Current Topics

New Zealand Tablet, Volume XVII, Issue 27, 25 October 1889, Page 1

Current Topics

AT HOME AND ABROAD.

The yictory of labour over capital in England, which is said to be the consequence of the manner in which the strike in the London docks was settled, is not likely to be the precedent by which matters of \i^ "md in Europe generally are arranged. In Germany, for example, a design has been formed for a very different result, and, if it be carried ont, as there are reasons to believe it will be, the working man most more than ever be placed at the mercy of the capitalist. Prince Bismarck, in fact, has drawn oat a Bill making breach of contract on the part of the labourer against his employer heavily penal, and he pledges himself, if the measure become law, to bare its provisions rigorously enforced. The German labourer, therefore, will occupy with respect to the capitalist something of the position occupied by the Irish tenant towards his landlord. Hit necessities will oblige him to accept under the seal of contract any conditions that may be offered to him, and, should he fail in fulfilling impossible obligations, or in the only way open to him seek for an amelioration he will subject himself to severe penalties. Prince Bismarck's short and easy methed of dealing with the difficulty is pretty mucL the Bame as that adopted by the Tory Government in Ireland, and in both cases coercion is what recommends itself to the governing mind. There is nothing, howerer, in this tbat csn be looked upon as inconsistent, the cause of the Iriih tenant and the German labourer being the common cause of the people as opposed to monopoly and the oppression of ascendant classes, and in Ireland and Germany the interests of those who make an unfair and grinding profit of the people being virtually identical. In Ireland, meantime, the people's cause has an advantage, in so much as it has the support of constitutional agitation, and the championship of an important and increasingly powerful Parliamentary party. In Germany it is to be feared that aid must be sought by it in more devious channels, and that Socialism, and secret societies generally* will have a large part to play in the matter. It will be interesting, meantime, to watcli how the respective results will be worked out, in the one case by open resistance and in the other by secret conspiracy. But all, as we have said,— the London or German strikes, and the Irish struggle — are but phases of the contest betweet capital and labour, and the instance in which a victory has been won must at least encourage those who are still engaged in the struggle. If it be not take a as a precedent by the opponents of the people, so much the worse, as the sequel will prove, for them and the cause they fight for.

AN UKBUBPKCTBD ADVOCATE.

The con Torsion of M. de Pressense to the Irish cause, in favour of which he hu recently published a book, is perhaps as strong a proof as the conversion of any man oould give of the justice of the cause. If there is aay body of foreigners in the world who may be snpposed more than another to be prejudiced in favour of Bnglamd, and impressed with the idea that she can do no wrong it is that of the French Protestants to whom M. de Presseose belongs. The French Protestants, from the d iys of the Huguenots, have always been the especial friends and allies of England. It was to her they looked for aid and encouragement when they had the ambition of making themselves the masters of France. It was, in great part, to her they fled for refuge in the hour of their reveres, and when they were banished from their cauntry. In England's treatment of Ireland betides they had a special interest, because a number of their refugees bad taken part in the conquest of the country by William of Orange. In contemporary days also their alliance with the English people has been maintained, and their sympathies with them are kept in vigorous life by religious intercourse. The Pastor Adolphe Moaod, for example, a man of great excellence and a most fervent and sincere Christian, bad probably as many disciples among the Evangelical sects in England at he had in France, and the chtracter of M. de Presiense^ father, a pastor alto of eminent merit, and esteemed the

