Dublin Notes.

New Zealand Tablet, Volume XXI, Issue 49, 6 April 1894, Page 21

Dublin Notes.

(From contemporaries.)

The residense of Mr John Gairdner, J.P., Lisbeg, county Galway, has been totally destroyed by fire. Lisbeg was one of the largest and most imposing residences in tbe county, aod beautifully situated in the midst of picturesque surroundiogs. It was more of a castle than a house and contained endless suites of reception and bedroomß, all furnished in modern style. Its cost wheu erected 25 years ago was £20,000. I have just seen a letter which helps to show how apt is D'Arcy MGee'a oft-quoted refrain in his (l Salivation to tbe Celts " : — " One in name and in fame Are the sea-divided Gaels." It is from the island of Jersey, where, as in the o.her Channel Islands the inhabitants enjoy Home Bule, but having no representation in the British Parliament are unable to help the Irish cause by their Totes. They manage to do so in other ways, From the letter we learn that a large force of Irishmen in Jersey bad arranged to meet to consider how best they could help the London executive in clearing off the heavy liability incurred in connection with last year's registration. A collection has been determined on, and, in addition, in order to further help the executive with the proceeds, a celebration of the national anniversary is to be held in the largest hall in the island. The following letter from "An Irish nun in England " has appeared in the Irish Catholic:—" Will you allow me, through tbe columns of your valuable paper, to make one request to the Irish clergy who, at home or abroad, leave nothing undone to promote the welfare of the people ; and to Irish parents, to warn off and keep away from the polluted shores of Great Britain the young, simple, innocent girls of Ireland ? They ccme to this country as pure as angels', yet homeless and destitute of friends and money and unacquainted with vice, they easily become the prey of those who are raised above the level of tbe brute creation only through fear of the law of the land. These young girls are then piteously cast aside to want and shame, although their falls may be one per cent to those of other nations, for they still retain too much conscience to do away with the offspring of their guilt. I write from experience, as lam a member of an active Order for nearly 32 years in these couotries, and 1 never fail to impress upon people of other nationalities that things are not as they say amongst the Irish in their own land nor would they be tolerated there." The Most Rev Dr MacCormack ia a pastoral says :— " It ia said that there has been a loosening of the firm old bonds of love and loyalty that kept the Irisb clergy and people together in weal and wee during the ages of trial and persecution A strain there has been, no doubt— but, thaDk God, that strain has not led to sundering. Scenes were enacted, and language used during the general election that brought the blush of shame to every true Irish Catholic at borne and abroad. True it is that hostile newspaper literature, anti-clerical haranguec, and free liquor bars were contributing causes of that disgraceful conduct ; but even these causes could not stir up such a sink of iniquity if its foul elements hid net pre-existed. We refer to this matter now, even at the distance of time, because we had no earlier opportunity of doing so io this form, and because the scandal deserves the reprobation of all times. We exhort the faithful then to keep to the old landmarks of their forefathers, and not to be led away from their allegiance as true and loyal children of the Cburcb, to be respectful to thur pastors and obedient to the laws of our Holy Mother the Church. Tbe reading of bad journals is another souice of danger to which we would call your attention. We beg of our flock not to receive or retain publications gratuitously distributed through the post, publications wbicb propagate heretical opinions and assail Catholic doctrines. We cannot wonder that the anti-Catholic Press of Dublin and Galway have been borrowing from the Diritto tit-biis so much in keeping with their well-known hostility to everything Catholic. We would suggest to our people not to receive such publications, but to return them to the Post Office as contraband parcels. Much of the old joyousness of the Irish has vanished. The old stories and legends are rarely told dow ; politics and trade absorb all the conversation. The croßsxoads are deserted where in the long sum mer evenings the boys and the girls gathered to dance to the fiddle'g never-tiring music. You may still see the girls milking the cows in the crofts morning and night, but you hear no more the plaintive ballad and come-all-ye to make the dhrimin dhu let her milk down easily. To tbe non-politician it seems as if this were due to the allpervading political taint. It appears as if the plan of campaign has banished the " good people," the rise and fall of the butter market put the milking nong out of tune, and discontent made the heart too heavy for the heels to be light. To tbe leis sentimental observer

