MR. JOHN DILLON AT ORANGE, N. S. W.

New Zealand Tablet, Volume XVII, Issue 8, 14 June 1889, Page 25

MR. JOHN DILLON AT ORANGE, N. S. W.

Mb. Dillon arrived at Orange on Wednesday, May 22, where he was given a splendid reception. On the following Friday, he addressed an enthusiastic meeting. Mr. Dillon said:— l am very glad to have this opportunity of thanking the citizens of Orange for the praiseworthiness with which they have adhered to the National cause, and for maintaining the National League here for so many years and so far away from the Old Country. Many of you, no doubt, have read recently the report of a meeting|in Sydney, held on Monday last by certain individuals who called themselves Loyalists. Well, these gentlemen were perfectly entitled to bold their meeting, just as well as we were entitled to hold ours, and, I may say for my part, I am exceedingly glad that they thought it right in their wisdom to hold the meating, because it will give the people in these colonies a very instructive sample of the character of those who really govern Ireland at the present moment. If I were in want (as lam not) of an argument to support the cause of Home Bule for Ireland, I need only invite the attention of reasonable men of any nationality to the utterances of the speakers at the Loyalists' meeting, and I should like to know if they would meekly submit to be governed by su3h men. The geDtlemen proposed at that meeting to speak the voice of the citizens of Australia in contradistinction to the voice of the great meeting which I addressed in Sydney; and it is a remarkable fact that not one of those who took part in ttie so-called Loyalists' meeting was Australianborn, aud I doubt whether any Australian-born were on the platform (cheers). They were the true specimens of the worst class of bigotted North of Ireland men — exported to this country to the great benefit of Irishmen (laughter), and I am afraid to the considerable detriment of this colony (renewed laughter). Ot tnis class we are perfectly willing to let you have as many as you like (laughter and applause). I would ask you to notice, because it is worth noticing, the character of the men who appeared on the Loyalist platform, and the language made use of on that platform, and compire it with the language made use ot on our platform and by the men who attended our meeting. On our platform were side by side Scotchmen and Englishmen, Catholic and Protestant, Au^tralu»n natives and Irishmen, all bound together in sympathy, and in common cause ('cheers,;, and on the pi it forms ot our meetings from the outset to the present hour not one word has been spoken by any individual to sow dissension in the ranks of Australian citizens, or give offence to any law-abiding man (applause). But what do we see when we turn to the meeting of protest. We see, in the first place, that the platform is occupied by gentlemen of one religion only (near, hear). We also see that no Australian natives are to be found standing upon that platform, and we also see that instead of Englishmen and Scotchmen attending, that they have to fall b^ck on the most bigoted specimens of North of Ireland men (applause). When we come and examine the language used and compare it with that used on our platform, you find in the Loyalists' utterances an importation of sectarian strite, and an attempt is made to stir up in this new country the old hatreds between Catholic and Protestant (cheers). So you can see the programme and policy of these gentlemen is that in Ireland and Australia it should be impossible in the future that members of different religions should live together without abusing one another (shame). Now, my friends, if you want to know what the real trouble is in Ireland, my answer might almost rest here. Our country is governed by a class of men much resembling those whoreceatly occupied the so-called Loyalists'platform in Sydney. Nominally, we are governed by the British Parliament at Westminster, but those who come over to govern Ireland know nothing of the condition of the country, and they are obliged to guide their policy entirely on the advice and counsel of the Orange faction in Dublin Castle, whose spirit is reflected in the meeting in Sydney, and whose policy is to subject the majority of the Izish people to slavery, whilst a small faction are kept in the position of power and supremacy (applause). This is one of out difficulties in Ireland, and I am exceedingly glad that these gentlemen did not adopt what would be for them the wise policy of silence, and not veniilate their secLtarian feelings before the people of New South Wales, and expose tbeir schemes and their spirit of sectarianism (applause). When I came to the conclusion of that meeting, and read the following resolution, " That this meeting hereby resolves to maintain intact the integrity of the British Empire," I confess I could not help bursting out laughing. May the Lord have mercy on the Empire that it should ever come to such a pass that it would have to depend for its integrity