AH ILL OMB YD MBASVB

intellectual leader of the Protestant Church of hit day, wu also widely appreciated in England. We can, therefore, readily ' iere M. de Pressense when he tella ua that all his prejadioei had boon in faTour of English Government in Ireland. Fortunately, however, the agitation in Ireland attracted also the attention, of Frenchmen. Borne of the Parisian newspapers scat over their speoial reporter! to judge for themselves a* to the truth of the matter and to give their readers an account of what was actually going on. In one c- two instances, as we know, the foreign visitors fell into adverse hands, and the narratives and views they placed before their fellow country* men were painted in the anti-Irish colours in which they had been influenced by false guides to look at Irish affairs. Others, however, were less capable of being deceived and made use of their own eyes, and exercised their own judgments, and consequently the truth was placed in aach a degree before the people of France that their attention was fully awakened. It wai thus that M. de Pressense was induced to undertake the study of the subject that has resulted in his producing a very able book in support of the Irish cause. But to M. de Pressense's arguments must be added, as we have said, the con* sideration that they are those of a mm, the traditions of whose people as well as. their actual associations had prejudiced them strongly against the cause now advocated, who cannot be suspected of being influenced by any personal motive, who has not been biassed by the example of any leader, as is sometimes objected against the followers of Mr. Gladstone, but who has been converted by a calm and disiuteretted stud?, made in cold blood, and directly inquiring into the merits of the case. This is an example that no fair-minded man can under-value. The reputation of the writer, »s well as his book, speaks for bis capacity of forming a right judgment, and all the other circumstances connected with him, as we have seen, vouch for his impartiality.

▲ MISCHIEVOUS ANNIYBBSAnr.

The celebration of the anniversary of Sedan, madet as usual, at Berlin, on September Ist, haa bean the occasion of comment and speculation as to th« endurance cf peace. One important German newa* paper, for example, expresses astonishment that peace has been so long maintained, but seems to thialc the benefit so gained of doubtful advantage. Tha cost of an armed peace, such as that which the state of things between France and Germany has imposed upon Earope it complains of as enormous— the implication being that even a war that should result in removing tbe burden might possibly be preferable. The annual celebration referred to, meantime, if not calculated to lead directly to war, can at least do little towards bring*. ing about peace on better terms tbau those which are complained of It is an ever recurring insult and rubbing up of old tores whose effect! must necessarily be irritating. Berlin is too near Paris to prevent the echoes of her rejoicing from being heard by the sensitive ears of that city. Berlin rejoices, but Paris, and with her all France, is angered and humiliated, and driven on thoughts of revenge. Every year while the Germans fight their battle over again, the French are once more defeated, and great glorifications in Berlin— & display of fireworks and an oration by the famous Herr Btoscker, art accompanied in France with gaashiag of teacu, an 1 a renewing of the thirst for vengeince. 01 what g.»od, therefore, is all this, or how long is it to last ? Why did it n»t com 3 to an end with the life of the Emperor William I. His exaltation to the Imperial throne, and the unification under him of Germany were certainly due to the victory gained at Sedan, and some preteacd might have been made during his lifetime of a fitness for thus celebration, While the Duke of Wellington lived, for instance, some commemoration was annually made of the battle of Waterloo ; but at his death it ceased. Or are we to wait until Moltke and Bismarck, who also had a principal part in the victory in question, have passed away T But is it not a high price to pay for honouring these veterans, that such a renewal of bitterness, with all it entails, should every year be made ? It is hard to explain, again, why Herr Stoecker, the Court chaplain, has been chosen to deliver this oration. The Emperor William 11., we are told, is a religious man, but, let as hope he does not, as others did who lived and ruled before his time, count himself a soldier of the Lord to avenge and govern by the sword. When rigid Evangelicalism, bow«

ever, and martial qualities go band in hand,it is difficult to predict as, to what the issue may be. But, if thankfulness to Almighty God be an expression" that may justly call for the word of the preacher oharity towards the neighbour should no less exercise a control over Ma tongue. And God, who is a God of peace, will be little pleased w|th demonstrations of thankfulness that are the necessary cause t« the neighbour ol rage and indignation, and revengeful bitterness. This annual celebration of the victory at Sadan. therefore, is on many points deserving of condemnation— and, while in particular it insults and incenses France, it tends to the injury of Europe generally by still aiding towards the necessity that the peace preserved shouid be an armed peace only.

