Current Topics

New Zealand Tablet, Volume XVI, Issue 26, 19 October 1888, Page 1

Current Topics

AT HOME AND ABROAD.

On August 20, Mr. Gladstone made a speech at H» ward en to some two thousand Liberals who visited him there for the purpose of taking part in a presentation made to him on the occasion of his golden wedding by the members of the Burslem Liberal Association. The presentation took the form of a vase male io the local potteries, and the figures represented on it of Poland and Ireland gare Mr. Gladstone a key-note for his address. He said it was lamentable that, under the government of Russia only, could a parallel case be found to that which in the case of Ireland prevailed under the GoTernment of England. Still more, he added, the case was not perfectly parallel, for Russia could plead that in former generations the Poles had f jught desperately against her— whereas Ireland had never been hostile to England. England had invaded her and put down her heel upon her neck and that for many generations. The speaker then referred ito the broken pledge* of the Govern - ment with regard to coercion and went on to say, that, whatever mteht be bi9 sympathy for Ireland, the chief feeling by which he was tiled was for the shame of England in the face of the world. He next dealt with the Times commission, appointed, he said, iastead of the Parliamentary committee demanded by Mr. Parndl— and to which he and his friends had been willing 1 ) trust themselves although tkey knew that i's majority m ist be hostile to them. Now, however, continued the speaker, that the matter was settled and Mr. Parnell about to be tried on vague and general charges — although the letters alleged to be written by him must form the main issue, it was essential to justice that the two parties should stond upon an equal footing. But the commission, he said, ;vas to extend its inqnirv over several years, beginning with 1879. How was Mr, Paraell to defend himself ? The Timet would have the advantage of the most eninent counsel in the country, an expensive luxury, as L >rd Her^cbell, speaking in the House of Lords, had calle i it. Mr. Parnell would need no less, and, therefore, for him, a man of m)d irate independence, the miaaiug of the matter was pecuniary ruin. The Times, on the contrary, represented a mine of enormous wealth, and would at the same time make money by publishing reports of the proceedings. This wis a pretty equality the Parliamentary m-ijority wished to see established in the case. Bat this was not all. If Mr. Parnell were fonni guilty, his good name, on which ha depended, would be ruined. The Times, however, did not depend on its good name, and was protect 3d by a special clause in the Act fr >m any action at law and from paying one farthing's damages. The speaker added an approval of Mr. Pamell's action at Edinburgt in which, were it convictei of libel, the Times would suffer in its purse, a point where probably its feelings were quite as acute as in any other department. — Mr. Gladstone then dwelt on the imprisonment of 21 out of the S3 Parnellite Members, condemning the manner in which they were treated. He also referred Bcathingly to the cases of Mr. Mandeville and Dr. Ridley, and more especially to the treatment given in Parliament to the verdict of the jury in the inquest on Mr. Mandeville — as legal, he said, as that in the Supreme Court in Westminster Hall. Bat of which, notwithstanding the Government's boas'ed respect for the law, Mr. Balfour had said in the House of Commons that it ought to be treated wiih contempt. Mr. Gladstone's practical conclusioa was to impress upon his hearers tha necessity of instructing their Tory friends as to the true f*ct3 of the question, so that they might feel the responsibility that devolved upon them in registering their votes, and no longer be thoughtlessly or igoorantly lei in doing so merely by a desire to please or serve employers or superiors, as if the matter were indifferent to tham and involved no responsibility.

A QTTEEK TEIUMPH.

The nature of a cause ma? very well be judged by the manner in which it ia defended. When we find the Times and the Unionists generally triumphing because Mr. Gladstone in his Hawarden speech made a slip as to a contrast instituted by him with regard te the prisoners of Balfour and those of Bomba of Naples, we need not be at much pains to draw our conclusions. Mr. Gladstone, in condemning the

MB. GLADSTONE'S SPEECH AT HAWAEDEN.