on the Orangemen of Sydney (laughter). Now, it has been asked by many men living in Australia, and by some of our enemies, what is the necessity for our asking assistance. For strangers not acquainted with the history of Ireland, it is not an unnatural question. It bat been asked why the people of Ireland, in carrying on their agitation, seek the assistance of the Irish in foreign countries. It is not necessary tor me to answer the question, for any Irishman fully acquainted with the history of his country ; Irishmen who have studied the history of their country know well why we are at times driven to seek aid in distant countries, and how and why they are always willing to give it (applause). While on this subject, I would like to say a few words, and strive to explain to those who are not familiar with the recent events in Ireland, why it is that the Irish political leaders hare been driven to seek for aid in distant countries, and that our movement, to a gre it extent, depends for its success on that aid. The Irish people, as you are all aware, are a poor people. Many know the reasons why they are poor, and our whole ground work for justification in carrying on this movement, as will be seen by any one who closely studies Irish history, is to be found in the national poverty and misery which are the outcome of th 6 mis-government we have been subjected to in the past. If we can remove this, as we have been striving to do, and secure institutions which, in Australia and America, and wherever they have been tried, have always been the foundations of prosperity, Ireland, with her fertile soil, her natural advantages for commerce and endless resources properly developed, should be one of the most prosperous countries in the world (applause). That is the foundation of our whole policy, and it is the justification of our whole movement. We maintain that the cause of the poverty of Ireland is owing to the bad Governments to which the people have bjeu subjected. That is admitted now by both our friends and enemies. Since we commenced this movement, we have been subjected to a system of persecution which is without parallel in the history of the whole civilised world. You must remember that that atrocious system is carried on against a people already impoverished. I shall give you an idea of what that is. It will be impossible for me to go into all the details, bat I will illustrate those persecutions by mentioning a few striking cases. The speaker then referred to the imposition of the notoiious "blood tax " for crimes committed in a district or town for which the people were in no way responsible. This tax was levied, and large sums squeezed out of poor people to compensate the families of men ia the p&y of the Government who had been killed or disabled during conflicts and disturbances invariably provoked by themselves. In the case of the late Inspector Martin, £5000 was to be levied for his widow in the Donegal district, which is known to be in the deepest poverty, and £1000 for a policeman who was injured. The speaker, by way of comparison, showed how little notice was taken of the atrocities committed by the police and soldiery, and how the channels of justice were corrupted when in several cases of murder these ruffians were placed on their trial. Is it surprising (Mr. Dillon continued), is it wonderful, with such unlimited power m the hands of our enemies that we are compelled to go abioad and ask f>r assistance? Now I have explained to you some of the methods used against us for the purpose of impoverishing our people, and it would take me too long to go into th 3 details of these persecutions. During these last years 2000 of the most ac.ive Nationalists have been arrested and sent to hard labour under t ie Crimes Act for no offence whatever in our view. Many of them are men of very moderate m -ans, with families depending upon them. Sometimes tamers are taken away from their work in spring time, and they are persecuted ami imprisoned and subjected to the meanest persecutions while in prison. Then we have to meet the great case of the Times, which was institute 1 a/ainst us for various objects, and one of the objects was to attemp' to crush our organisation and ruin our movement by the costs they would pile upon us. The people of Ireland and elsewhere, to the. r credit be it said, have come to our rescue and supplied us .vith sufficient funds to carry on the great cause (applause). Ireland subsciibed £27,00J, and though the results are worth ten times that sum, it h a great drain o-i a poor people (applause). Now we have in Ireland a system of police rule. I should have said police persecution, that is, 1 believe, without parallel in the history of the world. There is no country in the world where there is such a large number of police to the population as in Ireland. In Ireland there is one policeman to every 250 people, and they cost 7s 6d per heal to the population, whereas in England they cost Is 6d or 2s. In England there is only one policeman to every 12,000. Now, what is the reason that so many are required ? It is this : They spend most of their time striving to collect exorbitant rents which are the cause of the impoverishments of the country. Let me point out some of the duties of the police. They patrol the roads in many parts of the country night and day. They watch the railway stations in Ireland, and take notes of every remarkable person passing. Recently they have adopted a new system, and it is this : When a man is in active opposition to the Government, or when lie is known to be in any way identified with the national cause, they watch him from the time he gets up in the morning until he retires to bed at night (applause). Not only that, but they watch his houss at night, and they send to Dublin Castie the names of any persons he has spoken to. Now is rot that a nice pass to which the police is brought in Ireland ? It is not to be woniered that the expenses of the police force which are thrown upon the poor piople are enormous, llere in New South Wales, if you had to be watched in such a manner, if you had such a system of police espionage, it would cause a considerable increase in the police force. We are not allowed to hold a single meeting without a large number of police standing by, and lilthoug 1 ! meetings have been held for the last ten years, since I first took part in politics, there has bean no disturbance except where the police delibeiately got into a conflict with the people. Still the police to this day come to the Nationalists' gatherings, and they stand by watching us. Tne result oE that is this : They are ready at the least provocation — and it so happens at times where a large crowd collect, it is not easy for the organisers or directors when there is a disorderly or drunken person in the crowd to restrain him — and the consequence is that we are always exposed to the danger that some

