RE-UNION OF CHRISTENDOM.

New Zealand Tablet, Volume XXIII, Issue 45, 6 March 1896, Page 21

RE-UNION OF CHRISTENDOM.

(A Series of Lectures delivered in St Joseph's Ob arch, Temuka, by the Very Rev Father Le Mhnant deb Chesnaib, 8.M.)

Lectube xxii.— The Ohurch and Civil and Religions Liberty,

" Where the spirit of the Lord is, theie is liberty (ii, Oor. iii, 17).'» Tn this lecture, we shall first give tbe anti-Christian system about liberty, and then the true Catholic notion of liberty, civil, religious, and individual, and next show the frightful consequences of modern Statolatry. (I) ANTI- CHRISTIAN SYSTEM OF LIBERTY. This is a magic word which enchants and fascinates the multitudes and acts npou Bociety like electricity. Millions think, act, live for liberty. To die for liberty is thought the most noble and heroic deed which can be conceived. Tbe world worships those whom they call " Tbe martyrs of Liberty," They believe that liberty ia the sovereign law of the human intellect, the compass which is to guide ns acrosß the ocean of life, to the harbour of material and spiritual felicity. It is tbe sun of the nineteenth century. Whatever favours liberty must be held as sacred, whatever has a tendency to restrict it should be energetically oppoeed as tyrannical and unjnst. The enemies of modern liberty are slaves who are fond of their chains and would put out, if they could, the luminous sun of modern progress and freedom, and plunge men back into the abject slavery of the middle ages. The Ohurch of Rome is the deadly foe of modern liberty. Protestantism in opposing tbe tyranny of Rome has rendered to society a signal favour for which it deserves the praise and gratitnde of the whole human race. Season is man's supreme lawThe Romish Ohurch annihilates reason with her absurd and incomprehensible dogmas and mysteries and her servile submission to th« dictates of the proud autocrat of the Vatican. Whosoever believes in the autonomy and supremacy of human reason can accept no other restriction upon bis individual liberty but those he is pleased to impose upon himself. Human reason iB good and man's inclinations are innocent. Enlighten men about tbeir interest, and they will always use their liberty properly. Secularists say that the beat way to enlighten men is unsectarian education, compulsory and free, tha 1 ia supported by public taxation and controlled exclusively by the State. Protestants advocate tbe reading of the Bible as the best and most efficacious means to obtain this happy result. Let us show the fallacy of these sophistical systems, and their frightful consequences. (II) TRUE NOTION OP LIBEBIY. The word liberty, from tbe Latin " Libertas vel libera entitas," expresses freedom of action. When a criminal is set free, we say, he is at liberty. We speak of the liberty of thought, the liberty of the Press, liberty of conscience, etc. We dig the earth round a tree in order to allow it to grow at liberty. We throw open the windows of oar houses on a hot summer day, that tbe air may circulate with liberty, etc. Some think that liberty is our most precious treasure, and that the more free we are, the more perfect and happy we become ; yet this is a fallacy, as you will directly perceive. I know I am free. I have the power to choose between two things, to do the one and omit the other. There is within me a faculty capable of examination, and this ib what we call liberty. But am I entirely free? Is liberty the right to do anything I please with impunity ? The right to steal, to commit murder, to disturb the peace of the Christian family, the harmony of society ? Who would have the temerity to say so 1 "The liberty to do with impunity anything we please," says Jules Simon, " is the negation of liberty, and the ruin of Bociety " (Jules Simon, La Liberte). God alone is absolutely free, because He alone exists of Himself and for Himself, and He alone ia perfectly independent, since He has no one above Him. He alone can do whatsoever He pleases, having no one to put any restriction upon His liberty, possessing every good and being incapable of error ; yet as Be is infiaitely holy, He can do no wrong but only what is right, beautiful and admirable ; which shows already to evidence that the power to do wrong is no necessary element of liberty. God finds in Himself His own happiness, He is to Himself His own end, and refers necessarily to Himself everything He does. Not bo man. He does not exist of himßelf, nor for himself ; he depends totally upon God for everything, he lives, he moves in God ; he belongs entirely to God, and can no more cease to be subject to Him than he can ceasa to be a creature ; and God can no more cease to be his Lord and Master than Ho can cease to be his Creator, Preserver and Sovereign Good. Wherefore, the absolute independence of man is a fallacy and a denial of God's supreme dominion over ua. Ia liberty our most precious treasure ? (ill) ABB WE MOKE PEBFECT IN PROPORTION AS WE ABE MOBB FREE 1 This requires consideration. We nave in us two kinds of faculties, the sensitive and the intellectual faculties. (1) The sensitive faculties perceive external objects irresistibly, they are noi free. I say :

