THE IRISH LAND PURCHASE BILL.

New Zealand Tablet, Volume XVII, Issue 50, 4 April 1890, Page 16

THE IRISH LAND PURCHASE BILL.

R. BALFOUR has introduced a Bill into tbe Imperial Legislature to authorise the lending of thirty millions sterling to enable Irish tenant farmers to purchase their farms from the landlords. 'Jen millions have already been lent for the same purpose. It is difficult to say whether this is a wise scheme or not.

All will depend on the provisions of the Bill. Of itself it would, at the first blush, appear to be wise to transfer Irisl* tenants into holders iv fee of their farms ; but

there are difficulties of such a character as render the Bill of doubtful utility to the nation or to the farmers. There can be no doubt, however, that it would be of immense utility to the landlords. Irish Nationalists such as Mr. Davitt, who wields great influence with the masses of Irishmen, are totally opposed to it, on tbe ground that, whilst serving ouly landlordism, it would tend to aggravate rather than lessen the evil it is intended to remedy. But we have seen no reason or argument to sustain this view, and a mere assertion can be answered by an assertion in the opposite direction. Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Parnell have not yet spoken on the subject, and until we see the position and arguments of these able and experienced politicians we must reserve our judgment. No one, particularly no one at this distance from Great Britain and Ireland can form a safe opinion as yet on this momentous question. The circumstances of the case are so numerous, involved, and strange that only one thoroughly acquainted with them and on the spot can wisely deal with them. At first sight, it seems good and wise to change a dependent and rack-rented tenantry into independent yeomen, owning their own farms, and paying by instalments, spread over a long series of years, a reasonable amount of purchase money at easy interest. This is one view of the question, and it seems no answer to say that landlords will be the chief gainers. Landlords have rights which should be respected, and care should be taken to do even them no injustice. But it is said tenants will in some instances be forced to bay at an exorbitant value or figure, and that others may be cajoled into doing so. But this is not inseparable from Mr. Balfour'b scheme. Tenants are fools if they offer too much for their farms, and if th j y do so they are not very deserving of sympathy ; and as to the cajoling, it appears to us that Irish tenants now, at all events, are very well able to take care of themselves. Some say the scheme will result in an aggravation of the evils of landlordism. This we cannot see, nor have we met with any reason sufficient to establish this position, in any of the speeches of the opponents of this purchase scheme, except that it will place an additional'obstacle to the nationalisation of the land. But all this is merely prophecy and groundless speculation. It takes for granted that what has never existed in any land under the sun is the only just and wise thing to be done. This we take leave to doubt, to say the least of the matter. It appears to us that the nationalisation of the land would lead to the exercise of the most crushing oppression of the land interest that ever prevailed. The advocates of this system, however, will say that this is all prophecy. Well, it may be so, but, in the circumstances, one prophecy is as good as another. And in confirmation of our own prophecy, it can be said that the land interest in France, for example, is nearly crushed to the earth, or, indeed, out of the earth, by a land tax, to which rent in the ordinary acceptance of the term would be a mercy . The one-tax theorists would soon place a burden on the shoulders of landowners which could not be borne, and would extinguish agriculturalists and graziers. Mr. Balfour's Bill raises momentous issues, and demands the most careful and patient investigation. These should be approached with absolute freedom from passion and prejudice, and the sincerest desire to do justice and equity to all the members of the State. Another difficulty is the British taxpayer, who may very legitimately object to become security for the thirty or forty millions. Look at the question from what side you will, and all around it, you will meet with enormous difficulties — difficulties so great that it is to be feared the British Parliament, with all its manifold occupations and duties, will be unable to grapple with them. To us it appears that the only wise and, indeed, feasible thing to do is to relegate the question to an Irish legislature. Let the Irish fight out the question amongst themselves. Let them settle it themselves. They are on the spot — they understand the position of the question as no other people do or can, and five millions of shrewd, intellectual, civilised, and Christian men may be depended on to settle their own a flairs in a way that will be at once best, wisest, and most equitable for the country. But the policy of the rampant Tory party in England is to distrust all except themselves, to despise the intellect, experience, and learning of all except such as are found in their own ranks, and regard all besides as either fools, or children, or madmen. The day, however, for such assumption is past, and men will no longer be found to submit to such haughtiness. It seems to some writers that there is no way of making the land of a country subservient to the interest of all its people except by nationalising it. Tiuwo homineni unius libri.