treatment given to the Nationalists in gaol, especially alluded to their being forced into the companionship of felons— menjwho, ha said, went to gaol from motives that were selfish and degrading, whereat political prisoners, even if they were mistaken, had acted from public motives— and, in this particular case, said the speaker, " I believe their actions tend much more to the repression of crime than to the eon* mission of crime." This enforced companionship with felons, h« added, distinguished the treatment given to the Iriak polilioal prisoners from that King Bomba had inflicted «n Poerio and hifcojmradei. In this, it seems, Mr. Gladstone was wrong, for he hip, himself described the prisoners alluded to as in some instances cKained to felons. But what anyone can make of this more tbaft a sliff of Mr. Gladstone's memory — more particularly since he must have Apwa that the details be had given in his letters to Lord Aberdeen < %^g% still at hand to his opponents, it \% difficult to see. ' No part of Mr JP Gladstone's argument falls to the ground except that in which ke states that Irish prisoners were worse treated than those in Naples. And what he says of the treatment of the Irish prisoners still remains true. " These gentlemen,'" he says. '' going into prison find themselves put upon a footing of equality with all the felon? of the country ; and here, gentlemen — I don't like to be mealy-mouthed in such a oase— it is a shameful, it is an inhuman and brutal proceeding, not of the Irish constabulary, who are the faithful and obedient instruments of what they are told is the law, but of the Irish Government, the English Government, and of the majority of the House of Commons, and not of the Parliament itself "-King Bomba. perhaps, in his time might have argued that he tras a humane man. Many things had before his days been done in prisons that he did not attempt. There wag neither tk rack nor the boot. No instrument of torture, in fact, was employed by him. And. indeed, King Bomba's prisoners were in a particular or tw« batter treatid than those of Bilfour. They, for example, were allowed to receive food fr >tn thsir friends outside, and not starved as Jcin Mindeville was. But we challenge contradiction that, taking into consideration th.3 circumstances o£ the difforeat times, the remnants of an older world tba<", in the time of King Bomba, still lurked in many places ; the s u cret and deadly nature of the coaspiraciea f jrmed by revolutionists ; the temptations and abuses of absolute po^er ; as contrasted wita English eolignte-iment of the present day ; the constitutional and op°n proceedings of tha men imprisoned ; and tne freedom and fur-play that ara proclaimed at the first principles of English rule ; there is a closer comparison to be instituted between the respective usage of the prisoners than Mr. Gladstone actually drew, and, doubtless, in refraining from withdrawing the particular accusation made by him h^ parcaives all this. Bomba did not make use of the rack or the boot, but he chained his prisoners together — the political prisoner sometimes linked to tke felon. Balfour does not make use of the chain, but he does make us* of the plank bed— a true instrument of torture as Mr. Laboachere explains in Truth. Bomba allowed his political prisoners t* be supplied by their friends outside with food ; Balfoar, when they are suffering from diarrhoei, places bis on bread and water, and when their throats are sore, gives them hußks that they cannot swallow. There is not in English prisons the boot or the rack or the chain, bnt thare is sleeplessness and hunger, and, as a result, comes death. There is, besides, as in Bomba's prison, the companionship of felons. Yet because Mr. Gladstone's contrast does not hold good, thsre is triumph in Unionist quarters. But the triumph that is so secured cannot differ much from defeat, and the nature of the cause so defended is evident. Let the Unionist party triumph and rejoica, than, because their champion is not in every minute point a Bomba. It should be enough to shame them that he is a Ba'four, approaching the example of King Bomba as closely as he dare, and as ihey venture to permit him.

THAT SENSIBLE LETTKB.

We have now had an opportunity of reading Mr. Edward Wakefield's " sensible letter " in the Tim*t. And a sensible letter we admit it perhaps is, for the sensibleness of a matter, may be determined ia yarious ways, and it sometimes depends more or less upon the ciroamstances that direct or influence the indiridual concerned. But M to the logic of Mr. Wakefield's letter, that is quite another affair. It bagins, in a word, by decrying an agitation which it concludes by completely justifying. Mr. Wakefield quotei sUtiitici copiouily amd

