Current Topics AT HOME AND ABROAD.

New Zealand Tablet, Volume XV, Issue 24, 7 October 1887, Page 1

Current Topics AT HOME AND ABROAD.

JUBTHER DEVELOPMENTS

We see that although certain of our Catholic contemporaries admit, that, if the proposals made by the Rev. Father Belaney, for the control of the ish Church according to English ideas were carried out, it wol . be a very bad thing, they express a confidence that such will not j done. Father Belaney, we are given to understand, is an insignificant person whose denunciations and proposals may be taken for what they are worth, and who is not likely to obtain a serious bearing at Borne. Father Belaney, nevertheless, has obtained a hearing in England. The London Times has given narked prominence to his lucubrations, and others of the London newspapers have done the same. We are not disposed to contradict those of our contemporaries, who, perhaps better informed than we are, make little of this writer, so far as he himself is concerned, but we would venture to remind them, that, insignificant as he may be personally, taken in connection with tie circumstances of the situation, his appearance on the scene cannot be looked upon as unimportant. He only repeats, in fact, what was officially proposed by Cardinal Quarantotti, in the days of O'Connell ; what was semiofficially proposed by Sir George Errington in our own days ; what has been openly advocated by the Bishop of Salford, and what has been •upported by the London Tablet. The importance of Father Belaney's Btterances are that they show us how determined the perseverance it, and how from generation to generation, and from year to year. the party who desire to obtain the complete mastery of the Irish Ckurch adhere to their designs. Father Belaney is certainly a ipokesmau of theirs, whether he speaks with their direct authority or without it— and we do not see that ke has been disowned by them. When Cardinal Quarautotti proposed that the right of veto •kould be exercised over the appointment of the Irish bishops by the Inglish Government, O'Connell sternly and vehemently opposed the proposal. When Sir Geoige Krrington attempted to influence the Holy See, the Irish people indignantly protested through their national press, and in both instances the resistance made was eflectual. Why, therefore, should the In B . Catholics of the colonies be expected to keep silence under similar circumstances, or why •hould thiir remonstrance be in vain ? But it is not only the publications of Father Belaney, that have given us a public warning W« publiebed last week a paragraph from the London Weekly lUgiittr, in which a statement is made to the effect that Mgr Ruffo Scilla, on his return from London to Rome, had advised the appointment of an English representative at the Vatican with especial regard to Catholic affairs in the colonies. Fatherjßelaney, therefore, personally insignificant as he may be, hardly spoke at random when he alluded, as he did in his second pamphlet, quoted by the London Titus, to the unfortunate manner in which the appointment of colonial bishops was influenced by the bishops in Ireland. But if the Catholic Church in these colonies were placed under the supervision of an English Government official at Rome, it would occupy a very •trange and anomalous position. Among all the religious bodies in the colonies its adherents would alone, as the members of a Church be dependent on and subject to any Government. Nay as a religious body they would be less free and less independent of the Imperial Government than they would be as members of the body politic. They would derive from such a measure a character inferior to that of thair fellow-colonists, and would bear a particular stigma and mirk of inferiority and distrust. And we may be persuaded that their religious position could not be without exercising a deteriorating influence over their civil standing. The principle of a State Church would be established to their prejudice and they would have all the disadvantages of such an establishment without any of its advantages. Our contention is, therefore, that it is incumbent on colonial Catholics to resist such a proposal. There would be nothing unusual in their doing so, and nothing unrecognised in their claiming such a right. O'Connell, who vehemently and successfully resisted the propoial of Cardinal Quarantotti, when he was dying left his heart to Rome, and, as he had lived, died a faithful son of the Catholic Church. The nationalists who lately resiated the mission of Sir Geoige

Errington incurred no rebuke, but, on the contrary, saw their resistance approved in the appointment of Dr. Walsh to the archbishopri* of Dublin. Protest in cases of this kind is customary and regular, and can only be neglected at the risk of its being understood that such a neglect is tantamount to voluntary acceptance and acquiescence. However contemptible Father Belaney may be, then, or however wanting in authority his proposals, so far {as he is personally con. cerned, since the considerations he has made known are evidentlygaining attention in high official quarters, and since they narrowly concern the interests of colonial Catholics, not only spiritually bu materially as well, it is hardly oat of place for colonial Catholics to deal with them, and, as we have seen, there is abundant precedent of an unexceptionable kind for their doing so without incurring rebuke and with complete success.

