THE HOME RULE MEETING AT WANGANUI.

New Zealand Tablet, Volume XVII, Issue 32, 29 November 1889, Page 21

THE HOME RULE MEETING AT WANGANUI.

Seldom in the history of Wanganui has there been a more enthusiastic gathering within the four walls of the Oddfellows' Hall than assembled there last night to listen to the speeches of the Irish delegates — Mr. John Dillon, and Sir T. Esmonde, members of the British House of Commons, and prominent leaders in the Home Bule Party. The audience included visitors from Patea, Hawera, Manaia, Turakina, MartoD, Hunterville, and the districts behind Wanganui, On the stage we noticed, besides the chairman (Dr. Connolly) and the two notables) for whom the meeting was called, -the Hon. Mr. Ballance, M.H.B. ; Mr. G.Hutchison, M.H.Li. ; the Very Keverend Fathers Kirk, aDd Mulvibill (Hawera), Messrs Felix McGuire, T. Hutchison, B. Barton, and J. Morrissey, of Hawera, Mr. McGovern, of Manaia ; Messrs. Cumberland, McDonnell, Lloyd, Kennedy, H. barjeani, McDufll, Bunting, McKenna, Manson, Parker, and many otherß. At a few minutes past 8, the chairman, accompanied by the gentlemen named took their seats, and were greeted with a long con* tinued burst of applause. Dr. Connolly forthwith proceeded to business, and introduced to the audience, Mr. Dillon and Sir T. Esmonde. In taking the position the doctor said that befelt deeply couscious of ihe honour attached to thu post, though he regretted tbat it h.ul not fallen into abler bauds. Hia duties, however, would be light, as he knew that a VVangauui audience loved fair play, andtnat they would give the visitors an attentive hearing. The mission on which they are engaged was on behalf of the evicted tenants of Ireland, a mission of mercy ana chanty for the victims of the landlord. Far be it from him to assume thatthere wdS no good landlords in Ireland he knew of many, but at the same time there were many bad one's and it was because there wero these bad landlords that their visitors were with them that evening. It was not necessary for him to say anything about Mr. Dillon iv introducing him. The name of the author or' the Plan of Campaign, if he never did anything else in his life, would go down to posterity (applause , As to Sir Thomaa Esmonde, with the blood of the illustrious Grattan— orator, statesman «tnd patriot— coursing through his veins, he is a living example that blood will tell. The same remark applied equally to Mr. Dillon ; but he would not trespass further on their time, as they had come to hear the gentlemen named, and not him. He would thoref ore call on Mr. Dillon to address them. The " call " was received with tumultuous applause, loud cheering being continued for some minutes, Mr. Dillon, when a chance of speaking at length occurred, opened bis remarks, in a quiet matter-of-fact kind of way. by saying — ''Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen, — I have no doubt that you have already been informed that both my colleague and myself are very terrible characters, and th it our objec's are of an atrocious description. I know perfectly well and I fell grateful that you have not been so informed Oy the leading newspaper ot this town because we have nceivei fjir play from i,t : ' (applause). It hud bden the practice, said Mr. Dillon, of a certain class and of certain journalists to describe them a3 assassins — this was about the milde3t term uaed. They were termed promotera of outrage and men who were determined to overthrow the Throne of Great Britain, and separate if they could Great Britain from Ireland, with a view to erecting an Irish Republic . llu would ask them to consider a few facts in connection

with these charges. In the first place, whatever their objects were they had succeeded in converting into allies all the beat and most tnuted leaders of the Liberal party in England (applause). And if their object was to separate Ireland from England and set up an Irish Republic, then Lords Spencer and Boseberry, Mr. John Morley, And last, but not least, Mr. Gladstone, were working for the same end. He questioned very much whether, when the matter was put in this light, they would find any man— except very rabid old Irish Tories —who would say that they believed that these statesmen were working for the destruction of the British Empire. Was it not reasonable for them to claim that these men who were at home, lived there, and had taken a leading part in the government of the Empire, would have better Bources of information as to their objects and methods than the local people here who denounced them. Take Lord Spencer, who had been a leading member of every Liberal Government for the last fifteen yearo, and who had been twice the Queens representative in Ireland. On the last occasion on which ho represented Her Majesty he was there for a space of over three years, and during that time was hostile to the Home Rulers. He had in his possession all the sources of information as to their movement, and they are great, which are at the disposal of the executive in Ireland. But at the end of three years — although he went over hostile— he became a convert and is now their warm friend, and he (Mr, Dillon) could say that there is no warmer friend now to the cause of Ireland in Great Britain, no greater well-wisher to the policy of Home Rule