proves by them tbat, not only is the Chinese population of the colonies insignificant at present bat that it is considerably less than it wm some years ago — with apparently a tendency still to diminish. Tbat the writer is hard on the vices of tbe white men, and load in admiration of the virtues of the Chinese, we take as a matter of coarse, John Chinaman is a vinuous and exemplary being for those whom it suits to have him so, and the European working classes are vicious and capable only of affording a warning to people who judge of them from the same standing place. As we bare said before, nevertheless, a sufficient proof of the nature of John Chinaman's virtue seems to be given as in the nndoubted tact tbat the very lowest and mosfc degraded members of the white population are capable of becoming more degraded still by keeping company with him. In the lowest depth there is still a lower depth, and that is found in tbe Chinese quarters. Those good people, moreover, who so much admire the virtues of the Chinese, take good care to admire them only from a conveniant and profitable distance. Mr. Wakeiield, however, concludes bis letter by destroyiug the argument he has advanced against agitation from the small and diminished nuoabeis of the Chinese in the colonies. In the concluding paragraph he tells us plainly and without concealment, that at least half of Australasia must become the inheritanca of these people, aad tbat this will be for tbe great benefit of the empire generally — as well as for that of European settlers in the colonies. But it is not our purpose to enter into any prolonged discusiion as to the pros and cons of tbe case. It is to be hoped the great majority of the European settlers will understand quite enough about it to take the part the preservation of their classes from infioit 6 degradation imperatively demands of them. What we would point out is the complete manner in which Mr. Wakefield justifies the agitation he condemns, and shows tbe hand of the party whose interests he advocates. If Australasia is to be peopled by the Chinese in the futnre— and to speak of their being confined to certain distinct portions of tbecolpmes is simply absurd — agitation is certainly vain ; but if this is to be prevented, as prevented it should be, there can be no wiser step than that of taking time by the forelock. The working classes are now warned of the future the monopolists have planned for them, and they say to be fore- warned is to be fore-armed. Still we may admit tbat Mr. Wakefield has written a very sensible letter, and one that should have its duo reward.

THE BOLOGNA CELEBRATION.

A French professor who was present at the eighth cantenary of the university of Bologna last JuDe, gives some particulars of the celebration and his experiences there, in the Revue des Deux Mondcs, which are worth attention The law school of Bologna, he tells us. is of doubtful origin and the probabilities are that it was founded in old Bom an times, and iurvived the barbarian inroads. What is certain i 9 that Italy, so far as learning was concerned, always held a position in advance of oth er countries, and there is still extant a petition, most probably written by a German monk, to the Emperor Henry 111., beggiog of him to have fathers teach their children to read, so that they may study the law, as is the ca?e h Italy. It is proved then, that in the year 1045 there were schools in the Italian towns which were regarded, at least from a di9tanee, as flourishing Of these, that at Bologna was the principal, and in the beginning cf the 13th century the students there numbered 10,000— -which we may remark in passing, is, as this professor tells us, the total number of students in the colleges of Paris to-day, under the education craze and enlijjhtenmentjof the rerkd. Accommodaiion could not be found for these students in lecture rooms, and the strange bpectacle was seen of their being taught in the streets. The eighth centenary, therefore, of the university was in some sense a fiction, for as a school of law it had exifcted much longer than eight hundred years, but as a university not so long. The year was chosen, reckoning in an arbitrary way, from the career ci a professor named Irnerius, who had been of more than ordinary distinction, and the day, the 12th of June was selected, because on that day in 1859 the Austrian?, hearing of the disaster of Magenta, had withdrawn from the city. As to the celebration, there were proccsnonp. and addresses, and displays of various kinds, but ci no particular interest to us. The description given by the writer, however, of King Humbert, as he listened with complacency to Carduccfs glowing panegyric of Mazzini, is very signficant, aud fully justifies the professor's conclusion, that the only enduring monarch ci' the times must be he who agrees, as the late Comte de Chambord finely refused, to be, bb he said, le rol Ugitime de la revolution. The wiiter also remarks on the significance of the instance made by the Italian speakers on the durability of the present state of things. Their discourses struck him forcibly as showing the dread they felt of a restoration of the temporal power. The invoca. tion cf Mazzini and Garibaldi, and the presence of a legitimate king of the revolution, wera not sufficient, it would appear, to reassure them on this point. This great revolutionary demonstration, therefore, fur such it was intended for, had its weak points, and failed in some degree ac a triumph. But, as we see, the experiences of the French professor are not without their importance and suggestivenets.

DEFECTITB MARKS.