THE H.A.C.8.8.

Among the epecial recommendations which the Holy Father haß made for the benefit of the Catholic people and the growth and strengthening of religion has been that Catholic Societies should obtain their adherence and support. Indeed a particular reason may be Been for this in the present day from the fact that it is by means of anti-Catholic societita that bo much harm is done to religion, and the world becomes daily more and more wicked and disturbed. The strength that lies in union is, besides, proverbial, and men when united for a good purpose may legitimately hope for the best results. But, in any case, what the Pope recommends is most deserving of attention, and the advice he gives cannot be neglected with impunity. Catholic societies, mean, time, are numerouß, and each and all of them hare much <o recommend them, so that there need be no difficulty to any man who desires it in becoming a member of one or other of them with a well-grounded hope of reaping his full share of the benefits to be obtained. There is, however, already established in this colony a society which, above all others, seems most suited to the needs of the Catholic people, and which, by the excellent results already produced by it, fires a certain promise of fulfilling all that can be demanded of an organisation of the kind. We need not say that we allude to the H.A.C.8.5., now for many years established among us, and possessing a record which should recommend it to Catholic colonists without exception. Other societies there are no doubt, and we would decry none of them, but when one society in particular haß been long established, when it hag fulfilled every end for which it was instituted, and evidently only needs further extension and a fuller membership to ensure a fuller measure of success, the substitution of any other for it would eeem not only superfluous but mischievous. If strength lies in uniou, and nobody will be disposed to deny that such is the case, one society is certainly to be preferred to many, for there is nothing that draws men so much together as a common membership, and anything which might tend to diminish this is to be deprecated. Fuller fruits may be looked for and greater efforts may be; successfully carried out when such a state of things prerals. Th* spirit of brotherhood becomes more marked and active, and the effects of co-operation are more useful and more apparent. While, therefore, we are anxioui to see the recommendation of the Holy Father universally adopted by the Catholics of the Colony, we would deprecate any division of forces. Nothing can be possibly Jgained by Bnch a step,|and tkeproba. bilities are that much must be lost by it. The bond of union afforded by the membership of the Catholic Church is no doubt considerableOf itself it should be all sufficient, and, if it fails, weak humam nature is accountable for the failure. But the Catholic societia* supply what human nature needs to aid it and to make the bends of Catholicism bind more effectually. The Church, indeed, is all things to all men. With the Hebrew she is a Hebrew and with the Greek a Greek. We hare heard it thrown in the faces of Irish Cathohct, fv,r example, that they desired to have an Irif h Pope. — And in a certain •ense the accusation was true, as the desire was legitimate. The Irish Catholic desires to find in the Pope a father who in dealing with his Irish children can be Irish in spirit — as the English Catholic would have him English in spirit, or the French Catholic French in spirit, or the Italian Italian in spirit. The Pope should be all things to all men — the common father of all ; flympathi»ing even in the infirmities o* hii children, and, much more, in those sentiments that, like patriotism do them honour. Whanflrishmen, therefore, expect their Pope to be, in dealing with them, Irish in heart, they expect nothing that is extravagant or strange, and they would disrespect the Pope, and take

away from the relationship in which he stands towards them, and from his high and holy office, were they to form any other expectation. For them the Pope is and can bo no foreigner. But there is no way in which the Church becomes all things to all men more closely than in encouraging societies like the H.A.C.8.5., where the spirit of nation, ality is associated with that of religion. This society, then, offers to the Catholics of the Oolcny advantages which should attract all their support, and which it should be their determination to partake in. It places within their reach the means of complying with the advice of the Holy Father and securing all those benefits which must accrue from the complete and efficacious union of the Catholic people. Its extension among us is a most desirable object and one that should enlist the sympathy and co-operation of every Irish Catholic. There should be no township or settlement among us wanting one of its branches— to the exclusion of all other societies. We do not, of course, allude to those that are purely religious, such, for instance as that of the Holy Family, and for which there is abundance of room besides, but as a Catholic benefit society the H.A.0.8.5. is sufficient for the Colony.