than Lord Spencer (applause), They were accused of intimidation and boyootting and various other crimes and iniquities, but would any man get up and say that they had intimidated Lord Spencer. He knew of their proceedings, their methods and objects, and he was not tha man to be either intimidated or coerced ; and yet he had become a convert to their views. A committee of Loyalists, as they call themselves, sat recently in Napier, and there had prepared a most remarkable document in which they undertook to prove that Home Rule was Rome Rule for Ireland. They might have heard the same thing, but if the statement were true bow marvellous must be tbe power of the Irish representatives. Those who are most anxiously working for Home Rule are the non-conformist ministers of England (applause). And if the doctrine and teaching of these Loyalists was to be accepted it would mean that they believed that the majority of the people of Scotland and Wales, and the majority of the people of England are fools, or else they are working fur Rome Rule in Ireland. It was, however, a most extraordinary fact that Mr. Balfour claims — he would not say rightly — on every occasion on which he makes a speech that he haß the Court of Home on his side, and that tbe Home Rulers were opposing the Court of Rome. It was a strange thing, therfore, that Mr. Balfouiywho represents the Tory Government, was now working for Rome Rule in Ireland. If he was to be taken at his own word he was working for Rome Rule, and was continually invoking the aid of the Pope (applaute). He would adviaa the gentlemen who brought this against them to take notice of these facts, and read Mr. Balfour's speeches, and see whether, in the opinion of this coercionist, Home Bule means Rome Rule. Whether he stated the truth or not, he (Mr. Dillon) was not then prepared to enter on just then. Whatever might be the character of the movement, and the proposals they made for the future government of Ireland, he thought he could say that the present Government of Ireland ia an exceedingly bad one, and the results which have sprung from that Government which ia known by the name of Union, have been bad, as bad as have ever arisen from any misgovernment in any country in the world. These gentlemen who call themselves Loyalists or Unionists say they are working for tbe Union of the United Kingdom, and the integrity of the Empire. He said there never had been any true union of the United Kingdom. The Union so far had resulted in the subjection of Ireland after 89 years of trial — which was long enough surely. They had now in force in Ireland a Coercion Bill, which refuses the lr sh people all of those great civil rights which England has won at the poiat of the sword, for which she has opposed Sovereigns, and which have been the pride of Englishmen for generations. They had in force, as the result of the Union, a Bill which takes away from trum every single one of those rights. And which subjects the Irish people to a system bitnilar to that which enslaved the French people under the third Napoleon, And not only that, but they had the deliberate announcement of the Prime Minister that it ia his policy to keep this in force for ever. What does that mean, but that the present Union can only be maintained by tbe abrogationof all civil rights to Irishmen, and the people of Irelandmust be condemned to occupy a subordinate position. They are not to be the equal of Englishmen, and not to have the same privileges. He said as an Irishman, and as representing the party which represented fivesixths of the Irish people, that this is v position which they would never accept in the Empire (loud applause;. They were willing and anxious to be loyal to the Empire, and take their share in its burdens (hear hear), but only on the condition that they had equal rights with Englishmen, Scotchmen, and Welshmen (applause). " And if in the future," said Mr. Dillon, amid the plaudits of his audience, " Irishmen are to have the same pride in, and the same loyality to this great Empire — of which you are citizens as well as I — it can only be, and will only be on the condition that we enjoy the same privileges and rights that you do " (loud applause). He said, therefore, that these men who called themselves Loyalists and Unionists and are working for the maintenance of the present system, which means, according to the Prime Minister himself, a perpetual coercion in Ireland, are in reality only the enemies of the Empire, and enemies to any hope of friendship between tbe English and Irish people. He would draw their attention to some of the evils that have existed in the past under this Bystem. He could tell thtm how the Irisn people have lived lor 89 years under coercion . Ireland had lived under it alrnoac continuously for that time, having only had one period of freedom — from 1835 to 1840. There have been in all 88 Coercion Bills in that time. From 1840 till the present day the Irish people have not been allowed to carry arms. There never yet was a good government in the history of the world that was afraid to put arms iuto the hands of its citizens (applause). It is the Burest test of the goodness of a government whether they allow arms to be used. Wherever a government is good