disorderly or drunken man over whom we have no responsibility may precipitate a collision which may end in the loss of life. We have over and ovar again remonstrated with the authorities with reference to the absurdity of bringing those into contact with the people Still they will persist in doing it, and no reason can be assigned except the desire to intimidate and cow the Irish people by keeping before their eyes the glimmer of the bayonet and to show them that there is always a force in leserve wh-cb. won't allow them to shake off the yoke of landlordism. I may mention that a number of times the "#fTaftmg of the police t« public mept'ngs resulted in collisions with the people. Hardly a fortnight passes in Ireland in which the police do not charge the people for some paltry excuse or another, consequently many people are seriously injured, aad in all those cases it has been imposFible for ns to get a fair or impartial inquiry into tbe conduct of £he police. The Government would not inquire into the conduct of the police no matter how they act. We have also in Ireland spies, which is a part of the police Bystem, and which is intolerable and odious. Ireland is covered over with spies who have been imported into the country, and some of they are of such degraded Characters that it is surprising how any Government in the world have deciced to keep them in their employment. I will give you the history of one case. Alany of you will remember in the county Clare of reading what was known as the moonlight outrage ion Sexton's house. Now it turned out at the investigation that the police had in their employ a spy of the name of Cullinane, a man of notoriously criminal reputation, and an-oft convicted scoundrel who was the chief organiser of the attack on the house. When Cullinane, the police spy, organised the attack, he came to the police a wees before it took place. Well, the sergeant of the police, i. man named Whelan gave Cullinane a half-sovereign and sent him (Cullinane) off to conduct the attack, and that he (Sergeant Whelau) would go at the head of twelve police into Sexton's houss to capture the moonlighters I think that was a most atrocious thing to do. He .and Gullinane were tbe chitf agents in organising the at tick. Well, what happened The Dight came and Whelan, the sergeant, and ten police went into Sexton's houte. When the hour came Cullinane approached the house at the head of seven or eight moonlighters Cullinane knocked at the door, demanded it to be opened, and after it was he slipped aside into the inner room and left the other moonlighters grappling with the police. There was a fearful stiuggle outside in tbe yard, in the course of which Whelan was killed ana the others were injured. The police captured some of the moonlignters and the others escaped. WheJan was reaponsiole for tha whole busiuess. That is not tne' point I wish to dwell so much upon as this : That here the Government had one in the employment of tbe police, and he had been in tneir employment for upwards of s*ven years, and he had been uot only actually paid by them but told off to commit an outrage. When the trial came on Cullinane was brought forward to give evidence against the moonlighters. I know of no such parallel in any country in tbe world. We don't know how much Cullinane was paid for his services. In this case the light of day was let in, and we can only suspect what an immense number of Cullinanes are wandering about Ireland, urging ( n those who are driven to desperation by injustice to Bimilar crimes. lam convinced from my own experience of Irish affairs tbat many of the crimes committed may be traced to this causa. It is to the interest of the Irish landlords and tbe Orange Government in the Castle that the Irish paople should commit outrages, and when we see such transactions, when we see that the police don't hesitate to use tools like Cullinane, I say it is perfectly legitimate for us to suppose that many of the ciimes are committed by the police, to serve tbe Government which cannot exist without coercion. Now thobe are some of the difficulties that we have to contend with in Ireland. The speaker then gave some striking instances of the working of the Coeicion Act in Ireland in re 'aro. to liberty of speech, makmg special allusion to the arrest and the imprisonment of Father Kennedy. Now jast imagine the coolness and audacity of the man that com u s out here and says that we iv Ireland have the same liberty as the people of England or Australia in the face of such facts, TLe lesult of this continual strain on our people leaves the Tory Government in tha hopes tnat our movement will collapse before we have a general election. It is in this that the Tory Government will place all their trust. Now we know perfectly well, and they know it wtll, that the movement for Irish freedom is in a position of power and strength that it never was before (applause). Our enemies know that we are winning all alon? tbe line, in Ireland and in England, in Scotland, and Wales as welf (cheers)! Wa have carried the war into the enemy's camp with extraordinary success, and in England they dare not face the English people, and ask them for their verdict (applause). I know it. The only hope of the Tories is set upun this, that we will fall out among ourselves for the next two years, but I do not think that hope will be realised (applause)— or, on tbe other hand, they expect that by the terrible and extraordinary pressure they are subjecting us to, that cur movement will collapae for want of funds, and that we will have to abandon the struggle (cries of " Never.") Well, my friends, I feel proud that the people of Ireland have done their duty nobly in this mutter. You may rest assured 1 would not bet'ie man to make an appeal of this sort in Australia or America if the Irish people at home had" not done their duty. If the Irish people adopted a passive policy of looking to Australia and seeing their exiled brethren here contributing towards this cause without making a united eff jrt themselves in this direction, I should 6ay they would uot get me to agk a penny for them. (Applause.) But the people at home have dune nothing of the sort. They, under the circumstances winch I have described to you, contributed among themselves v^nt sums out ot iheir poverty, and it is the only period since the days of (J'Conueil that the Irish leaders can say we have conclusive pro fs that we enjoy tbecjr,fid<_nce of our people, namely, that they will place their money in our hands to cany on their movement (cheer^). We are ihe only party smce the days of Repeal whosu policy has won the hearts of the Irish people. So great is the confid' nee tbay have in our policy that we have drawn from the people at times, even through years of depression and trying times, vast sums of money. That revenue, in spite of the sneers and scoffs of our enemies, is the free and spontaneous offering of our