" There in a bird flying ia the air, a vessel sailing in the harbour, a man riding on a bycicle. These sensations are not free, The impressions produced on me by the bird flying, the sailing vessel, the riding of the byciclist are irresistible, involuntary and entirely be* yond the control of my will, (2) The intellectual faculties are also twofold, the understanding and the will. Truth is the end of the understanding, that is, its object iB to represent things to ns as they really are, but the perception of truth is not free. When we clearly perceive it as it is, we necessarily adhere to it The understanding is not free, The only free faculty we possess is the will, The will which can choose one thing and reject another is the very essence of liberty. But is our will absolutely free 1 By no means. For instance , being created for happiness, it is sot in our power not to seek for it in everything we undertake. The love we have for ourselves is such that we cannot, do what we may, entirely divest ourselves from it» With regard to certain particular goodp, 6uch as riches, honours, pleasnreß, etc., we are free to seek them or to refrain from them, according aa we consider them aB calculated to promote the happiness we are created for, or draw us away from it. We are also free with regard to God, for although God if infini ely perfect, lovely, amiable, yet our knowledge of Him in this world is very limited and imperfect Again, because to practice virtue and obey the Ohurch is painful hard and troublearme, we may, through want of courage and gtnerosity, refuse to comply with it, according as, rightly or wrongly, we consider it conducive or not to our happiness, which we always have in view in everything we do. The plilosophiol explanation of this apparent inconsistency is this : Either the good which is proposed to the understanding completely satisfies it or not ; if it com. pletely satisfies it, the will is necessarily, though not reluctantly drawn towards it. For instance, the holy angels and saints in heaven are so satisfied, delighted and ravished by the Beatific Vision, I that they cannot help loving God as much as they are capable of loving Him, and they cannot love anything else but in Him, and for Him, that i«, their love for God is irresistible, it is no longer free. On the contrary, when the good which is proposed to us does not completely satisfy the will, then it can either embrace it or rr jecfc it according as it considers it conducive or not to its felicity, Whence it is clear that liberty exists only for such goods as are mixed up with some imperfection, either intrinsically or extrinsically. It is a relative perfection. We love God freely here below, because our knowledge of Him is very imperfect, and the more we know Him the less free we are not to love Him. The same applies to His holy Ohurch and its various prescriptions, the less we know her, the less we love her, and the more perfectly we become acquainted with her admirable teaching and wonderful privileges, the less free we are not to love her and be guided entirely by her, as she herself is by the Holy Ghost. Liberty therefore, is not man's most noble faculty, nor bis most valuable treasure, as many erroneously imagine it. He has two more noble faculties, the understanding and the will. The end of the understanding is truth, and above all God, Who is essential truth, the fountain head of all truths. Wherefore the more we know God, and the mo'e perfect we become. We may know God three ways, naturally, eupernaturally and intuitively. We know Gjd naturally by cre.tion, supernaburally by faith and revelation ; tbe intuitive vision iB tbe privilege of the blesßed inhabitants of paradise. The more we know God supernaturally, the more we are guided by His divine revelation and the Church He has established to explain it to us and the more happy we are, because the more clearly we perceive the truth which ia the beatitude of the understanding. The end of the will is good. The more real, solid and permanent the good is which is proposed to the will, the more in embracing it, it rests happy and contented. If we are guided by God and His infallible Chnrch we shall know without difficulty which i.re the true real, solid goods we must seek for, and, therefore, submission to God and to His Church is the royal road to happiness, even in this world, but the more we submit to God and His Church, the less free we are, therefore it is not true th*t the more free we are the more perfect we become. Man, therefore, is as happy and as perfect as he can be, when his intellect and his will are perfectly united with God. If man freely submits bis intellect aud his will to God he is happy and contented, if, oa the contrary, by an abuse of liberty, he withdraws himself from God, he becomes " ipso facto" wretched and miserable. If man could love God necessarily and always try to please 1 'him irresistibly, as will be the case in heaven, He would be none tbe less perfect, because bis moßt noble faculties would always produce the most perfect astß they are capable of producing, and eujoy thei great* est delight possible for them. Liberty essentially consists' in 'acting; according to reason and faith, and in choosing the best tneafa's 'calculated to promote our happiness aad l^ad us to our destiny,'^jTp^b'e, able to act contrury to the dictates of sound reason or fajth'andJordp, that wbich is culculated to prevent us from reaching our* destiny"/ is not a perfection but a defect ol human liberty. ' Tiae 'angels <atiS saints, who can d > no wroug, are more perfect than' wfe^are.^'Ma^p be.'ug prone to c loose error and to do wrong f a,ny "ras^fctibri, j)r guUUuc-, which may dimmibh in him this proclivity, {o embrace error msc-ad of tru'h, to choose evil in place off goooYia a perfection not & dii.uiiiuti.in <<i l~ia iauvidual liberty. Liberty ia twofold, the