it is anxious to put arms in the hands of its citizens and teach them how to use them. Are the governments of Australia and New Zealand afraid to arm their Irish citizens ? (No). Not a bit of it, and the foremost to join in the volunteer corps for drill and,, exercise with a view to being ready to defend their country are the Irish citizens. No colonial Minister ia afraid to trust, or would place the slightest distinction between Irish citizens and others. They know well that the foremost men, or among the fore moat to fight for their country would bo the Irish (applause). Then why was it that the Irish citizens are denied the use of arms 1 Becausa the Government were afraid of the use to which they might be put. To use tha words of a great writer, " Conscience doth make cowards of us all," and they know that they have abused their duties, and that the people might not be faithful to th?m. They were aware, no doubt, that one of his chief motives wai te speak on behalf of the Irish teaantry, and explain tha position in which they are now placed, and the movement which they wera endeavouring to conduct for the benefit of these people. They would be told thaj; tbe Irish peasantry were now better off than any tenantry in the world, and that their grievances are now redressed. They would notice this fact, however, that the men who usa this argument arc the men who resisted with all their might every attempt at reform in favour df the Irish tenants. Inch by inch they had fought the Home Rulers. The measures obtained within the last ten years have undoubtedly removed some of the grievances, but these men who now say that the tenantry have nothing more to complain of are the men who fought all those reforms, and resisted them with all their might. Before any land b U was passed at all they always stated that the Irish tenantry had nothing to complain of, and therefore he did not think their word was entitled to much consideration, but that those who had received tbeir confidence were more entitle! to be heard and believed on this subject than thosa who had been always unscrupulous enemies to the Irish people (applause). He would be the last man to deny that the Irish tenantry had not improved their position during the last few years. Bills had been passed wbich were of great benefit to the tenantry, but he would ba able to show that it was absurdly false to sty that all the grievances have been removed and that horrible cruelties cannot be inflicted even now. In order to prove this he would take a few individual cases, because it often happened that by giving particulars of a few individual cases one could give a more vivid impression of what can be done in the country than by making general statements. He took first of all the case if one estate on which the Plan of Campaign is now enforced They had not yet succeeded in setting reasonable settlements for these poor people, and twenty families had been evicted and were now on this fuud. They are now encamped in the vicinity of their farms, and the landlord can get no one to take their farms ; for just as in the great London strike the labourers, by their demons tratkng round the dock gates, prevented other men from taking their work away, they were giving these men some hope of salvation — some hope that they would re-enter their old homes by making this demonstration close to their farms. He would endeavour to give them particulars of this estate, and they could judge for themselves whether they were acting injudiciously and unreasonably in going to the assistance of these people, and whether they were justified ia doing so still till they bring their struggle to a successful issue. Ha quo'ed from a description written by Mr. A. Pease, Membar for York, one of the well-known family of Peaseß, whose testimony ought to be received as unimpeachable. It was not the testimony of an Irishman, or anyone connected with the Land League, but of an English gentleman. Mr. Dillon took first the Clanricarde estate. Soma of the tenants went into the new Land Court, Bet up b> the Act of 1881, to get their rents fixed, and they are all unanimous in declaring that tbe Commissioners did not go on any of the holdings of the estate, except one small piece, and also that the owner of tbe estate, with bis agent, Horsford, drove over with the Commissioners tben, an 1 that only after a champagne lunch provided by the owner. They actually lunched at the house of the landlord while fixing the rent of the tenants. Many of these Commissioners were nothing more nor lets than the broken-down relations of the landlords themselves. This estate was purchased by Mr. Dalmage in 1852, and he would mention some of his actions. The widow Aherne was the first case he would take. Her rent had been £3 10s, and he rose it to £10 — for a holding of five acres, part of which was a road, and the wbole of which was covered with rushes and swamp. Because she could not pay the £10 her house was levelled to the ground, and the ground was now in the occupation of the landlord. The next case was that of a relative of hers, John Aherne, who was paying £2, and had hia rent raised to £6. A larger holder was James Daven, who originally paid £49, which was eventually raised to £110. When the lease dropped in 1870 be was not only obliged to pay £110 a year, but pay a fine of £100 or be