It appears that the marks of Catholicity made evilsnt by the late congress of the Ohnrch of England are not without their blemishes, There is, for example, the Protestant Bishop of Liverpool who writes to the Times showing anything bat a Catholic spirit, and dissenting very strongly from a good deal that has bten done. His Lordship actually throws doubt on the nature of the assembly as representing bia whole community, and writes of it as " the so-called Pan. Anglican conference." But if it was not even Pan-Anglican how could it by universal ? The Bishop thinks bia Church would do much better were it to confine its attention to the needs of its own congregation than by going about the world concerning itself in the affairs of other communities, and stretching out the right hand of fellowship to all sorts of heterogeneous bodies. There, he Bays, are the divisions of the Church with respect to what he calls the doctrine and the ritual af the Lord's Supper — unhappy divisions, he says, which he considers far more deserving of attention than the condition of the Scandinavian or Greek Churches, or the Old Catholic movement, The Bishop, moreover, is as determined as ever was Jenny Geddea herself with respect to the re-ad miaaion of the Maas, and quite as resolute is he in pronouncing against auricular confession. Though, as to the re-admis-sion of the Mass into a community where it never existed, and where it is impossible that it could exist, the Bishop may make himself quit* easy about that, and, as to auricular confession, without the power conferred upon the priesthood, it is hard to understand what good purpose it can serve. On the whole, however, the Bishop of Liverpool seems to take a common sense view of the matter, and to see the points that are really of importance for his Church, if it is to keep together. We have the highest authority for saying that a house divided against itself cannot stand, and a union of the Church o* England with other non- Catholic and Protestant bodies, so far from enabling it to contradict this truth, must hasten the fulfilment by increasing the divisions. The marks of Catholicity, indeed, shown by the Pan-Anglican Congress, were of such a nature as to prove in a very conclusive manner that there is no sense in which the Church of England is Catholic.

A LOST TBKASOBE OF PATH KB JBLLABT'S.

Who would not have a handle to bis name ? Verilj the privileges of rank are worth fighting for. No wonder my Lord Robert Montagoe could not think of continuing a member of a Church that permitted men to maintain liberal principles. So long as it was worth his Lordship's while, he remained firm to his conversion. He condescended to be looked npon as a most devout member of the Catholic Church, and was the white-headed laddie oi! worthy Father Jellaby. His Lordship's soul was worth whole scores of the souls of mere original Irish Catholics, and Father Jellaby was ready to swear by him. But the hour came when things suffered a slight change. An Irish constituency could no looger be found to return his Lordship to Parliament ; the canaille generally were found to have aspirations that no true scion of nobility could possibly approve of, but which the Church still could not be prevailed upon to condemn. His Lordship accordingly ieconsidered his condescension, perceived he could no longer patronise the Church of God, discovered that the Jesuits were most nefarious plotters, and that even the venerable Cardinal Manning himself was no better than he ought to be. In a trice he jnmped back, as quick as any transformation in a pantomime, from the character of a Catholic zealot into that of an Orange champion. But what would you have T Must we not all make profitable employment of the talent God has given us and pat oar advantages to their best use? My Lord Robert Montague had his rank and name for his talent, and be saw that the privilege* of his class were threatened. Kather Jellaby, no doubt, tenderly excuses his necessity and his temptation to this hour, blaming those miserable Iri&h. Bat we see, meautime, how my Lord Robert Montague makes use of his talent. Here is Mr. Justice Kay, who explains the matter to us m open court .—". — " People (said Mr. Justice Kay) who have the right to write a title of honour before their namee, and who knew that they can influence others, should act not only honestly but hoaourably. This transaction was neither honest nor honourable, and was one which should be publicly condemned." The transaction alluded to, we may state for the information of our rcaden, was one in which L-ird Robert Montague had given his name as a director — a decoy-duek — to a bogus company, for the consideration of £1000 advanced to him out of the funds of the company, and the words we have quoted were those in which the Judge, whiic ordering his Lordship to repay the money, with 5 per cent, interest and coite, commented on his conduct. We s^e, then, the true nobility of scions of the aristocracy who find their devotion as Catholics affected bj the liberality with which the Church deals with the rights of the people, and in favour of whom certain ecclesiastics are fervent, for their part, in opposing and denouncing the cause of a Catholic people. It would, a? wo see, bave profited the Catholic Church a great deal to have retained Lord Robert Montague as one of her members, and she suffers a severe loss in his withdrawal from her fold. Perhapß, on the contrary, certain of her ecclesiastics, whole zeal appears to be b'nt

little tempered by discretion or charity, may receive from this case a profitable leMon, of which they sUnd sadly in need. They may be quite convinced that the convert whose fidelity to the Church is hindered or alienated by worldly reasons is little worth either gaining »r retaining. At all events, we wish the Protestant ism to which Lord Kobert itontague has le turned as a champion, joy of its acqui■iti n. The Church hai had a narrow escape of being disgraced by nim,aad is a dtbtor for this to th« Irish National cause.