liberty of necessity, and the liberty of enaction. We have the liber iy of necessity, when we are not internally, invincibly, and irresis'ioly necessitated to do a thing, We have toe liberty of co'ac'ion, wh«n externally there is no violence done to influenc the determi ationof our will. Liberty is the faculty to be able to choose aaaong the various good things calculated to promote our happiness »nd enable us to reach our destiny, " Quod liberum arbitrium diversa eligere possit, servato ordine finis, hoc pertinet ad perfectionem libertatis ejus, sed quod eligat aliquando dlvertendo ab ordine fini", qsol est percale, hoc pertinet ad defectum LibertaHs (St Thomas, i, Pars, q, lxii, a, 8) As it is an imperfection of our reason to be fallible, sj it is an imperfection of our will to be able to do wrong. Whence, whenever crtain persons are exposed to use their liberty in doing things which »7oul 1 b 3 dangerous to society or to religion, the State or the Church do no injury to their liberty in preventing them from accomplishing their nefarious designs, or restraining their ability to do wrong. When we put an embankment on the edge of a prec ; pice, we do it with a view to prevent imprudent travellers from falling into it and doing harm to themselves, who woa'd complain that we have no right to do bo, because it would be interfering with their personal liberty ? The same is true in tbe moral, political or supernatural order. Tha less liberty man has for evil, and the more facility and encouragement he has for good, the more free, happy and prosperous he will be. Tnese principles being understood, let us explain practically in what civil, religious and individual liberty consists. BELIGIOTJS LIBERTY. Al! men being alike subjects to God, whatsoever their state or condition may be, are obliged to serve Him as He wants to be served by them, and no one has a light to violate His Law. He nny innocently bn ignorant of it, and, in that case, his want of compliance with it will not be sinful, be jse it will not be wilful ; but no one knowing, or having meaus to know God's Holy Will, can be j istified in acting contrary to it ; he has the power, n t the right, to disobey his Creator, his Sovereign Lord and Master, as we have tbe power, but can never have the right 'o steal, to c mmit murder, to spread poisoi, etr\, for tbe gratification of our criminal passions. God ia the king of our intellect. His science is lLfioite. If He be pleased to reveal anything to us, which we could not easily discover by our natural refßon, the moment we become certain of the fact of tbis Divine Revelation, we are b )und to believe it and give our assent to it. Our liberty, therefore, is finite. It is limited, in the first place, by the law of God. In order to make man understand that he has not absolute freedom of thought, God, from the beginning, revealed fo him certain eupercatural truths, and required his adhesion j to them unier pain of eternal reprobati n, When he gave- His Law to the people of Israel through Moses, on Mount Sinai, He revealed to l.im many truths which had to be believed under pain of death (Deuter xvn, 12 ; xviii, 20). God has always demanded a post ive assent 'o all the truths which be had revealed. He never allowed men ti> inttrpr. t them according to their own private judgment, and He always rejected aod severely punished those who preferred their private interpretation of His revelation to that of His prophets, tbe (Synagogue and His Holy Church. To the end that man may not imagine that he U independent frcm G d and his own absolute master, He always, from the commencemmt of the world, put some restriction uj:on. his liberty by some positive precepts, even in the earthly paradise. Wten He proclaimed His Law on Mount Sinai, Ht determined what food they were to take, on what days and in what manner they were to fast and abstain ; what portion of their property they were allowed to keep for themselves, and what they were to set bpart for the priests and the poor; wnat festivals they were to keep, ard in what manner they were to observe them (Exodus xx, 21). Tne history of our first parents, the flood, the des ruction of the Pentapolis, the plagues of Egypt, the forty years wandering of the Israelites in th 3 wilderness, tbe captivity of Ninive and Babylon show how God, even in this world, punishes those who refusa to obey Him and wish to be guided by their private reason. There is nothing more unscnptnral than the newly-fangled doctrine of private judgment invented by the rtformers of the sixteenth ctntury, to the end that no one might be able to contradict their impious statements and dangerous fictions. Our Blessed Lord declares repeatedly that except we believe what He has said, obey Him and Hia Church, the pillar of truth, which He has established for our guidance, we can never expect to be admit ed into His eternal and heavenly kingdom. "He that believeth not is already jadged " (John iii, 36). "He that believeth not thall be condemned " (Mark xvi, 16). And to show the necessity of compliance with positive Divin« ordinances, He says : — '' If thou wilt enter into life, keep the commandments " (Mat xix, 17). " Fear God and keep His commandmentp, for this is all man " (Eccles xii, 13). We are not permitted to use private judgment and select what we are willing to keep or not to k"t p ''Those things you onght to, ' does our Blessed Lord spy to these f:ee-selec ors in matters of faith and doty, •' but you ought not to leave these others undone. Whosoever shall keep the wh> le law, but cff end in one point, is become guilty of all " (James ii, 10). And how so ? because it is the same God who prescribed the things which