evicted. They might tbink it extraordinary that a man should do this, but Mr. Daven said the land had been in possession of his people longer than he could remember — for generation after generation. They had made the land what it wa9, and built a comfortable house without the assistance of the landlord — yet he had either to go away and leave all the improvements to the landlord or else have the rent doubled in order that he might pay the landlord rent for improvements he had himself made. The next case was that of a man named Fitzgerald, whose rent was raised from £32 to £40. There was no lease, and as ha improved the land tbe landlord •• kept following him up with increases of rent." This system was calculated to make people idle and careless of any thought of the morrow, for where was the use of a man putting his industry into the land if he has always to pay incroased rent on his improvements. In every one of these cases the Government valuation, he might say, wag considerably less than half the rent charged by the landlord, and the Government valuation includes the improvements of the tenantshouses, etc., and was, therefore, the full value of the holdings as they stood. Probably three-fourths or five-sixths of the entire value waa the result of the industry of the tenant, which would give them some idea of the extraordinary robbery and outrageous greed of the landlords (applause), The case of Thomas O'Shea would illustrate the extraordinary misery into which the poorer tenants are aunk. He had

two or three acres of bog and paid no rent at all, was, in fact, what they call in Ireland a " squatter." Those who have lived in Ireland knew what this meant, the term had a very different signification to what it had in the colonies. The annual value of this holding was only 6b a year, but Dalmage'a agent did not think it beyond his attention and h6 charged 29s 6d a year. The condition in which Mr. Pease found this family when tLey were under notice to quit was graphically described — he had no doubt they had since been ejected. He found only the children at home, the parents being away working the bng. These six little children were almost naked, and sat shivering over the remains of a peat fire. The eldest was a bright girl of ten. There was no furniture in the house, no windows, no bed or bedding, and when he asked to see what they slept on he found about an inch of straw, on which where the remnants of a sack and an old grey blanket, the last being a present from some English lady. Yet, in such a condition as this the children seemed quite healthy, and one of these was quite stout and chubby. Mr. Pease asked how it was, and the reply was "Oh ! it is Mr. Ddlon's flour which he gets for breakfast every morning " (loud and long-continued applause). The children as long as the Plan of Campaign lasts get flour — they never before got anything but potatoes and the milk from one goat. He would like to know their opinion of the nature of a man who, having found these children in such a condition, acted as he had done. A humane man would have set about bettering their condition, instead of that he put up the rent, and took out a bill of ejectment at a cost of £2 10s. This was a sample of the system against which they had to struggle. No, doubt, some of these people prayed that the Plan of Campaign might last forever, as they are better clad and fed now than ever. From the description he had read them by Mr. Pease they would be abie to understand how the people were being degraded, impoverished, find then scattered to the four winds in a condition which made them scoffed at by people who came from happier countries, and had lived under better conditions. Aadall of these things have taken place since the land act was introduced. These people to the number of 20 or 30 families have been sent from their holdings, and would be starving and have to go to the workbouse but for the fund he and his colleagues were raising. The love of these people is as great as that of the affection of the proudest people of the land, but if they were sent to the workhouse the mother would be separated from the father, and never allowed to see hitr again — kept by herself in one end of the home, and compelled to associate with the scum of the streets — think of it, a decent Irian mother, who never knew the blush of shame in her life sent to associate with the scum of the streets because of the rent being short. It wa3 this — the workhouse — which they dreided more than death (applause). He had seen them crouched together under the shelter of a hedge under some miserable temporary roof they had put up themselves rather than separate and go into the workhouse, which meant to give up all hope for the rest of their lives. But for the Plan these 25 families would be reduced to despair, with no hopj of returning to their homes. This system had sent millions of their people into despair, misery, and paupers' graves, and it was because of this they had commenced the movement, and now supported it. Although great reforms have taken place in Ireland, although this system is happily toppling to its overthrow, and is near destruction, it was not to be expected that in ten years they should have been able to do away with all the evil results that have grown up during two centuries