the signs are of brighter omen. If the people have less of the old gaiety, they are growing steadier. If they are discontented, it is not mere grumbling ehif tlesaness ; they want something higher than they have, and that, with the power of saving money, is what brings men and nations to the top of the tree. Alluding in a recent speech to some arguments of the London Times Mr John Dillon spoke as follows :—" Whenever," said Mr Dillon, '' the people are quiet and there is no agitation, no matter bow great the grievances of the people, no matter how many evictions and how great cruelties are practised on the people, then the Tory news* papers say : ( Oh, they have nothing to complain of. They are not murdering anybody. Everything is quiet. Land agents are not shot, and, therefore, the people are perfectly content.' It is impossible to please these English gentlemen. If yon shoot agents, or if there is a disturbance in the country, they say : < It is a nation of savages ; they mast get no concessions at all.' If the people keep quiet, they say they have nothing to complain of, and, therefore, they most get no concessions. Now, let me tell these gentlemen in London that, were it not that we believe the present Government intends to do justice to the people, they would hear a good deal of agitation in Ireland . Why is Ireland quiet to-day ? Not because of the landlords. I don't think there ever was a year when the landlords were more unreasonable or outrageous in their conduct. We are quiet in Ireland and we are patient in Ireland because we believe that Mr Morley and Mr Gladstone mean to do justice ; because they have pledged their honour and they are doing their best to give Home Bule to Ireland, and to reinstate in their homes the evicted tenants of Ireland ; but if the English Parliament or the House of Lords reject these measures, then there will arise in Ireland an agitation such as the landlords never h*d to face before." In a Pastoral Letter bis Eminence the Cardinal Archbishop of Armagh says:— "l should fail in my duty to those with whose spiritual welfare I am charged, did I not warn them against a danger which appears to ma present and real. Though, through God's blessing, there is still much good to be found among men, still, we may say with St Paul, that the ' Days are evil.' Of all the causes which tend to propagate and intensify this evil, none appears to me more active than indiscriminate and dangerous .reading. There seems to be much self-deception in this matter. Many, relying on their strong faith, their tried virtue, their superior intelligence, their ripe judgement, believe they can read with impunity anything and everything which comes in their way. When there is question of literature of an openly immoral or donbtful tendency they very soon find that tried virtue is very little protection. But literature of this class is not the chief danger, as there are very few indeed, still calling themselves Christians, who would voluntarily and unnecessarily indulge in it. Tbe real danger is in publications which, while preserving an appearance of decency, conceal a secret poison which is insensibly instilled into the mind ; in publications whic^, if they do not openly assail the truths of faith, treat tnem with ridicule or openly ignore them as myths which are not to be reckoned with ; in publications which endeavour to bring religion and its ministers into contempt, to destroy the salutary confidence and mutual sympathy which should exist between the faithful and those who are divinely appointed to instruct, direct, and guide them. Such publications cannot fail to undermine virtue, weaken f&itb, breed contempt for sacred things, shake the hold which religion has on the minds of the people, turn them into scoffers, and, as a consequence, into apostates : for tbe apoitate is ever found next door to the scoffer. Let no one say, whatever be his knowledge, his intelligence, his judgment, that he can habitually give himself to the perusal of such productions without experiencing the pernicious effects which they are calculated to produce." Tbe London Speaker, in an article on " Bilfour and Home Bule,' says : — Does any capable political thinker believe that the Irish people, having seen a bill conferring self-government upon thorn passed through the House of Commons under the auspices of an Imperial Government, will ever be satisfied until at least the experi - ment of autonomy has been tried ; or that a question which has gone so far as this can be stopped moving until it has gone further ? We make bold to say that Mr Balfour, who is educated in the science of politics and who is a man of intellect, believes no such thing. Mr Morley 's present peace is simply an object-lesson of what we may hope for in the future under the due conditions. He enjoys tranquility because he is governing with the consent of the governed. But he does not boast of his state, or say tbe question is settled, because he knows he only holds that consent upon a promissory note, and that until that note is honoured by the establishment of a Constitution in Ireland satisfactory to the wishes of the majority of the Irish people, the future will be as menacing and doubtful as Mr Balfour assured his constituents it was this week. Here is one of the arguments which are bringing Mr Balfour to the position occupied by Lord Bosebery, and which Lord Sosebery predicted would be eventually occupied by both political parties. Lord Bosebery says he is not an enthusiastic Home Buler. The kinsman of Pitt would

naturally be more reluctant to overhaul the terms of Pitt's settlemeut than even Mr Balfonr could be. But Lord Roseberj has inherited •omething of his great kinsman's political insight, aud ha perceives that to-day Pitt's policy— which was the consolidation of the Empire, an Empire much smaller and m)re wielJy in Pitt's day than it ia nofP — cannot be effectuated unless Pill's method is revised. England is now a democracy. Like it or not, there is the stolid fact. And England a democracy will not govern Ireland according to undemocratic methods. You might certainly obtain peace in Ireland for a spell, as Cromwell did, by disfranchising her utterly, and sending over a strong man to rule her as a military co!oay. Bjt now-a-days, to eaggcn the remedy is as practicable as to suggest sinking the country to the boitom of the sea. The Bri'ihh democracy will not only insist on treating Ireland according to democratic principles from choice, but it will have to do so from necessity. Each session sees the congestion of the Imperial Parliament growing more intense, and the demands of the people multiplying. A measure of devolution is almost more necessary for England than it is for Ireland itaelf. We have little retpjct for the intellect which at this hour of the day still refuses admission to the logic of thsse facts.