be is willing to observe, aud the one which be refuses, etc., ec , to comply with, and, therefore, he absolutely rejects the supreme authority of God as well as the one wbo violates all bis ordinances, though in degree in his guilt is leap, but, in both case? is an open rebellion bgainst Qod, How can this be reconciled with tbe doctrine of the absolute independence of human reason, and the favourite maxim of private judgment admitted by all Protta'ante? Let them attentively meditate on this advice of Holy Writ : " My Bon, keep My commandments and thou shalt live, and My law a3 the apple of tby eye " (Prov vii, 2) "If anyone love me, says our amiable Saviour, " he will keep My words" (John xiv, 23). We are to keep all the words or ordinances of our Lcrd, not one or two or those that sait us ; they are all the expressions of His Divine Will, and fihould, in like manner, be all equally dear to us. Does not St Peter say : "There Bhall be among you lying teach erp, who will bring in sects of perdition " (II Peter ii, 1). If man were absolutely free, if he were to be guided by his private reason, how could lying teachers and sects of perdition txist? How could they be condemned 1 How could they be found out and avoided? Is not the private judgment of one as good as that of another ? If our opponents were right how could St Paul have said to his disciple Timothy, "That, in tbe last times, some shall depart from the faith, giving heed to spirits of error, and doctrines of devils, speaking lies of hypocrisy, and having their consciences seared "(I Tim iv, 1). Hear again what he adds : " Know this also that in the last days . . .' men shall be lovers of themselves, hauty, proud, blasphemers, lovers of pleasure more than of God ; having an appearance indeed of godliness, but denying the power thereof ; cow these avoid, for of tbis sort are they who resist tht truth, men corrupted in mind, reprobate concerning the faith " (II Tim, iii, 1). How could men resist the truth if everyone were to follow his private reason 1 How could he be condemned for what he declares to be the result of his convictions 1 Why did the Apostle command to avoid a heretic after the first or second admonition? (Titua iii, 10). How could St John have written to the early Christians : " If any man come to you and bring not this doctrine, receive him not" (II John 9), Could anything stronger be said in condemnation of the independence of human reason and the Protestant system of the Bible interpreted by private judgment 1 Now, as no one can have a right to deny what God has said or His lnfallble Church teaches, or violate any of his prescriptions, bo no one has absolute freedom of thought or action. Our liberty, in the first place, ia limited by the law of God and the teaching and regulations of His Holy Church in matters of faith and morals, aa we have explained it, speaking of the infallibility and magisterial authority of the Church. What are we now to understand by social liberty ? SOCIAL LIBERTY. We are made for society. Without society we cannot exist ; but to the end that society may prosper it must be properly organised, a"d g< va ned by wise and equitable laws. Theee laws of society being made for tbe common good, are conecientiously to be kept by all whenever they are not in opposition to the poeitive law of God or the teaching or privileges of His (Jhurch. The reason of these two exceptions i 9 that God being our supreme Lord must be obeyed before, and every legitimate civil ruler being only a representative of God can never h^vo the right to oppose Him, and where there is no power to command there is no obligation to obey. la commanding anything contrary to the divine law civil rulers act without authority and in defiance of the greatest of all authority, and, therefore, their command is null and v<_id, aud to comply with it or heed it would be an act of treason to God. In Buch a case open rebellion is not permitted, but an indignant protest and the firm resolution sooner to die, like the Apostles and martyrs, than to ba unfaithful to God, is tbe only course a Christian has to follow. But you will say : " If that is the case Catholics surrender their conscience and do not think for themselves ; whatever is defined by their Church they lave to admit without examination." In obeying God and His Church in purely spiritual or mixed questions Catholics show great wisdom and prudence, and act according to the dictates of sound reason. They rtspect, obey and love their civil rulers as the representatives of the Divine Majesty, but they love G d above all things and for the Bake of no one will they consent to do anything displeaßing to His Divine Majesty, Is it not man's duty to believe God when he speaks to us and to obey Him when He commands, irrespective of the opposition of His most bitter enemies? Whosoever opposes God or His Church is never to be imitated, and when he presumes to give order contrary to positive revelation reason itself dictates to us that be is not to be obeyed. Qod, being Eternal Truth and Infallible Wisdom, is to be the guide of our fallible reason and of our will ; to think, speak or act in opposition to Gjd'a revelation is most unreasonable, insane and criminal. Therefore Catholics do not abdicate their reason in believing the teaching of the Church which Jesus Christ has set up to teach us His religion and lead us to heavfnly bl 8S ; by so doing they do not sacrifice their conscience, becuase right conscience is that which ia in conformity with God's holy Will made known to us by His relevation and explained to us by His infallible Church. " But, then, may not such a conduct on