of ill-government. It would have been absurd to have expected it (applause). They began on the Clanricarde estate, on October 14th, 188G, with the Plan of Campaign. They did so for two reasons — first because the people came to them and begged for assistance against Lord Clanricarde — but there wis another reason, and a strong one, the tyranny and oppression of that man. The south-eastern district of G-alway had been unhappily fruitful in cnme3. From 1881 to 1884, hornbletorelate.no less thin nine individuals were murdered in coinection with this estate, aid numberless outrages took place. They saw that these people were anxious to enter on a public combination. Wera they to turn the i backs on tht&e people, and 'cave them to desperate and criminal action, for wherever such things have occurred they would find men who were desperate, and open to the temptation of those who told them to revenge themsslves. They told the people that if they to >k up this cimpaign crime must be stopped in ths district, and the result had been that whereas no fewer ihan nine murders bad tilsen place before November 14th, 188G, since that date no man has ever b en hurt in that district in connection with this dispute (applause). They told these people they would stand by them as long as they followed their advice, but not if there were to be crimes — and crime had disappeared. The estate was one of 3000 acre 3, and inhab t«d by 2000 f imilies, and the history of the dispute was this. At thelime they had op"n vo ing in Galway the landlord practically held a pocket borough lor one of his friends, and any man who dared to vote against his candidate did so at the risk of losing his holding. Borne of the Clannc-irde tenants voted against him in 1873, and these men had their rents raised 25 per cent., and from that day till the Plan of Campaign they had had to pay that extra 25 per cent, for the crime of voting for the man they wanted to get in— a Nationalist. At last the bad times came, and it was impossible for them to pay the rents asked, and they struck. The agent proceeded to evict, and in 1880 the troublous times commenced. Secret societies sprang up, murders took place, and this kind of thing went on till they weit to the estate with ihe Plan of Campain. They considered the cause a just one, and that the tenants only asked for a reasonable reduc ion in their ientp. Clanncarde draws £22,000 a year from theeb:a'e •and lives in lodgings in London, never visited Galway but once, and would not spsnd a shilling od his tenants. He refused .to reduce the rents, but evicted all who did not pay the full rent, and said if they did not pay he would turn the West of Ireland into a desert, if it cost him half a million, — and he bas that to spend, Was it not monstrous that whereas four-fifths of the people of Ireland if they had the power would pass a law which would prevent him from exterminating an industrious people should baveno p' wer.. All parties admit ithat justice is on the side of the tenants, and that,

he hag nct''d unfairly, so much so that even the London Times said " It is plain that Lord Clmricarde hag bahaved with incredible infamy towards th : tc lantry." la apite of all this, 500 British troops had marched out over aad over again to help Lord Clanricarde. Thes? families wera now living in houses he hid had to build, and on ttie funds th >y wen: providing, The struggle was a terrible one, because th^y wu o e.a^iired with a man who had no aoase oE dishonour, and has large funda, Hi (Mr. Dillon) was no" in the least ashamed to say that they were engaged in boycotting thesa empty farms (applause). Lord Clanricirde will not b; able to get any tenantry for these farms till he restores them t) their rightful holders at reasonable rent. The cost of. leaping up this war is, however, heavy, and up to the ores^nt time he had spent through thi3 organisation about £5000. But how much hal it cost Lord Olanricarde? He had received no rent for ,'s} yoais, and his rental was £22,000 a year (laughter), and he had spent a lot on law costs, in fact, he (Mr. Dillon) had to keep a lawyer continually to fight him. He calculuted that at the lowest his logs already in this struggle has been upwards of £70,000. But one result of the Plan of Campaign in that district had been that there is hardly a landlord within fifty miles of his estate with whom they had not been able to make a most favourable settlement for the tenants. Some of them were unwilling to grant the concessions, and would have followed Lord Clanricarde's lead, but that they were not prepared to lose their rents for three years, or spend £70,000, and the consequence of one of these struggles was that relief hal been given in the homes of tens of thousands of Irish families. He ha 1 seen to his amusement that they had been described as selfish agitators, who thought of nothing but their own comfort , but he could assure them that his life had not been so very comfortable for the last three years (laughter). To those gentlemen who thought so ho would say that he would be happy to allow them to do a little campa gn work for the next two years, for a more trying, harassing, an I anxious life he did not think any man could possibly undertake. He had the lives and homes of thousands of people continually depending