Truth has discovered an advertisement in the LonA MONfiTKB I don newspapers which fills him with horror and indignation. Here it is, and we admit it sounds portentous :— « To Parents.— Unruly girls and boys of any age visited and punished at their homos by a thorough disciplinarian accustomed to administer corporal pnaißhment. All bad habits cured by one or two attendances. Fee, 5s for two visits. Write, Birch, May's Advertising Offices, 164, Picadilly." Truth gives us to understand that " Birch " must necessarily be a monster, but reserves a still more severe decision far thejparents who employ;him.— We conclude that 11 Birch " is a he, though the mention of girls in the advertisement makes the matter doubtful. And was not Mrs, Squeers able for a whole school of boys ? But Jet us give the fair sex the benefit of the doubt. In this instance, the Radicalism of Truth evidently approaches that of Mr. Midshipman Easy's father, whose consideration for the rights of boyhood is on enduring record. At the date however, at which Truth wrote, more recent events had not occurred^ and read in the light of the school boys' strikes, a lurid corruscation struck from the superior flint of the nineteenth century, the advertisement of " Birch " should take a different signification. One of three things is certain. The demand of the schoolboys in their strike was justified, or scholastic discipline or home training is Badly defective. In the third case, so far from being condemned, the office of " Birch " should be regarded as a very useful and a very honourable one, and " Birch," himself must be hailed as a possible saviour of society.

•00 MUCH BOOM

Captain J. B. Sh abkley, Jan ingenious Yankee, . who is employed as a measurer of vessels in the Boston Custom House, baa applied himself, as a relaxation, we conclude, in an interval free from the measurement of vessels, to a calculation bb to the size of the New Jerusalem, aaing his calculation on the details given in the Apocalypse, the Captain's conclusions are that, for an infinitely greater number of people taken altogether than the world in all its couise ever has produced or ever will have produced fromjits beginning to its end, there would be more than 100 rooms 16ft square for each and every person. But taking into account other calculations found elsewhere, what a picture of a deserted city have we here. The vision o£ celestial apartments to let, so conjured up before ua, in [snort, is overwhelming enough to be recognised as the distinguishing work of the ingenious Yankee, and of bim alone.

AN IRISH CATHOLIC UJSIVEBBIXY,

The question as to the establishment of a Catholic University in Ireland was raised in Parliament on August 28th by Mr. Sexton. The Don. Member made a very powerful 6peecb, ia which he pointed out the unfairness of the present system by which the Episcopal Protestants, to all intents and purposes, possess, in Trinity College, Dublin, a university and a richly-endowed college of their own, whi.e the stHdents at the Queen's Colleges, also richly endowed, have the advantage of being examined at the examinations of the Royal University by their own Professors, who, are, besides, their teachers. Mr. Sexton, nevertheless, claimed, and proved his claim, that the Queen's Colleges at Galway and Cork had been failures, and that, of the three established, Belfast College alone had been successful. He proved, moreover, by quoting the returns of the examinations of the Boyal University that the Catholic Colleges at Dublin and Black Rock, without a penny of endowment or any other advantage, bad thoroughly beaten the Galway and Cork Colleges, both in the general course, and, notably, in the medical school. Mr. Sexton boldly threw down the gauntlet on behalf of tbe Catholics of Ireland, and declared that they were ready and able for any competition that could possibly arise. Mr. Balfour, in replying, was understood as promising to bring in a Bill for the purpose desired. It seems to us, however, that be left himself a loophole for the withdrawal, which, if the cable has spoken the truth, he subsequently made. He spoke of the regret he felt that the Catholic clergy in Ireland bad not accepted for their people the provision made fcr them in the Queen's Colleges and Dublin University. He, however, recognised the fact that so it was, and that the experiment of undenominational education in Ireland had been sufficiently tried to make it clear that Parliament could not in this way meet the wishes of the Irlih people. He, therefore, admitted that they ought to make

QUITE CONSISTENT.