Whererer the Roman Dutch Law and the Code Napoleon prevail the land of the countries in which theße laws govern is made subservient to the interests of all, and if here and throughout the rest of the British Dominions the law of entail were done away with, and no man were allowed to tie up his lands so that only one child should inherit them, and if all children of a man possessed of land were made equal sharers in the right of succession to such lands, periodically, land would come back, as it were, into the common stock, and few, if any, complaints on the score of land would be heard, as is the case in the countries above alladed to. At the present moment a flood of literature is let loose on the land question, and everyone who can string two sentences together thinks himself a born philosopher and land reformer, without understanding either the conditions or limitations of the question. The new theory is like the influenza — taking, and rather fashionable amongst the superficial : and herein lies the danger of the present moment. It is to be hoped that common sense will carry the day, and the blatant and superficial theorists will be made to understand that they have yet a great deal to learn before they are entitled to a hearing on the land question.

Unfortunately la grippe is interfering with the preparations for the concert in the Exhibition of the Dominican nuns' pupils. Brave eff ttts, however, are being made to defeat or elude the enemy, and the chances are that, if not so brilliant as had been expected, the music will atill be quite up to the mark. Allowances will certainly be made for a common affliction. By the way, no doubt owing to the came cause, the attendance of tenors and basses at tha performance of the " Creation " the other night was somewhat thin. To the gallant mind, however, consolation lay in the fact, that the beaches of the lady choristers were much better filled. The possession of a soprano ■voice especially would seem to be a guarantee against the epidemic.

Oob contemporary the Cromwell Argus accuses us, in effect , of introducing religious controversy into aa article we lately published in reference to him. We did nothing of the kind. If our contemporary will consult Webster's Dictionary, for example, he will find that the word "bigotry" does not necessarily refer to religion. Webster gives as a meaning of the word " excessive prejudice," and it was in tbat sense we used it. This, we think, is all we need say concerning the matter.

Mb. Pabnkll has shown a singular absence of vindictiveneas im accepting the sum of £5,00 as damages in his action against the Times. The jury would, had the assessment been remittel to them, have no doubt given a far larger sum, for again aad again the Times repeated the charge, after Mr. Parnell had denied it , and if it had not been for the publication of the forgeries, there would have been no Royal Commission. Had I (Trutii) had to assess the damages, I should have given Mr. Paruell all his coats before the Comm'ssion, with a solatium of £10,000 for his personal annoyance.

Thk Town Hal), Melbourne (says the Sydney Freeman,' s Journal), was crowded in every part on St. Patrick's night, when a celebration in honour of the day was held. His Excellency the Govtrnor and Lady Hopetoun were present, their entrance being greeted by the singing of the National Anthem. His Grace Dr Carr, Archbishop of Melbourne, delivered a lecture on the history of Irish melodies, and the Governor, in proposing a vote of thanks to his Grace, spoke of the address as a highly interesting and most intellectual one. Some comment was made by correspondents in the Press shortly after the arrival of Lord and Lady Hopetoun upon the fact tbat no formal welcome was accorded to them on behalf of the Catholic Church. Dr. Carr, in proposing a vote of thanks to bis Excellency and Lady Hopetouu for their attendance, made an indirect reference to the matter by gracefully welcoming L:>rd and Lady Hopetoun, and stating that do occasion could be more appropriate. Dr. Carr defended the loyalty of Irishmen, and contended that by tradition and custom they were inclined to conservatism rather than to discontent. His Excellency, he averred, would find no citizens more law abiding or more faithful to all their duties than the Irish. Sometimes it was said of Irishmen that they were inclined to discontent, and it was sometimes said tbat they were inclined to be disloyal. In the presence of his Excellency be would answer that imputation in the words of the Irish national poet — " Contempt on the minion who calls you disloyal, If fierce to your foes, to your friends you are true ; But the tribute most higb to the heart tbat is loyal Is the love of a heart that loves liberty too."

