wipe the slate clean. The slate of Great Britain could never be wiped clean of Ireland. It was very fitting that the Liberal Party Bhould know now that Australia ranged herself behind Morley and Bryce and Campbell-Bannerman, and that whoever was with Ireland would have Australia's voice with them, and whoever was against Ireland would have Australia's voice against them. AUSTRALIA AND IRELAND. Why should they in Australia concern themselves with the question of Irish self-government ? In the first place, they took that action as Irishmen — not only those who had the privilege of having been born on that saored sod, but also the descendants of Irishmen to the second and third generations — in whose blood there lingered the memory of what their fathers had endured for centuries. As Irishmen they wished to take a practical step. They had to complain of seven centuries of misgovernment, of wrong and injustice, which culminated in the extraordinary position that of all the portions of the King's Empire to-day there was none in which the relations of Government and people were so unsatisfactory as in Ireland. As Irishmen they said that they were willing tbat all that should be buried in oblivion, because they recognised that whatever might have been the case in the past — and although years ago it was perhaps the best and strongest step that could be taken by many of those whose names would live for ever in Irish history, to take the step of freeing themselves from the union by means of. physical foree — they honored them because in their time they did what was right to do. But history had moved and conditions had changed, and they recogniaed now that it was only their enemies who said that they wished to become independent of England, that they would ever conceive such an impossible situation as an Ireland absolutely independent of Great Britain. The situation was that they should remain portion of the British Empire ; but a portion with equal rights and privileges, a portion with the same rights of making lawß in accordance with the wishes of the people as every other portion of the British Dominions possessed. In Ireland to-day trial by jury could be taken away, trial of any kind could be taken away, laws for the protection of property and liberty could be suspended. And when such a proclamation took place in any district in Ireland that district went back 200 years in political development. In no country of the world was there so little sympathy between the laws, the administration of the laws, and the people who had to obey them as in Ireland. THE BIGHTS OF EMPIRE. There was one remedy : that Ireland should be granted selfgovernment. This was a right not so great as that of which she was robbed a hundred years ago ; it was a right taken away by treachery and corruption almost too rank and gross to be believed. Some things had improved in Ireland during the last thirty or forty year:*. The land laws had improve I ; local administration had been widened ; many small reforms had been given, after the strongest agitation, to pacify the people ; — but never would Ireland be satisfied until she bad the right which Irishmen all the world over claimed to exercise — the right to make the laws, regarding purely Irish affairs, which they were expected to obey. They held to this right, not only as Irishmen, but as citizens of the British Empire. They should hold to it in no uncertain or hesitating way, but as men who had done their share in buildintr up the Empire m every part of the world. Th y had done more than their Rhare in defending it in every part of the world ; and they held that the pride of the Empire was not the pride of England alone, but the pride of Ireland and Scotland and Wale?. They had, therefore, the right to say to England, that while aiding to develop her Empire, aud while pouring out her life's blood in developing it, they were at least entitled to that kind of legislation and policy which would give them something of the prcmperity and well-being which England herself enjoyed. The greatness of empire did not depend alone on territory or the number of its fighting men, or the wealth of its inhabitants : it depended upon the solidity, the happiness, and internal peace of every portion of the Empire. The British Empire could not be truly great and prosperous until it had removed this cause of discontent and unbappiness and discord He sincerely hoped that Ireland before long — nay, during the reign of the present King — would have conferred upon her that internal peace and prosperity and contentment which was the lot of every other portion of the British Empire. lie moved — "That this meeting of citizens of thj Commonwealth of Ana ralia expresses its earnest desire that the Imperial Parliament should satisfy the national aspirations of the Irish people by granting them a Constitution based on the principles of atlt-govemmcnt, which has produced the happiest results throughout the Empire.' Mr E. W. O'Sullivan, M.L.A., in seconding the motion, said it was one that could be supported by every liberal man. Home Rule was simply a movement for equal rights by Ireland As free constitutions had been granted all over the British Empire with the best results, what was there to fear that the same results would not; follow in the case of Ireland ? It was said it would not be safe to grant Home Rule to Ireland because there were so many people there of a different religion to that of England. But Home Rule had been given to Frenchmen in Canada and the majority of her people, of a different religion to that of Englishmen, had become most loyal subjects of the British I'mpire. This movement should receive general support. Why did it not receive general support 1 It was because there were daw interests standing in the way. The King and Queen had not blocked the movement. It was blacked by the House of Lorif, or Landlords ami uth.-rs who had their own greed and self-interest to eerve. The Hon. John Hughes, M L.C , KuppnrU'd the resolution. As had been said before — ouce a Home i.ulcr, .tiw.iyn a Homo kuler. He saw no reason in the present, or any possible, suite of affairs: why