people, and it is aa undeniable proof that we hare their undivided confidence (cheers). It is on that fact that we base our appeals for assistance to the Irish ia other c mntrijs. I say, unhesitatingly, in face of that f ict wecan come before toe Irish people her* ani ia America, ani s*y our party, and our party alone, are entitled to speak on bahalf of the Irish race; that on us are centered the hopes of redeeming the fortunes of oar down-trodden natioa (loud applause). Thurefore it is whan we appeal to you, we do so because we claim to h *ye won the confidence of the Irish people ; we appeal to you becvis'? our policy up to this moment has bsen fruitful of success ; we appeal to you because, although being met with unparalleled difficulties,— and oar programme and conduct have been before the public for more than tea years,— in the face of overwhelming odds we have shattered tha powerof our enemie* (1 >ud cheers) ; vie appeal to you, although you are far away from the old land, because we are entitled to claim it, and I care not who attempts to deny it, that ten years ago we founj the Irish people nothing batter than a nation of serfs, cowed, crushed, and heari -broken (applaiwe). But to-day, thank God ! they are in a far different position (cheers). To-day they are in tha position, no matter what our enemies gay, nrst of all of being men (loud applause). Their cause is one of th« great ques ioas of European politics, and we claim to be instrumental m bringing about this result (hear, hear), aad instead of the Irish people being pointed out, as in the past, a? * poor, impoverished, despised, and contemptible people by their enemies, they may be still hated by their enemies, they may be abased by them, but they an no longer despised, and I think we have made the worst of enemies fear us (great cheering). This movement with which I am associated has raised the Irish race to apr jui position (loud applause). It is a not question of Ireland alone, it is a question tbat dominates over every other question in the great British Empire. It has converted to the wM Se of Ireland the greatest statesman that England has ever seen, William X wart Gladstone (loud applause, and cheering for Gladstone), ft bag triumphed ovpr successive coercion acts, and the Ministers who initiated and administered them (applause). Oar national policy has broken the power of Irish landlordism, although now our people are passing through fearful suffering and oppression, still the hearts of the people are buoyed up by the knowledge what that policy had done f >r them in the past, a peacef al and constitulionalpolicy and in the glorious hopa they see before them in tbe ne*r future, they are determined, reckk ss of the cruelty and suffering inflicted upon them by their rulers, to continue faithful to th<it policy until humiliation, coercion, ani hunger shall pass away, and until we shall havd our beloved country peaceable, prosperous, and happy (loud cheers). This is, I believe, now approaching very near, indeed, and I shall only say in conclusion, I would scorn the Irishman to whom it would not be a prideand a happinass to hive soma hand in bringing aoout such a reB ultfor the benefit of his country and his race (loud and prolonged cheering) .

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