match, with a prize of tw« pounds of tea for the lady who pat away a cup of tea ia the shortest time, and a bottle of brandy for the second. I know that we are expected to sacrifice a great deal for the sake of the Union, but when it comes to setting old women drinking tea against one another for bottles of brandy, I think the time has come for a protest in the name of public decency . I wonder that the Tories have not more respect for their old women At any rate, if we must have degrading exhibitions of this kind to keep Unionist fetes going, let a public tea-fizht be arranged between some of the ruling dames of the Primrose League." But does not Truth recognise the palpable fact that there are old women and old women? These tea-fighting dames were women of the masses. And »h»t is the end of Unionism but the continued degradation and brutalisation of the masses for the benefit of the classes 1 This degrading match, therefore, was quite consistent with the principles of the party by whom it was planned and carried out. If, under the circumstances, old women of the people belong to the Tories, provided they can help themselves, they deserve the brutal usages to which they may be put.

some attempt to carry ont a scheme of higher education which should satisfy all the legitimate aspirations on that point of the Catholic population. He added that he entertained no donbt rach a coarse would be taken, and, afterwards, that the only possible way of dealijg with the matter would be by the introduction of a Bill. Bat ft good deal necessarily depended on what Mr. Balfour understood by the legitimate aspirations of the Catholic population— and, if the cablegram to which we hare referred was true, we shall probably find that his interpretation of the expression was a safe one for his party. Mr. Balfout'a implied promise, meantime, was variously received. Mr. Parnell, acting, as he asserted, in consistency with bis babit of assisting any Government in doing anything, according to their lights, for the amelioration of oppressed interests in Ireland, expressed himself gratified at the promise. Mr. Davitt, on the contrary, denounced it as made by men from whom no concession could be honourably accepted, and as tending to divert the advocates of Home Bole from their single end. The Radicals, again, were alarmed and indignant. Dr. Wallace, Member for Edinburgh, protested against the proposal, as being one made for the repeal of the Act, passed twenty years ago, for the disestablishment of religion in Ireland, alluding to the disestablishment there of the Church of England. But, at the same time, he declared that his party would be all the more ardent for Home Rule as saving Great Britain from what he called the " political poison " derived from the edacatiooal difficulties in Ireland. The chief objection of the Radicals, nevertheless, is said to be one arising from the provision of the money— which they are unwilling to see made, as they believe it must be, by Great 3ritain, and, so long as an Irish Parliament provides from Irish resources for the matter, they are considered willing to give a free consent. Some of their newspapers, indeed, while expressing their dislike of denominational education in any shape, admit that, since the desire of the Irish people is for it, it should be conceded to them. The Orangemen of Ulster, Dublin, and those English towns in which they exist, as well as all ultraProtestantism, meantime, are raging, and, according to their custom, denouncing fierce vengeance. This, perhaps, has cowed the Tories, and forced Mr. Balfour to make the withdrawal of which we have been told. Bat, as Mr. Parnell, in an interview with a representative of the Freeman's Journal, said. •• The impending creation of an Irish legislature makes the settlement of this and several other questions less urgent than it was." If the endowment, therefore, of a Catholic university remains" for an Irish Parliament to grant, the Catholics of Ireland may possess their souls in patience ; it will not be long delayed,—" If the Imperial Parliament," added Mr. Parnell, " chooses to endow a Catholic University, it will be so much the better, as, of course, when we have Home Rule the endowment will remain an Irish endowment." — It will be well, aho, if there is even one good thing left ia Ireland to perpetuate the memory of the last Tory Government that bad ever mismanaged and oppressed the country • Existing, besides, in presence ot Hume Rnle, which it was intended to thwart and prevent, it would be a noble monument of the failure of a gift of the Greeks.

BEKBY GENERO3IT

reason, however, why we should take an unfair advantage of a moment of exaltation in our contemporary. Thera are a number of corner boys quite within call of our own office also, and surely, if we were to go in for anything of the kind, it would be worth our while, even at the cost of a nobbier or two, to obtain an original production. With all the thanks it merits, therefore, we beg leave to decline this generous offer.

" Civis," in the Otago Witness, who appears to be generous in his cups, offers us an effusion produced by him this week in " Passing Notes." There is no

" At a Unionist Fete at Walthamstow last week (says Truth of September 5), one of the most attractive items on tha programme was a tea-drinking