the part of Catholics prove a danger to tbe State ?" Never ; Catholics are bound to pray for their civil rulers, even those who persecute them, and to faithfully obey them in all purely temporal m itters. When civil rulers make unjust and criminal laws they are permitted only passive resistence and prayer, They are forbidden to take any other meanl to have tbeir grievances redressed, except such as are perfectly leg as and legitimate. They are to be the most loyal, faithful and devotei patriots ; if some who call themselves Catholics act dfferently they do it in opposition to the teaching of the Church ; tbeir doings are condemned and reprobated by her, and it is most unfair to make her answerable, for tbeir seditious, violent or revolunt^ry conduct Catholics renier te Caear the things that are Caspar's, aod to God tbe things that are God's. Our Blessed Lord Himself commands us to obey oar civil rulers in all that they regulate for the good of the community, provided it be not manifestly contrary to His divine law as we have just explained it. Rat every law or regulation of the State imposes a sacrifice upon us, and is a restriction of our indivdual liberty We must all observe the legitimate laws of the land we live in, under pain of incurring God's displeasure ; whence it is clear that there is no such thing as absolute independent social liberty. The liberty we are all entitled to ia to eojoy all the common privileges granted to loyal citizens, without being molested in our efforts to serve Gjd according to our conscience as] He wants us to serve Him. Our civil as our religions liberty is consequently a limited one. SHOULD NOT THE STATE TOLERATE AND PROTECT A.LL FORMS OP WORSHIP? Is not liberty of conscience a natural right which tbe civil law should recognise and defend 2 Where the Catholic Church is dominant should she not tolerate other creeds that tbe same freedom may be given to her children in places where they form a minority of the population ? Why should the State favour the children of one religion more than another? Tbe Church may rule over individuals and families but never over the State. Civil society Bhould be secularised, and tbe influnce it the Church should not affect public laws and institutions. To these objections we reply : Jesus Christ is God. Ue should rula supremely over Christian society, laws and institutions, which should be framed in harmony with His teaching and the maxims of His Gospel. The best government is that which most encourages virtue and gives more facility to people to lead a holy and Christian life. Tbe most efficacious means to reform evil manners is for those who govera to give their ioferiors the example of every virtue, and to exhibit a great reverence for God, His ministers and all holy things. Tbe working classes naturally imitate those above them ; if they are indifferent, impious or immoral tbe multitude will reproduce their unbelief, indifferent ism and immorality. On the contrary when influential, learned and rich people give the example of every virtue, fear God and honour religion, people are easily persuaded to walk in tt eir footsteps. It is> therefore, false that statesmen should be indifferent in religious matters, and make no difference between one religion and another, truth and error, good and evil, Statesmen being tbe lenders of the people are mora than all others bound to be holy and exemplary in all their words and actions, to defend truth, encourage the good and punish tbe wicked. To say that religion has nothing to do with politics is a misleading and most dangerous maxim. To affirm that all religions are to be put on a footing of equality is to deny that tbe Catholic religion is the only true, that she has a divine origin and contains all truths. To say that private individuals and families could be Cutboicsiif they believed in tbe divinity of the Catholic Church, but that the State should not profess any form of religion, is a most dangerous error. If Jesus Christ is God, as we have shown He is, if His religion is true, statesmen as well as, nay more than, others are bound to obey Him and to protect His Church, instead of trying to rule her and impose their views on its members. Hippy the people whose laws are in harmony with the Gospel of Jesua Christ and the teaching of His Church 1 The mure Christ rules over nations tbe happier they aie. The license to speak and write against revelation, far from being an element of true civilisation, is a fruitful cause of dissentions and a great obstacle to public peace and social progress, When a nation is indifferent to attacks against God and His Church it is on tbe brink of ruin. Then it is that wicked men, by means of the Press and fiery speeches, excite the ipassions of the multitude, make them discontented with tbeir condition, displeased with their superiors, and thus pave the way for the downfall of tbeir country and the misery and oppression of tbe people. Keligion more efftctually than anything else can inspire us with a heroic love for our native land, respect for legitimate laws, and sincere attachment for those who govern us. It alone can prevail upon men to avoid even secret violations of tbe laws which no detective in the world, no matter bow cunning, could rind out, because it alone can make us see ia those in authority tbe representatives of God, and irrespective of their personal merit or disqualifications, reader to them the honour, obedience and support to which tbey are entitled on account of the Divine Majesty they represent. Do away with religion and wicked men, like wild beasts, will tear in pieces all those who oppose tbeir