TOO CUTE BT MALF.

lv Ireland is not a country flowing-'with milk and honey ; it is at kast, what b. me people might preler, that is, one which abounds in ready money and whiskey. An American Catholic named Hurlbert, and well known aa a contributer to tne Eoglish periodicals aada man who of late years has interested himself much ia European affairs generally, makes this discovery. He has, it appears, recently devoted himself a good deal to an examination of Irish affairs, and, being at •nee a devout Catholic,— which we are given to nnderstand, secured for him the confidence of the priests and the more religious laymeni and a cute Yankee, which enabled him to see and discern the nature of things that must have escaped the close observation of tourists who were not cute, he has been able to give to the world some useful *uite of his experience. To the combination of cutenees and religion, therefore, we are indebted for a very remarkable production. So keen and so far reaching was Mr. Hurlbert's sight, in fact, that we could kave no difficulty in believing he saw the whole panorama revealed to him without ever having crossed the channel at all. He saw Ireland in short transformed in such a manner that her own mother aa the saying is, if she had one, could not recognise her, and every one of us who knows anything of the country caa feel nothing but amazenieat in reauiug his book. It contradicts all our recollections, and M 8 us completely upside down.— Accarding to Mr. Hurlb rt.JSir James Caird made a grievous mistake in his conclusions as to the failure of the lana to yield rent,— for the tenantry are wealthy people,— having no more poverty among them than is to be met witn. for example, ia the veiy richest districts of tne flourishiug kingdom of Belgium. They are a people, moreover, of theatrical tastes. Even the evictions are got up by them for their own particular delight and profit. For going through with those, for instance, at Glenbeigh they were paid a very liberal sum.— The agents, indeed, are commonly tempted with proffered bribes by the tenants to evict tbem, so profitable do they find the matter. Mr. Hurlbert, too, appears to have fallen in with some Tery admirable witnesses. There was. for example, a certain policeman, of whom he tells us, as the Tivies in which we find a review of his work tells us of himself, that he was a devout Catholic, and verily Catholic devotion at the present day manifests itself sometimes in a very curious fathion. This devout Catholic was one Sergeant Mahoney> who, being a clever slip of a boy. quick in the wits as well as lively with the tongue, and understanding what was for his own advantage, had taughc himself shorthand, which he had just made use of°in taking down an English versior:, and a very free translation we may Buppoee to suit the Sergeant's genius, if not his interests, of an Irish speech made by Father M'Fadden, and in consequence of which Father M'Fadden had been convicted of coercion felony. But, according to the devout and gentlemanly Sergeant Mahoney, for Mr. Hurlbert describes him as one of nature's gentlemen— a character, he says, ofttn to be met with among the whiskey-drinking, plundering Irish peasantry, and queer devilment, on Mr. Hurlbert's showing, must such a character be composed of— Grweedore is an El Doraio itself, and Father M'Fadden a Croesus. But if Mr. Hurlbert reports Sergeant Mahoney correctly, and the shamef il tissue of slander and innuendo published by him be not the writer's owi invention, we have a cjnvincing proof of the kind of rascals upon whose word the lives and liberty of respectable men depends under Balfour's rule in Ireland. In any case we have an example of the rascality employed to discredit the Irish movemeat. Mr. Hurlbert, in a word, has rather overdone his task, for it is evident that he went to Ireland— if he did go there at all, and did not cite where compose a work of imagination — commissioned to write in the anti-Irish interests. Hid book ratbui detracts from his reputation as a cute Yankee by the flagrancy of its falsehood, and, as to his character as a devout Catholic, the rancour oi his attack upon priests, the unscrupulousness of his calumnies, and the sympathy he expresses for Russian rale in Poland, as well as foi Balfounsm in Ireland, are quite enough to explain it. He may, never thaless, be a devout member of the Norfolk following, whose devotion generally is cr a peculiar kind.

THAT SNOB AGAIN.

The London correspondent of the Dunedin F rating Star, who still attempts to be a very heavy swell, but who succeeds, as usual, in being an egregious snob, writes in the interests of the aristocratic world, whom, perhaps, on the pretence of influencing colonial opinion, he persuades to admit him — as on occasion they admit, for example, the waiters from Gunter s and other useful nobodies, upon their premises ; though if, as ha implies, his informants as to Irish matters rise no higher than to the level of Ihe Gal way shoneen, we

