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THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AND LABOUR.

(From the Irish World.)

THE other day we saw the young Emperor of Germany convening en International Conference at his capital to consider the best way of averting the dangers that threaten the social fabric from the Universal discontent in tbe ranks of labour. It is well known be did this contrary to the wishes of the Iron Chancellor, who had been the virtual master of Germany for almost a generation. Bismarck had a simple and, as he believed, an efficacious way of settling the laoour question. Shoot down the discontented if they undertook to strike. and so terrorise the great masses of working men. That was the Bismarckian method of settling the social problems born of labour's discontent. Recently, in the course of a speech on the strikes in the German mines, he said he would have the miners drilled like soldiers, and have the same regulations applied to them. A striker he would place on the same footing as the mutineer in the army, and have him shot without trial.

This would be a sort of rapid transit method of settling the labour question if it could be safely put in practice. But there is the rub. The youDg Emperor, more clear-sighted than his aged Chancellor, saw that " tbe blood-and-iron policy " would fail if applied to the solution ot the labour question. So does every other person who gives the subject any attention. You can shoot men, not ideas. The discontent that permeates the masses of workingmen has its source in the conviction that they are the victims of injustice. Putting Bismarck's advice into practice would strengthen that conviction, and so intensify the dangers that threaten society. Some other plan more consonant with the spirit of the ninetpenth century must be devised. What shall that plan be ? He would be a quack who would profess that he had discovered a cureall for the many and diversified evils that afflict society. The most that can be done is 1o approach the study of social problems with an open mmd, ready to accept the teachings of experience and make iise'of them in the proper Bpirit.

" If men could only bo induced to follow that admonition contained in the Sermon of the Mount : — " All things, therefore, whatHoever you would that men should do to you, do you also to them "—" — if, we say, this precept were canied out, there would be no labour question to plague the world. Though we cannot expect to see this counsel of our Lord put in practice in uur day and generation, there is no reason why we should not confidently look forward to seeing the relations between employer and employee largely regulated by that mutual regard for each other's interests that is inculcated in the Sermon on the Mount.

The Catholic Chnrch can be confidently counted on as doing: her part In bringing about this better understanding between capital and labour. Viewing the Church simply as au organisation, and laying aside for the moment all consideration of her divine character, ehe is the greatest, the most widespread, and at the same time the most compact organisation the world has ever seen. One need not be a Catholic to recognise the influence she wields in all lands. Men who have at heart the real interests of labour will gladly welcome

tkt assistance in solving the question which oTerahadows all other quefeliooß.'

The interest the Holy Father has taken in it has already borne fruit in the way of stimulating Catholics in different European countries to devote themselves to the study of devising methods of improving the condition of labour. The Congress cf Christian property-holders that assembled ia Paris a few weeks ago was the outcome of the Holy Father's solicitude for those who earn their living by the sweat of their brows. The Congress, which was made up of Catholic capitalists, assembled (or the express purpose of suggesting some plans of alleviating the condition of labour. The spirit that animated it is shown in the following extract from the address it sent to tbe Holy Father :— " Convinced that the general laws of Christian morality apply 10 all times and all places, we believe that the existing forms of property, in spite of every subterfuge now in use, cannot exempt property from the obligations of justice and charity which Divine Providence imposes on it. To give unbounded liberty to capitalists and employers in their relation toward thei workingmen and other citizens, seems to have been the tendency of philosophical and political systems, as contrary to right and reason as to the teaching of the Gospel. These systems, sprang from rationalism and naturalism, were fatally bound to produce hostility and hatred among the social classes." Here we recognise the effect of the teachings of the Catholic Church. The Spouße of Christ has never lost Bigbt of the dignity of man. The Bismarckian method of dealing with workingmen is diametrically opposed to the one she advocates. She believes in justice, not terrorism.

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Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/periodicals/NZT18900704.2.14

Bibliographic details

New Zealand Tablet, Volume XVIII, Issue 10, 4 July 1890, Page 11

Word Count
838

THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AND LABOUR. New Zealand Tablet, Volume XVIII, Issue 10, 4 July 1890, Page 11

THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AND LABOUR. New Zealand Tablet, Volume XVIII, Issue 10, 4 July 1890, Page 11

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