SENSIBLE CONCLUSIONS.

Lord Thring, in the Contemporary Review for August, publishes an article on Ireland, of which the following are the conclusions :— "(1) That coercion is played out and can no longer be regarded as a remedy for the evils of Irish misrule. (2) That some alternative must be found, and that the only alternative within the range of practical politics is some form of Home Rule. (3) That there is no reason for thinking that the grant of Home Rule to Ireland — a member only, and not one of the most important members, of the Britibh Empire— will in any way dismember, or even in the slightest degree risk the dismemberment of the Empire. (4) That Home Rale presupposes and admits the supremacy of the British Pailiament. (5) That theory is in favour of Home Rule, as the nationality of Ireland is distinct, and justifies a desire for local independence ; while the establishment of Home Rule is a necessary condition to the effectual removal of agrarian disturbances in Ireland. (6; That precedent is in favour of granting Home Rule to Ireland.— e.g „ the success of the new constitution in Austria-Hungary, and the happy effects resulting from the establishment of the Dominion of Canada. (7) That the particular form of Home Rule is comparatively immaterial. (8) That the Home Rule BiU of 1886 may readily be amended in such a manner as to satisfy all real and unpartisan objectors. (9) That the Land Bill ot 1886 is the beßt that has ever been devised, having regard to the advantages offered to the new Irish Government, the landlord and the tenant ; and that any Bill intended to be just to the Irish landlord, the Irish tenant, and the British taxpayer, must follow the line of the Bill to a very great extent."

HETENGE IS SWEET.

In i( The Trials of a Country Parson," published by him in a recent number of the Nineteenth Century Dr. Jesfopp gives an amusing illustration of the manner in which a fair lady can take her revenge. He writes as follows :— » The Rev. Percy De la Pole was a courtly gentleman, 'sensitive, and just a trifle, a little trifle, distant in his demeanour. His curate, the Rev. Giles Goggs, was a worthy young fellow enoHgh, painstaking and assiduous, anxious to do his duty, and not at all ainfied. We all liked him till Rebecca Busk overcame him. Mr. De La Pole was cautious and reserved by temperament ; but who has never committed a mistake ? In an evil hour— how could be have been so imprudent ?— he gently warned the curate against the wiles of Miss Busk and her family, telling him that she was far from being a desirable match, and going to the length of say iag plainly that she was making very indelicate advances. ' All that may be quite true,' replied Mr. Goggs, ' but 1 am sure you will soon change your opinion. I come in now to let you know that I am engaged to be married to Miss Busk.' From that time our reverend neighbour had so bad a time of it that it is commonly believed his valuable life was shortened by his sufferings. I am afraid some people behaved very cruelly for they could not help Hnßhing. Mrs. Gogg 8 took her revenge in the most vicious way. On all public occasions she clasped the rector's arm and looked up in his face with the tenderest interest. She tripped across lawns at garden parties to pluck him by the sleeve, screamed out with shrill delight when he appeared, called him her dear oM father confesscr, giggled and emirked and patted him, and fairly drove him out of the place at last by rinding jthat he had twice preached borrowed seraons and keeping the discovery back till the opportune moment arrived, when, at a large wedding party, she shook her greasy little ringlets at him with a wicked laugh, exclaiming, ' Ah 1 you dear old slyboots, when you can speak like that, why do you preach the Penny Pulpit to us ? ' The wretched victim cou'd not boM up his bead after that, and when a kind neighbour strongly advised ! •<> n dUmias the curate, whose wife was unbearable, the broken-down v.d {. cn t lonian feebly objected, " Mj dear friend, I may have an opportunity of "ett'nj; preferment for 3\lr, Goggs some day, but iv the meantime I have no power to send awny my curate because-— well, because his wife is not nice,' "

AN INCONSISTENT STATESMAN.