Ireland should not Ret that right of self-government which preTailed almost throughout the British Empire, and which at this moment was promised even to the conquered Boers. It was because of the self -government that we had enjoyed that we were proud to belong to the British Empire, and to stand by her in her time of adversity. If it web desired to win the respect and firm comradeship of the Irish people it would be best got by granting to them what had been granted to Australia— the right of governing their own people. The resolution was carried unanimoußly, amid great acclamation. Major F. B. Freehill moved that a Home Rule Fund be created for the purpose of enabling the Irish Parliamentary Party to continue the struggle for self-government for Ireland, and that subscription lists be now opened. He said that he was glad that Senator O'Connor had referred to one of those objections which were made by opponents of Home Rule— opponents, he wag convinded, more from ignorance than conviotion. There were fellow* citizens in our midst who had an idea that this wua a movement for the separation of Ireland from England. He had always believed that the words of Henry ©rattan, uttered more than ]00 years ago, were true, and if they were true then they were true to-day! Grattan said : ' The Channel forbids union, the ocean forb ds separation.' The Irish Home Rule question was not a question of the grievances of the past. It was a present vital question, which went to the root of the very stability of the Empire. Why did he say it was a vital question— a question of to day ? Because, if they took up the records of the statistician they would find that Ireland, •when it was the home of their fathers and mothers, 50 years ago| contained more than 8,000,000 of human beings. The population had since diminished, till to-day it wan only 4,000,000. Was that result a triumph of British statesmanship ? Was it a thing that any man with the slightest feeling of humanity could feel proud of referring to ? Thisquesticn they could not regard, therefore, as one of old grievances, for it was a matter of living moment to every Irishman, and every Irishwoman, throughout the Empire, and to every Englishman and every Scotchman, too. Sir W. P. Manning seconded the resolution, which he was sure would be received by the meeting with very generous estimation. He knew the Irish here too well to think that an appeal for such a cause as that of Irish Home Rule would ever be made in vain to them. The people of Ireland had kept the question of Home Rule alive for a long time. It waa alive in the Irish heart to-day. They had never been conquered. They never would be conquered but would strive, and strive, and strive again. ' THE LIBERAL PARTY. They would be helped by the aid given to them by men, not of their race — by men like John Morley, by able, strenuous men like Campbell-Bannerman. And they felt also that the <;reat Liberal Party had never forsaken the cause of Home Rule. '1 here were no recreants from the Liberal Party Those who had left them were never true Liberal*. He wan an Australian I n-hman. and he appealed to h:n teli'iw-AuHtraliauß of ln-li de-cent to seriously follow in the footsteps of Senator O'Connor, and thus facilitate the great and glor.ous woik — a woik which would mean the achievement of public liberty for the land cf their forefathers. Very Rev Dean Slattery said that after the able speeches tha* had been delivered by hiH friends Sir William Manning and Mr Freehill. it was unneet ssary for him to address them at any length He waa sure they were all alive to th> caus-e so dear to their heam the cause of O'd Ireland. Look back for the past 100 yearn ' What did they find ? At the beginning of the la«t century the Act of I'niou was pas-ed, ami tht»t Act had proved lttelf to be a miserable failure, after being in force tor over 100 year-. That Act had been the ruin of the progress and com m true of Inland. Ever Bir.ee tin passing of that Act they found their count) y governed \>y England as if it were aionqnered nation. She had recourse, time after time! to Coeicion Arts, hhe never thought of granting the union whi> li was brought about by that act of treachery parsed by the villainous CHstlereagh No wonder, then, that through the century, and up to this hour, Ireland waa discontented. No wonder that 'she was a source of Wrt:ikne<-s to r.u^land. She was a source of weakness and a scandal to England ; and she would be a sou ice of weakness umi a scandal to England until her rights were obtained and her lib. rues granted. Let there bu a reconciliation to morrow bit ween England ami Irdaiul. and helsnri would be a source of great slrensnu and power to the Empire, and he would venture to B'<y that if England I relax d. Scotland and Wiilt-s wen- unite 1 in a policy of justice and honor, he would m.i* h these yeopie (with thtir Iriends from over the sea) against, the whole united woild. On the motion nf Mr John Meagher M.L/", it was decided that Mr John Redmond be r< quested to stud a delegation to Australia, and that arr. intern. nN be- made to h, Id a r< pre emative Irish! Australian Convention in Sydney at a future da c Speeches were also de ivmd by Messrs R. I). Meagher, T. J. McCabe, P. E. Qumn, M.L A., and T 11. Curran. Before the pro* ci (lino's were brought to a dose it was announrrd that a sum of £7< n had bi en collected at the met ting in aid of the Irish Parliamentaiy lvi.d. A few of the bub-cnj>tiuns were as follows .— Aoo< riling to promwe the Hon John Ti.uhey converted his preliminary cht.que foi dk'J "j into £ ~>O i'l.e annum, < ement 'Mr Mark Foy, lUO guineas' win uei'iv<d with eiithiiM.iuiu by the meeui'g. to whom the gm< rosily (it the brother* toy was no new thing. Other ace. uiiN were The Hon. .John Meai-lur. £•?."> , Mr Jaiutg D.ilrnn (Oiv.iiiv). k'2~> ; An hbi^hop Kel y, £Ii 'lO* • Jb'rt emtin'x Journal, £r> \~>± ,MiT. J. Da, ton (m,lupj j i- 10 • Air Toohey, £10. Cheers for John Redmond f illo ye', and the mte.ing dosed as it began, wuh three cheers lor the King

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Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/periodicals/NZT19020724.2.8

Bibliographic details

New Zealand Tablet, Volume XXX, Issue 30, 24 July 1902, Page 3

Word Count
3,195

HOME RULE. New Zealand Tablet, Volume XXX, Issue 30, 24 July 1902, Page 3

HOME RULE. New Zealand Tablet, Volume XXX, Issue 30, 24 July 1902, Page 3

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