upon him and his actions, and he never knew the hour when a telegram might bring him news that evicting parties are out, and to have the number increasing day by day and week by week, he could tell them requred courage. He doubted very muc i whether he should have bad the courage to go into it at all had he kno,vn all he knew now three years ago. It was the force of circumstances which dragged them in the present combination. The gieat famine of 1879, when their people were living on charity, when tens of thousands of people were sick, reduced to poverty, waning outside the charitable relief kitchens — it was in that hour tuat they undertook to devise some Bcheme by which this hateful system, this recurring system of famines and charitable aid was continued. They secured the confidence of the people of Ireland. These people looked to them for counsel and for guidance, and whether they were willing or unwilling, it was forced on them as leaders. If these people looked to them tor counsel it was not their right, and it would have beeii a dereliction of duty for them to have refused to counsel them according to the best of their judgement (applause.) During these ten eventful years, all those who had stood with them in tbat great movement, first on the Lind League, and now under the Plan of Campaign, had been obliged to counsel their people and lead them according to the best of their judgement, and he claimed that never in the history of the Empire had a greiter or nobler work been undertaken, which, with so little bloodshed and disturbance, had lifted a whole nation from the position of se.is iuto a position of power and hope Buch as they now occupy. When th^y heard again from those who have always been the enemies of Ireland, and who have endeavoured to perpetuate the evils that exist, opposing them and their methods, they could take it as one of the hi priest testimonies of the success they were achieving. It was to hi expecto i thty would do all they could against them, for they were ''estroying this system of monopoly which had so long existed, and were tuiehing the people of Ireland how to emancipate themselves after Uaving been ridden down by cavalry or shot dowa by grape shot, Tney were called selfish agitators, but he thanked God for the urivile-ge conferred upon them, that for the first time tluugh many of th^e who had goae before, and were far more gifted, had missed it — they h id found out a means and method by which the Irish people shill sh ike from their shoulders that hateful incubus of landlordism which for many generations had pressed them to the earth, but which they had almost now shaken aside for ever, and which, he trubtud, would in a few years be a thing passed for ever. Then for the first time the people of Ireland — for the first time iv two centuries — will ba able to obtain in Old Ireland Again that reward ci. honesty and industry which await the Irish here and in every other ountry in the world, but which, up to the present, had been wanting in their native land. Mr. Dillon, who ha 1 spoken for an hour, resumed his Beat amidst loud and long-continued applause, which broke out again and a<*ain till at length Sir Thomas Ksiuo ule rose, and gave another opportunity for a similar outburst of enthusiasm. Sir Thomas opened bis remarks : " Ladies and geutlcnien— You have been listening to one dynamiter, you all know, adi speia'ely dangerous one. Well, now you are going to listen to ano her." Sir Thomas proceeded in a pleasant and bantering style to allude jit considerable length to their mission and its objects. They were " beggirV but even that term was a treat after having been oallul assassins. Tney would of course be lold that as they were New Zeal in. lcis they had no business to interfere with those old world questions m which they had no interest whatever. There was a seoti >n who ci L- 1 themsQ'Vfw Ixpen ilists, but had the people of New Zealaui f jifeitcl their rights to concern themselves in whatever affects the welfaie of the iiuipire ? It is not so long since the people of these colonies did interfere in an oid world question, assistance was sent to the London dock strikers but no Imperialist raised the question that the colonials had no right to interfere because it was an old world matter (applause). If it was right to give assibtance in the one case, why not in the other, for they were lighting on a larger scale to secure for the Irish worker a proper wage

and to the farmer a fair reward for tho industry he devotes to the cultivation of the soil. Hut as Imperialist they had a right to interfere, for this was no longer merely an Irish question, it is English, Scotch and Welsh just abmuch as Irish. This question of Home Rule had been removed from the category ot vestry or local politics, and to every Liberal in England, Scotland, and Wales it had as much interest as to the most enthusiastic Irishman (applause), He believed thatapoll taken to-moirow would show that ihe majority of the people of England were in favour of it. They saw that Home Rule would not teud to injure the British Empire but rather to strengthen it by drawing the people of England, Scotland, Wal°s, and Ireland Jfjgether in a way they have never been drawn together before. The Irish people now looked with greater sympathy on the