This Wcstniinste}' Review concludes as follows an article on Mr. Bright's conduct towards Ireland :—: — Mr. Bright writes as if total and entire separation were a necessary and universally admitted consequence of an Irish Parliament, and he repeats the cry as if he thought that mere repetition would convince the world of its truth. He once nrgued for the reconciliation of all parties as the only ground on which true union could be effected. In the Limerick speech he proceeded : ' There can be no great measure accomplished, unless all concerned lend willing hands ; there can be no great act of national and historic reconciliation unless all the partie B hitherto opposed are wil ling to be reconciled . Let us make a new treaty' not written on parchment,not bound with an oath . Its conditions should be these — justice on the part of Great Britain ; forgiveness on the part of Ireland.'— And now, forsooth, he declares that he has not changed his opinions, but others have, and they are offended at hist inconsistency I Twenty years ago he Bought to reconcile Romania and Protestant in a common zeal for their country's good. Now, he embraces the cause of the Protestant landlord minority, and does his very best, whether intending it or not, to exasperate and perpetuate those sectarian differences, and that feud between landlord and tenant which are the greatest hindrances to a truly harmonious national sentiment ; and he uses all his powers to uphold the Government of the day in stifling complaint and silencing peaceful agitation, in the vain hope of postponing to an indefinite future those reforms which, if granted at once, would disaim the odious ' conspiracy ' and the American enemies of England, by turning them into our grateful friends — friends who will rejoice to unite with England and Scotland ia the grand design of sustaining and advancing the prosperity and the glorj of the Empire. The grand desideratum is not a Union Parliament, but a United Kingdom ; and to that end an Irish Parliament for purely Irish affairs and a rational settlement of the land question are essential requisites."

GENEROUS TESTIMONY.

In the Contemporary Review for August a ladyi who signs herself Mabel Sharman Crawford, gives a sketch of her experiences as a landlady in Ireland. She contradicts many existing prejudices and has nothing but what is kind and good to say of the Irish speaking people of the out-of-the-way district in which she had purchased her property. She testifies especially to the industry and honeaty of the peasantry in question . The following passages will serve as an example of the manner in which she deals with her subject :—": — " As the charge of intolerance is often brought against the clergy and the members of the Irish Roman Catholic Church, it may be well to state that, as far as my experience goes, the charge is unfounded, for dnring eighteen years in which I have been brought into direct communication with a Roman Catholic populatiou, 1 have never heard the utterance of an unkindly word in reference to Protestants. Probably in any district where organised mission work was carried on such might not have been the case ; but, happily, iimoleague and neighbourhood were free from this disturbing agency, as well as from that caused by the pressure often brought to bear on Roman Catholic parents to send their children to essentially Protestant schools. A tenant-farmer expressed to me one day feelings shared very widely by the class to which he belonged in reference to the fear entertained by Protestanta that they snould be unfairly treated under the system of Home Rule. 4 They might trust us, indeed they might,' he said, ' juat as as we trust them . Don't we send them to Parliament to fight for us there ? And aren't we glad to get them, and make much of them when they stand our friends ? And why shouldn't we continue to do the same as we have done in bygone times ? If we take a Protestant for our leader, signs on it we won't do the Protestants any harm. And if a priest told me I wasn't to vote for a Protestant. I wouldn't heed his words. No, not a bit. It is my duty to mind what he says in matters of religion ; but as to politics, it is a matter in which I have got to think and act for myself.' — The friendly relations that during the late troubled times have subsisted uninterruptedly between myself and t3nants is especially noteworthy from the fact that they were aTdent Nationalists and warm supporters of the Land and National Leagues? but, as far as personal experience is concerned, I should not have known of the existence of either of these associations."

