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TIMES CHANGED.

R. GLADSTONE'S declaration at Limehouse in favour of triennial Parliaments would gladden the heart of Fergus O'Connor were he now alive. This was one of the points of the Charter for which he and his fellow-Chartists contended so warmly, and on account of which he and they suffered so

much. Time brings with it the revenge of the advocates of popular rights. The most powerful politician in the Empire now declares himself in favour of that for which both political parties in England prosecuted Fergus and his associates. What they saw so clearly to be necessary, the march of events has brought clearly home to the leader of a great party and to his entire party. No doubt the next session of Parliament will see the enacting of triennial Parliaments, and this will put an end to Governments depending entirely on Parliamentary majorities, although in a minority in the country. At the present moment it is not the majority of the country which decides legislation, but the representatives of two aristocratic houses, so that the will of the nation is overridden by two men — the one more remarkable for a richlyoffensive vocabulary than for anything else; the other conspicuous for nothing so much as a stolid mediocrity : Salisbury and Hartington — the one the leader of the oldfashioned Tories, the other of the fantastic Liberal- Unionists. These two men dominate their followers, so that, in reality, the present legislation of England, and its present policy at home and abroad are shaped altogether, or nearly so, according to the views of two men, neither of them remarkable for breadth of view or wisdom. And these are retained in power by men who, fearing their constituencies, avail themselves of the Septennial Act to keep in power a party which is, according to the evidence of recent elections, in a miserable minority in the country. This state of things proves the •ecessity of a Triennial Act, which will prevent for all time a repetition of such a scandal in a country where representative institutions exist. No doubt the last general elections gave Salisbury and Hartington a majority between them, but it has become sufficiently apparent since that the country now repents of its action on that occasion and would, had it now an opportunity, reverse its verdict. But this cannot be ; for, whilst the country has changed its mind, the majority in Parliament has not ; and this majority, knowing that a now general election would give them a short shrift, hold grimly to their sea^s in \\xe hope \htf during the

next three years something might turn up. They are veritable Micawbers. Mr. Gladstone, interpreting the views of the majority of Englishmen, and no doubt sharing in their impatience under this infliction, boldly declares for triennial Parliaments as the only remedy for this evil. In point of fact, at the present moment in England there are legislation and administration without representation. Of coarse, technically there is representation, but in reality there is not, inasmuch as the majority of Parliament does not represent the majority of the people, and so far as Ireland is concerned, this is most striking and scandalous. More than three-fifths of the Irish members, representing the Irish nation, Irish principles and sentiments and aspirations, are treated not only as if they did not exist, but are treated most contumeliously in the House of Commons, which legislates for and governs Ireland in defiance not only of its representatives, bat of the certainly well ascertained opinion of the overwhelming majority of Irishmen. Neither the majority of Englishmen,norScotchmen,nor,Welshmen,nor Irishmen,are at present represented in the House of Commons. To all intents and purposes, the aristocracy alone is represented, and the Empire is really governed and legislated for by an odious oligarchy, and all by reason of the law which enables the members of Parliament to hold their seats for seven years, thas making them for seven years independent of public opinion. In fact, the present law holds out a premium for this defiance, and makes it the interest of members to support the Ministry of the day through thick and thin. A dissolution would put it in the power of voters to dismiss them and punish them for their opposition to popular views ; and this is a chance they are not disposed to give the voters. But Mr. Gladstone' b policy would put an end to this state of things, and thus the people will find the strongest reasons for supporting his policy.

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Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/periodicals/NZT18881228.2.25

Bibliographic details

New Zealand Tablet, Volume XVI, Issue 36, 28 December 1888, Page 17

Word Count
750

TIMES CHANGED. New Zealand Tablet, Volume XVI, Issue 36, 28 December 1888, Page 17

TIMES CHANGED. New Zealand Tablet, Volume XVI, Issue 36, 28 December 1888, Page 17

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