A formidable revolutionary movement has broken out amoDg tfee etud'nts of the Russian universities, An attempt has bf en made

to put it down by the use of the knout. The Cznr, however, seems to -despair of harsh means, as, in company with the Czarina, he has personally visited one of the prisons, and ordered the release of prisoners and a remission of sentences. A step that still more betrays his state of mind is the pardon by him of a man who had written him a letter demanding ameliorations in his Government. But vacillation and weakness on his Majesty's part will only make matters woree for him. Ha must either persist in strict repression and coercion, or grant a full measure of reform. Possibly the time has gone by for his doing either, and his days may be numbered.

" Is not pity a little thrown away on Mr. Benzon ? " asks Truth. This most uninteresting gentleman came into a fortune of £250,000. He spent it not wisely. Then he pat his name to a book recounting how be had got lid of it, of which it appears he did not write one line himself. Being a bankrupt, he showed his independence of mind by betaking himself to Monte Carlo instead of condescending to attend the official meeting of his creditors. At Monte Carlo he gambled, and, according to his own showing, provided himself with the means to do so by forging cheques. We are now asked to commiserate him because he it kept in prison, is only allowed to order one meal per diem in excess of the prison food, and weeps copiously. To my thinking, BeDzon deserves a lengthened term of imprisonment far, very far, more than some poor hungry wretch who is sent to pick oakum for stealing a loaf of bread." There seems a good deal of sense in what Truth says. Bat what appears certain is that it is an insult to the public to have this man's escapades and follies made the continual pabject of paragraphs, telegrams, and cable messages, as they now are.

The Berlin Labour Conference seems to make some very wise recommendations. It recommends the establishment of courts of arbitration and periodical international conferences to deal with the subject of labour. The conference also recommends tbat there should be a weekly day of rest for all the operatives, and Sunday is preferred as the day. In cases where continuous production is necessary, the conference considers that there should be a free Sunday every fortnight . It further recommends that differences between mine owaera and colliers should be settled by arbitration, inspection of mines should be improved, children under 12 should not be employed in factories, and women under 21 should not be allowed to work at night or on Sundays. All these recommendations are excellent, and it is to be hoped they will be adopted. To the great disgrace of France, her delegates alone rtf used to vote in favour of Sunday as the day of rest»

Our colonial Rebecca still continues her pranks. The good folks ia Wellington province will not, on any account, pat up with toll gates. Two of these obnoxious constructions, erected on March 27, at Ngauranga, were that night torn down and sent afloat. Tne toll-houses suffered a similar fate. So much for colonial spirit, but what about law and older ?

A bye-elkction for Falkirk Burghs, which took place the other day, has rather a sinister appearance. The Radical candidate was defeated by a majority of 130, a Conservative being elected to replace a Liberal Unionist. The apparently ugly point is that at the general election the majority by which a Gladstonite candidate was defeated was only 20. Perhaps, however, the matter may be capable of satisfactory explanation. la any case, it can hardly be taken as an indication of a change of public opinion in Scotland.

A cablegram tells us that the Piess generally approves of tha Government Land Purchase Bill. The same message, nevertheless , also informs us that the FrceinaiCs Journal considers the effect of the Act would be to inflate the value of Und in Ireland ; that the Pall MM Gazette characterises the measure as " simply abomin. able ;" and that the Daily Nervs thinks ifc will benefit only the landlords. Our natural conclusion is, therefore, that the Conservative Press supports the Government, as we kuew ( they would, but that elsewhere their Bill is condemned. Things, in fact, seem pretty much as we expected them to be.

We perceive that in the neighbourhood of Geraldiae and Temaka a half- fledged philosopher has entered himself as a champion of landnationalisation. We must, however, admire the liberality of the freeholders of the district, who give their support to newspapers advocating that they Bhould be converted into tenants of the crown, paying smart rents for the benefit of the community in general, and that of a bureaucracy in particular. If we see nothing elie to admire, and truly there is little to excite the admiration in presumption and a parade of ignorance, at least let us admire tha generosity of landholders who support newspapers which are nuking an attempt to bring nbout a measure whose benetitß to them as yet seem very doubt* iul, to say the least of it,