may reasonably doubt the standing of his patron ■. In the inrtanc to which we allude, this correspondent treats of Mr. Parnell's action at Edinburgh, which, contrary to all journalistic precedent, is discussed and decided in advance by all thj Tory organs and their hangers-on so as to betray their tiepidation, and the loos at the sight of such imminent danger of tb«ir presence of mind. There is, however, nothing suspicious in Mr. P-trnell's having taken this ac>ion, af r er waiting many month?, and only in connection with the Commission. He has done so in order to defeat and punish an ia - famous plot formed to ruin him both in character and in fortune, and which has been planned and initiated with an audacity and unfairness that no one could have supposed possible in a country like England, But Mr. Gladstone's explanation and approval of Mr. Farnell's course, made in his Hawarden speech, make any farther defence of it unnecessary. The way, meantime, in which tbe supporters of the Timer, even to the smallest fry among them, attack Mr. Parneli with the petty, truculent schoolboy- like, gibe that he hps been forced into this proceeding betrays their own consternation, while it serves to show us how wise the Irish party were in biding their time and not suffering themselves to be taunted into glring an advantage to men who are without scruple and without shame. — Considering what London journalists and London correspondent! «ommonly are, the Parnellites had the best possible reason to suspect the fairness of a London jury. Besides, Mr. Parneli availed himself of the first opportunity offered him of seeking to clear his character as a Member of Parliament in the regular manner, by demanding % Parliamentary Committee to inquire into the matter, and, as Mr, Gladstone points out, he showed his honesty in this by doing so, although he knew that the majority of the Committee must be hostile to him. This correspondent, however, to whom we allude, writes for the special pu'pote of makn g an attack on Mr. Parnell's moral character of that kind to which every man is liable who can be assailed by degraded people, and which of us is safe from thisf Some previous attempt had been made by the same class of pc pie to epy upon Mr. Parnell's movements for a similar purpose, but it was denounced by one of the Unionist leaders, who, it was hinted, would have foundjreprisals awkward, were they taken. We do not me r tion the name of this leader or allude more fully to the matter because such inquiries and such reports come more properly, as we see, within the province of the blackguard pure and simple, and we hare no desire to be mixed up in them. But if the correspondent of the Star has, as he implies, derived his information on^tbis subject from a Galway shoneen, he was in congenial company — whether the scene was a London pot-house or an anti-room in some less particular gentleman's residence. Our correspondent concludes with an appropriate remark and one which might also have graced the lips of the Galway shoneen and been lour.d congenial, like the tattle as to Mr. Parnell, by the correspondent of the Star, though, as we know of old. that pretentious senbe modifies bis distant echoes of the higher circles by a bigotry which has ere now impellcl him to send to hia paper lilse and foul representations of Catholic matters. Of such a nature is the concluding paragraph of his scandalous communication, in which he accuses the Irish priesthood and peasantry of condoning agrarian murder and outrage on Catholic principles. But a com* munication that deals throughout with tittle-tattle and gossip of a prurieat kind may, consistently end with a coarse and degraded sneer at religion. And if thh correspondent had any regard for decency or truth, he would not be judged capable by the people who patronise him of influencing colonial opinion as they desire. In attempting to sway the mind of the canaille, as they consider our settlers, they know how to choose their instruments.

Excessive rains in France have caused wide-spread ruination of crops. Tbe vintage will be inferior. United Ireland has done g iod service in publistrng a copy ot the ciicular which Divisional Magistrate Cullen, " under tbe personal direction " of brave Mi. Balfour. has addressed to his subordinates.—- " Copy.— l. The new form is to be tilled in cases of every eviction, if possible before the eviction, and transmitted through me ; if not possible before, then aficr the eviction, attached to the eviction report, and a copy attached to the duplicate for me. 11. In all important evictions likely to cause comment, a reference should be made to me before protection is promised unless the County Inspector is of opinion that the delay thus involved would bo distinctly mis* chievoua. 111. All hars-h evictions should he reported to me before protection is promise J IV. Protection in cases of demolition of houses, or the who'e^ale clearing of estates, should not be given without previous lefereuce to me. V. In any other cases of evictions, previous instructions regaiding protection are still to be adhered t0 F. N. Cullen, D.M. "— Assuming this document to be genuine (and it is but justice to say that Unlttd Ireland has never yet published a circular that did not tnru out to be genuine), 1 desire to call attention to paragraph 11. —-In all important evictions likely to cause comment, reference should be made to me before protection is promised.' So now we know the sense in which -Brave Mr. Balfour "is brave. It is the sense in which Verms advised the boy Adonis to be brave. " Fortti fugaaius esto, " said the amiabla grdess. It is now, as United Ireland suggest?, the plain duty of Irish pesantry and their leaders to take care that every evicfao shall "cauee comment." Every man who goes out quietly ia an enemy of hia country.— Truth,