abominable conduct, and spread deßolation everywhere ; the massacres of Christians in Armenia are a striking proof of this. LIBERTY AND LIBERTINISM. Let ns not mistake libertinism for liberty ; an ultra-liberal is too often, alaß I a libertine in disguise. Do not trust to him, Have nothing to do with him ; he will trample npon your rights and privileges, if, thereby, be thinks he will be able to promote his own interests. According to ultra-liberals, all men are equal ; all have the same rights and the same obligations They want for all tbe right of voting, and maintain that the vote of the mott uneducated man is of as much value as that of the most accomplished scholar or politician, lawyer or doctor ; every industry should be abolished find land equally distributed among all. In 1524, Miiozer Stork, and thousands of peasants, deceived by these pernicious docdoctrines, took up arms, destroyed the castles of the nobility, and seized upon their property, under the plea that tbe early Christians had all thinga in common. In the name of liberty hundreds of thousands of nob'emen, priests and monkp, were massacred in Franc j during the great revolution of the last century. Even to-day, in the name of liberty, religioua communities are persecuted, priests are bound to serve in th« army, and ecclesiastical students to leave the seminary and dwell in a barrack. In Germany, there are 50,000 Socialists. Tbey reckon several millions in America, and are very numerous in Russia and most countries of the world. If you want to know their infamous system, read " Contemporary Socialism," by Winterer ; " Eevelutionary catechism," by Bakounini ; " Belgian liberalism," by Woeete, etc. Ultra-liberals tell us that the State should be the only proprietor, that the State should provide for everyone, and give him as much of everythig as he is able to consume. This theory is a death-blow to industry, ilf a diligent, clever, industrious workman, is to be treated in the same manner as one who is slothful, unskilful and foolish in his ways, seeing his merit is not appreciated, he will soon fold his arms, rest and imitate the slothful and useless workman, and the consequence will be that less work will be done, and what will be done, will not be done so well. When a workman ia rewarded according to his ability, it stimulates his zeal and makes him develop his natural talents ; ha does better and with more courage whatever he undertakes. He is proud to see hia merit recognised, his fortune increasing, and his children more comfortable and better provided for. The equality of professions is impossible, Men are not born with the s*me talents and inclinations. Some have a tas'e for arts, others for sciences, others for farming, others for mechanical works, others for travelling, etc. Even among men of the same professions, there are many inequalities; one is healthy, another is sickly and delicate; one it quick, another ia slow ; one can do as much in one hour than another in a day. How could you establish equality among them when they differ co much from one another in every respect ? DANGERS OF STATOLA.TBY AND SOCIALISM. degrade men and make animols of them, living simply for eating, sleeping, playing and drinking. Do you believe that if the State were the only proprietor, man would make for the State the sacrifice which be makes for bis family and the securing of eternal bliss ? Personal interest, t c love for our relations, tbe desire to please God and obtain heavenly bliss are the principal stimulants of industry and genius ; these give him a wonderful courage and increase his natural talen's by tbe judicial and persevering use he makes of them. Justice does not require equality ameng men ; it requires to give to every one his due in proportion to his merit, bis intellect, and his work. The boasted equality of men may natter tbe multitude, but it is a most mischievious and disastrous paradox ; it makes people discontented with their position, and creates general unrest, Ambition, jealousy, and revolution. New Zealand is swarming with socialistic demagogues. The State already monopolises all public institutions j statolatry is advancing with gigantic stridis ; woe to New Zealanders ! If they do not look out in time, they will find, to tbeir cost, that, notwithstanding its fair promises, the State, when not controlled by religion, is a hard task-master and a cruel slavedriver. L zy, slo'hful people want the State to do everything for them ; were they to be more diligent and industrious and sober and not so much depend on the State, they would fare much better. THE WAB CHY AGAINST CAPITALISTS is most unreasonable. Who employs labour if not capitalists ? How could workmen expect good wages if there is no capital to pay for them? Mercantile communications, factories, mills, etc, are impossible without capital. Without it no undertaking of any magnitude can be carried out. When capital does not circulate, every business is stagnant ; when it is judiciously employed, you have abundance and comfort everywhere. But without religion and the guidance of th» Church, capitalists and labourers will abuse their powtr. Jesus Christ does not proclaim the equality of the poor man with tbe rich. He does not tell the poor to seiza upon the property of the rich and divide it among themselves. No ; but He makes the poor the friend of the rich, by declaring that both rich and poor are children of God, and that whatever the rich does for the poor because of God, will be rewa:ded a', .hu laat day, aa if done to Himself. He tells the

poor to be satufljd with their state, and work for the rich, and be thankful for what they give them. H« tails them also that if they bear (heir poverty as they should, with patience and resignation, in heaven they will be rich, great and powerful for all eternity. He tells the rich He is ibe protector of the poor, and if ih.y are unjustly treattd and oppressed, He will avenge them. He reminds the poor to do their work well, conscientiously and cheerfully, and He thus promotes the interests of both ibe rich snd the poor, and unites them n timately together. Liberalism and socialism, on the contrary, divide the poor and the rich ; maka them bitter enemies, and thua render them both wretched and miserable. CRIES AGAINST THE TITLKS OF THE NOBILITY AND CL^BGT. Why, they say, th»3e titles of Lord, Duke, Marquis, etc. Our reply v ; Honorary 'i'les, immunities and privileges are legitimate when they are they the reward of great services rendered to eocie y < r to religion ; it is worthy of a great nauoa and of tbe Church to honour celebrated heroes, men of great genius, in order to enno')le virtue and learning, and encourage others to sacrifice themselves for the glory of God and of their country. Certain privileges are grant, d to lawyers, military officers, clergymen in many civilise J countries ; thege are quite right and calculated to make people respect religion and public officers, who employ their science, their '(experience and their wisdom for the bentfit of their country and the glory of God ; to honour those in authority is most judicious and appropriate. When people will cease to honoui and respect their civil and religious superiors they will soon conn to despise their commands and rebel against them. " But are not hereditary privileges transmitted from generation to generation a glaring abuse ?" Stability is the strongest pillar of public order ; there can be no stability if power is continually changing hands and bemg removed from one family to another. When certain privileges remain in a family old customs and traditions are easily preserved ; as a rale one who from his infancy knows what he will have to do in after years will be better prepared to do it well than an adventurer One of the reasons of the immense influence, of great religious Orders ia their sabnity and the preservation of ancient trhdnions. DID THE REFOBMATIOV PROMOTE LIBERTY ? To say that the Reformation, in opposing the tyranny of Bom •, has promoted liberty and rendered to society a favour for which it deserves praise and gra'itude of the whole human race is a mockery. The first re ormera were the greatest enemies of individual religious and. sjcial liberty ; they wanted liberty to at ack the Church with impunity, to destroy and plunder monasteries and churches, but they had not, as a rule, a spark of sympathy for thoae who opposed them. Z^vinglius said "that all the crimes c mmitted by men, even murder and parricide, were the result of a divine necessity " (Zwinglius Ep. anno. 1527). Calvin said " that when Sitan excites us to evil he acts hs ihe minister of God, btc uae without the power that God gives him he could not do it " (Ujlvuiuh Comin Epist. ad Rom. is, 18). Luther affirmed that ''if we were to commit fornication and murder a ttiouaand t.mes a day if wb believe in Christ with a strong faith it would not hurt us " (Luther Ep. T. 1). Thus, according to the Fathers of tbe R formation man is not free, since he commits sin through necessity ; the most gr.ev L .ua crimes cannot endanger his s^lv^na, provided he believes in Christ with a strong faith How cia such a horrible djctnue be onducive to liberty and civlisation? Protestantism, in proclaiming the doctrine of private jilgmeat as the sole guide to salvation, has encouraged every error and paved the way f)r modern agnosticism, indiffdrentism aud scepticism ; how could you convince a mau of doing wroDg if he be to follow hi 9 private reason as his sob guide ? What power on eartb can con'rjl him? Protestantism his been the deadly for of liberty, I need not allude to the atrocities of the Ueformers in Kugland, Germany, Holland, Scotland, Ireland ani France ; let us draw aveil over this Bad picture, but let us not, contrary to historical truth represent Protestautiam as the champion of liberty. The present toleration is tbe result of the tnulti jlicit/ of the sects ; they have grown so numerous and so pow rful tbat they h ive to be tolerated, and license be given to everyone to preich any error he pleases, but a bitter feeling of antagonism io the divinely bppointed Churca o' Canst