people than ever before, and that the feeling is reciprocal is shown by the reception now given to Iri^h speakers no \ in Englanl. They hadnohatrei of the English, and were prepared to maintain the interests that weie common to both, but not to join th»m upon any basis which pretends to signify that Irishmen aro inferior to Englishmen (applause). When the Irish saw that England v.a-> prepared to extend the right hand of fellowship they weiv p-enared at once to forget their old sores atfd differences and look forward to working together in peace and harmony. They were toU tln r Irishmen have no business to object to having their local affairs managed by Englishmen, but they claimed to manage their own local affairs while joining in with England on Imperial matters. .Sir Thomas then explained at ltngth the effect of h Coercion Act, and difference in this respect between New Zealand and Ireland, and also that the statistics went to show that as a fact there was le^s crime in Ireland than elsewhere. The Tory party were fighting against t!<me nule and he did not blame them because they know if it is carritd they would have the English democracy in power, and the iesult might be manhood suffrage, church disestablishment, nfoimof the House of Lords, and one or two other lnconvouieut little lt^me, for the English d 'mociacy will then have time to turn their attention to Home Rue in England (applause). They weie endeavouring to preserve the peace of Ireland and to show the tenant fanners that there is some possibility of support and sympathy from the democracy of England. They had arrived at a stage when they believed that justice would be done to Ireland by the people of England ; and so long as they had their sympathy success is certain in the end, and they meant to carry on to the end, and they believed that if the people of New Zealand would assist them as their brethren m Australia had done before 3 or 4 years are over they would have an Irish Parliament established again on College Green. (Loud encoring and applause followed the close of Sir 'lbomas Esmoude's speech.) The Hon. J. Ballance, M.H.R., was tbe next speaker, and on rising he was received with as much enthusiasm as any of the speakers who had preceded him. His duty was to move a vote of sympathy, which le^d as follows :— " That, wmle warmly thanking Mr. Dillon and Sir Thomas Esnionde for their eloquent ad Iressep, this meeting desires to express i's deep s>mpathy with the people and their leaders in this great struggle now going on m the United Kingdom, to secure the privileges of self-government to Irelaud." (LouJ applause.) Mr. Ballance went on to say that he vvas sure the most timid person in tbe room could not at any period of the proceedings have been under the impression foi a t c/]p moment that thej were about to be dynamited >ome email portion of the community were under the impression that the delegates were coming, if not with actual dynamite, with a kind of moial dynamite, but he would ask whether there was a single expression U'-od to which exception could be taken. lie thought they were all the mire enlightened for having listened to Mr. Dillon's description of nfFuis m liHand than if they ha I not heard them at &11. It took a living witness or a person who had been an actor in these proceedings to ojmvey '■ome idea of the state of affair*. He believed that no nrm would be injured throughout the Empire by the grunting of celi-govt inment to lieland. What the Irish atk for is simply what we have in New Z aland. They would remember how, 50 yearrf ago, the small band of colo- ists then line took the matter up, and msis'ed on (Jonsuutional Govern in. Nt, not to the same extent, hut with the same spirit and determination with which the Irish are now fighting (applause). He e'.iimeJ to be loyal to the British 1 Lrorie and the liritish Empne, but he looked forward to ihe time when it would have greati r and bright i glories than ever in the past, und that greatness and gloiy must be based upon the contentment, peace, and happiness of every portion of the British dominions (appltu-e). They were entitled to ihu.k the rt>j>re.sen ativca who bad spoken that evening for the great mtvics they h.id rendered lieland and humanity. A few shot! yuus ago V c cau^e of Irish patriotism, Irish liberty, and Irish i iglits eeemed to depend on the secret societies, and up till ten years ago it was believed by a gieat majority of the Irish people that then rights would only be obtained by thepe societies. What toe k place wnen tbe agitation was begun h-id been amply proved by Mr. Puinell, Mr. Dillon, and others before the Royal Commibs-ion. Ihe agitation took the power from the secret societies and placed it on a constitutional footing. He maintained in the light of what had t..ken place they had redeemed thcr promisee, and auccoeekd in carrying out their object in a constitutional manner. He bciievcdthe time would not be long before Constitutional Government was given to Ire'ar.d. What were they asking for ? Simply the right to ge>vein themselves. It is said in reply vhat Mi. (Jiwnbi rlnin, Lords Harungtjn and Salisbury will give them the right tluou.'h County Coune lls or small local bodies, Jmt that is not the light of fc f-_;o\erment. So long as the people Jpxre debarred fremi hnvu g thur own Puihament there can be no selfgovernment in lidanel (ipplause). Mr. Gladstone hid seen, so had Mr. l'amell anel Mi. Dillon, thai no provincial county or local government dn potsiblv give the p> ople. their lights unless they have the power of making thur own laws and have their own executive, The ceitial principle of all Parliamentary government is responsible government icst ing on the wnole people, and without that there can be no true liberty, A hundred land bills would fail to satisfy the wants ot the reformers unless the people had control through their own executive. This land problem is