A FLOW OP SOUL,

It is an ill wind that blows nobody good, and if fickle breath of fortune has deprived us of the political services of Sir Robert Stout, it has at least procured for us an outbur-' of poetic lamentation. It should prove a consolation to Sir Rob^ t v» he ir his dirge sung in tnia most touching manner, and as to the pui.l.c , f Dunedia, unleßs their hearts are of stone, nothing can possibly be thought of so soft as the condition to which they must needs ue leuuoed. But we do really hope *ith the muse that Sir Robert will get up again. It is a most harrowing thought that ho should be lying sprawling all this time, as the poet says, " 'neath foemen's feet," and all the worse must it be since those feet are shod in brogues that have not paid a penny in the way of duty, but might have been fetched in for the very pur-

pose of trampling upon an advocate of protection by what another poet indignantly calls the " importing masseß." Sir Robert Stout among the foemen's feet presents, indeed, a most distressful spectacle. The rain, again, that fell so dismally on the fatal day seems to have affected the bardic imagination very remarkably. To one favoured ■on of the muse it appeared under the shape of " virtue's tears," to another Heaven seemed to send it copiously down to " quench the unholy flame," and, in fact, Sir Robert is held threnodically up to us ai ocoupying, as Mr. Mantalini must have done bad he drowned him•elf, the position of " a demned moist unpleasant body" We do not however, know that we can sympathise very deeply with the sorrows of the bard who deplores the cruel fate of the colony in being obliged, as he says, "to see men untried direct the state," Considering, in short, all the good that men who were tried, and tried over and over again, have done for the state, there might be some sort of Mope for as in the prospect of finding something new in the^legislative or administrative line, and the mischief of it is that the only resource Menu to be a return to some who have been tried and found to be Tory much wanting. The poet, nevertheless, cannot be expected to take an ordinary sublunary view of affairs, and if he gives us food for the heart and the imagination it is all we need expect. As to the intellect, blessed are they who know nothing about it when the poet is on the rampage, foi then his strains are not likely to affect their ■anity.

BIE JOHN POPK HENNESSY.

Undek the heading of " Sir John the Tishbite,'' the Pall Mall Gatette says -.—Sir John Pope Hennessy has considerable reason ■to complain of the way in which he has bsen treated by the Colonial Office. Sir John is a remarkable man. He is the Home Ruler of the Colonial Service, and it has fallen to his' lot to act as representative of the Crown in colonies where Home Rule is practically not existent. He is a man of intense, almost feverish, intellectual activity, whose presence acts as yeast in every society into which he is thrust, and he has been interned time after time in communities where the number of educated men can almost be counted upon the fingers. Hence wherever he goes he generates unrest. It is the unrest of growth, the mobility of life. But it is naturally a phenomenon that is regarded with profound alarm by all who desire to see things remain as they are. He is a kind of Democratic Elijah, who is sent to preach the gospel of liberty, justice, and self-government in the moßt despotic dependencies of the Empire. Art thou he that troubles Israel f " Bays the Ahab of hide-bound officialism, frowning angrily at the Governor of the Mauritius. "It is not I that troubles Israel," replies Sir John, " but thou and thy father's house," and there is little doubt that the nimble-minded, versatile prophet of self-govern-ment and equal rights would be delighted to make as short work with all the priests of the modern Ahab as his prototype the Tishbite made of the priests of Baal at the base of Carmel. It is a curious phenomenon, suggestive of many things, this constant presence of so Badical a Home Ruler as Sir John Pope Hennessy as the representative of the Crown in our Crown Colonies. It seems like the finger of Fate, for one of the oddest things about it is that Bir John is nominally a Conservative. He was Lord Beaconsfield's protegi, he is a member of the Garlton, and he has just been reinstated in his Governorship by Lord Salisbury's Colonial Secretary. Yet whether it is among black men or brown men or yellow men Sir John is always the same— the unflinching representative of all the opposite principles to those which are usually associated with the system which he administers. It is absolutely impossible for such a man in such surroundings to escape being continually in hot water. You might as well pour acid into a solution of soda and wonder at the effervescence as be amazed at the commotion that follows Sir John's advent in a Crown colony. The work that he does is necessary and in the main excellent. But it outrages every arbitrary tradition of the Service, and is based upon principles and points to ideals utterly at variance with the principles and ideals on which Crown Colonies have been founded and are still administered. From the point of view of the Destinies, Sir John is the precursor of change, the breaker up of old fossilised systems, and the revolutionist from above whose mission it is to inaugurate the New Era. From the point of view of the average Conservative we must say he seems to be a compact compendium of political heresies, the most authentic living incarnation of the Evil One now extant. And yet, as if by some overruling fatality, the Conservative] Government is driven to restore him to Mauritius, and reverse the judgment pronounced by Sir Hercules Bobinson.