still exists to a gre*r extent because of tbo pnjudices of early education and the oppoettiju of the various minister* who are afraid to sea their impjsture unnnsked and people returning to the Church of tbeir fathers, the Cuuich of the Apostles and martyrs, of the doctors am confessor*, the Holy Catholic Church the great pioceer and supp rter of Christian and civil liberty properly uuderstood. By cbaugiug everything which txisted before them, the Refotmers disturb -d both the C urch and the State, and proved themselvts enemies of libcr'y. But jou will say, '• vVere there not crj inu; abuses before the Eiformaiioj V HaJ the Reformers advoca ed the reform of the abuses that did exist, th»y would deserve, indeed, the gratitude of «li niiiukiQil ; bu r is it by matsic eing thousands upon thousands of innocent monk 0 , mini-, prieets, bishops, and noblemen, a reformation was to be effected 1 A clergytnin, a monk, a bishop, a noblemtn may be had ; hundreds and thousands of bad olergymeu, pnei-ts, monk 9or noblemen would never

be a legitimate reason to abolish the clergy, religions Orders, magistracy or the army. Wicked men, as we observed before, may be denounced, but the venerable institutions of which they are members must be respected. When we speak of monnsticism and the Church we shall see how magntfi 'd and most often unfounded, were the accu-ations against monastic institutions and show that they were tbe great bulwarks of B)cial order and protectors of liberty. To d-stroy is not to reform. TBUE REFORMATION consiß's in making stronger and more perfect that which, in certain respects, is imperfect and defective. Would to God the innovators of the sixteenth century had been actuated wi'h these sound and incontrovertible principles 1 We should not have to lament the utter des'ructions of so many admirable and most useful institutions. A perfict government must be religious; if not checkmated by religious influence, it will degenerate into frightful despotism, and society will be continually oscillating between despotism and anarchy. Where the influence of the Church is not felt and authority established on solid foundations, tbe continual cbaoges of civil rulers and of pr.blic laws are a permanent cause of fear and disquiet. Capitalists are afraid to risk their money, and universal depression, ever increasing taxati n and misery, are the inevitable results of th.it lamentable state of affaire. (3) Let us come now to individual liberty, although we have already alluded to it in what we have stated before. Everyone in this world has a special work to do ; one is a soldier, another a sailor, another a lawyer, a medical man, a scientist a mechanic, an artist, a farmer, a business man, a priest, etc. The prosperity and happiness of Bociety depends upon the manner in which everyone acquits himself of hie several personal duties, whether he bj young or old, master or servant, rich or poor, a religious or a secular. But the personal duties of our state of life are so mioy restrictions upon onr liberty which demand from us at times heroic sacrifices. Absolute personal liberty, therefore, is completely impossible j the only personal liberty we may claim is, besides religious and civil liberty, tbe right not to be molested in tbe conscientious performance of the several obligations of onr state of life. Having explained all those things we are in a position to give an exact and complete definition of liberty. It is the right and faculty to choose among tbe several means calculated to promote onr happiness in this world and in the nex', such as are in harmony with the law of God, the legitimate regulations of the State, and the personal duties of our avocation. The Divine Law, the regulations of the Church, the just laws of the State, and our personal obligations circumscribe our liberty on every side ; should W3 treßpaßß these natural boundaries, we ha?e libertinism instead of liberty. But in order to do our duty to God, to society, and to self, we require courage and fortitude, in order to resist sloth, the false maxims of the world and temptati)a9 of the infernal spirits. Self-sacrifice, therefore, is the f >unia ion of duty, and the inseparable companion of trne liberty. This sel -sacrifice essentially o insists in surrendering to G jd our liberty that He may dispose of us and of all that we have according to H s holy Will and Infinite Wisdom. To die to self and to lne for God alone is the perfection of Christian liberty. Only virtuous men are perfectly free, because, bsing guided by God aod His Church, they always do that which it is their duty and interest to do. H> nee Christian liberty is founded on love and sacrifice ; because we love God, we try to please Him in all things ; for His s.ke we love our fellow-c 'aturee, and are ulways willing to make a sacrifice to oblige them ; we also love our naive land, the place we live in, and are ready to comply with its just laws in order to pre mote Us welfare ; lastly, for the sake of God wo attend to all the duties of our state of life. As Jules Simon admirably observes : — " Tie scie cc of duty is the science of sacrifice ; our doty is to live fur God and for men, and not for self " (Le Devoir by Jules Simon). Men of sacufice alone are good Christian?, good citizens, and useful members if societ} . Men of sacrifice alone are friends of liberty, ai d if spect the righ's of God and of others, as they wish their own rights to be ri sp c cd.