a great one, aad it has not yet boea solved by any British statesman. It la a work of time, and can only be solved by the repeated efforts of a Parliament elected by the people themselves — whether by peasant proprietors, land nationalisation, or by a 1 occupancy law, which he thought they ought to hav>; in New Zealand, providiaj that a man should reside on his land aid cultivate it. It had beea repeatedly PtiMl an Irish Parliament would be something like a DoLiu^btoak I vir. All this was perfect nonsense, even Ulster, be believed, would accpt an [rub. Parliament, and procead to settle their own ques'ionias was done in otlur countries. Half Ulster was Home Rule, anl he believed mother tourth would be inclined to accept it at one?, and the ballaace, ii r : thought — and he spoke as an Ulster man. and kiew t i.jir feeling — vjuld accept the decision of the remainder (loud aDp'auia). Optuioi had changed much thore. in 1782 U'ster was (he entre of th 3 National movement and he believed if trey (ml their ova Parliament to-morrow Ulaer would siy they would make the b>st oL fie positio 1 aad try and legislate for themselves. I'uuic wou'd ho tw ) parties there aa elsewhereLiberal and (J >ns Tvative, an 1 tu»y woull deal with questions aa th >y do in En^l md. I've oitroi of tiu A-mv und N*vy would remain with th ■ Umpire, an i livlan 1 woul 1 occupy a position sonnwnat similar to t'vit of New Z;alinl. The questioa of federation came in heie, and he believe 1 the Kmpire would be federated more closely than now, and that New Z salami would stand side by side with Ireland as numbers of ihe British Empire Why then fhould they not take ,m active position in discussing this qaestion which affects Ihe Empire ? It was their duty to see 'hat no portion of trie Empire is misgoverned or discontente i. Mr. Billanee then weit on to speak of the necessity for providing funds for the Plan of Campaign to provide Dillou tiour (a voice . " Long may he live") to those who us°d it ;md ho appealed to them on humanitarian grounds to aid this fund, and so heip to carry the Plaa to a successful issue. Mr. Ballanc* was loudly cheered on ivsamiag his seat, and Mr. Hutchinto i nceivel a e-imilar ovation when he rose to second the motion. Ho looked on it us a privilege to take part in the demonstration, and he had no doubt that many there would look back in after years with satisfaction and interest to the occasion on which they listened to Mr. Dillon tli3 Irish patriot applause, and his colleague. He did not know whether any at that meeting would require evidence or argument as to the justice of the cause, but it might be that some might come within the influence of the meeting who were yet wavering in their juigment, and whose mindß would be receptive of evidence on this en at question He knew that many people were indifferent on the suhj-ct, and it was to these the address should appeal. This question wa9 not one the colonists could be insensible to, and the c >louifitscan no longer be ignored, as the short and thrilling chapter just clobe I by the docker getting hia tanner amply proved. (applause). Hi trusted that the clouds weie passed away from Ireland, and that her constituti >nal claims being recognised, the union between Ireland, England, Scotland, and these colonies will be more closely cemented (lou 1 applause). The resolution having been carried, Mr. Dillon returned thanks, and in doing so expressed his i hanks to the two members of the district who had assisted them (applause). He made the acquaintance of Mr. Hutchison in London some time ago, and had beeu able to call him his friend since then, and he had to thank him for the warm sympathetic speech he had delivered (ipplause). It the Hon. Mr. Ballance would ptrmit him to criticise his speech, he would say that he listened to it with the most intense interest. It was evident that Mr. Ballance had followed up the turns of this liish question with the gieatest possible care, and it was the speech of a statesman — and 'he bpeeen of an Irish statetmin (loud applause), because there were points touched on in his speech which, had he not known there was Irish bloed m hid veins, would have surprised him coming from a man living in the colonies. He was proul, too, to see one other instance to prove that Irishmen were able to govern people outside their own countiy (a,>plau-e). .Mr. Dillon then proposed a vote of thanka to the clian, and touched a popular chord when he said that, though he had not known the doctor long, he had proved him to be a frieud, a warm-hearten, an enthusiastic hishraan, and a gooi chairmin. Amid morui applau3e the Home Rue meeting thus came to a succLShlul close ai a little alter 10 o'clock.