QTJIS BBPARABIT 1

Mrs Jacob Bright writes as follows in the Pall Mall Gazette : — The utter ances of the Irish members are especially importar t just now, therefore I regret much that a very interesting speech from Mr. O'Kelly at Winsford, to which I listened on Saturday, August 6, last, seems to hate been nowhere reported. Mr. O'Kelly complained of the way in which their aims were misrepresented. He said : We want our own Parliament to manage only Irish business. We dont want separation.

Why should we 7 Will anyone tell me what possible advantage we could gain by separation ? After pointing to the great historical Iri B h names-the statesmen, the politicians, the warriors— be continued • This concern belongs to us as well as to you. Before we joined ybu, you were a very small kingdom . It would be as fair now to call it an Irish empire as an English empire. We have no intention whatever of giving up the advantages of the partnership. We are not so idiotic I' Now, when an Irishman expresses views like these, perfectly reasonable and intelligible, his working-class audience believe him entirely, aa was evident at Winsford from their ringing cheers and delighted, sympathetic, faces. Why should our Liberal Unionist friends turn sulky and harden their hearts 1 Why should they appear infinitely more anxious to prove that Mr. Gladstone is inconsistent and make* mistakes than to find out soma way out of the terrible difficulty and the shameful disgrace of keeping poor Ireland under a perpetual Coercion Act r Is it not enough to say that in days forever gone by the Irish made wild demands in the exasperation of a furious but just resentment? Our Liberal Unionist friends are blind if they cannot see the extraordinary change that has come over the Irißh mind and the Irish representatives ever since, by the action of Mr. Gladstone, they became convinced that their sacred cause was safely lodged in th c hearts of the English people. I was present at the dinnerlgiven to Mr. Parnell and the Irish Home Rule members at the National Club a few weeks ago. Some men call them ' rebels.' When the toast of the Queen was given everyone of those rebels sprang to his feet and cheered splendidly. It was a touching sight when one remembered how vilely they are insulted in the House of Commons by the Tory ' gentlemen." These brilliant Irishtnsn are pleading the cause of their country against the most extraordinary combination of so-called • Liberal' statesmen and reckless Tories. The Liberal 'Unionist' statesmen, the result of whose ..ction is to foment dis-union, are not even agreed among tnemselves— unless a shallow and querulous opposition to those who have ai intelligible policy on the Irish question can be called agreement. Mr. Chamberlain while heaping insults upon the Irish representatives still thinks their presence at Westminster necessary to the existence of the Empire. Mr Bright says the only good thing in Mr. Gladstone's Bill was the exclusion of the Irish members from Westminster 1 Lord Hartisgto n who does not suffer from the somewhat vindictive animosity to tha Irish members which so many of their friends regret in Mr. Bright and Mr. Chamberlain, is beginning to recognise that those who do the work of the Tories ma,y aa well join their ranks, instead of assisting them in the guise of Liberals.

X FALSE CHAMPION.

Among the enemies of the Irish cause none is more determined or more aggressive than| Professor Tyndall. Professor Tyndall, indeed, may be looked upon as born to be in a special manner an enemy of the Irish cause, because he is the son of an Irish policeman, and his early years were passed witbin the classic precincts of a constabulary barrack. There, doubtless, he learned to appreciate the manner in which Ireland was governed, and to hold fast to the system that bad provided his infancy with sustenance and shelter. The Professor, in any case, is vehement against the cause, and his letters to the London Times in denunciation of it are numerous and ardent. Sometimes he writes to declare that it is a wild error to suppose that the cause obtains any sympathy in America. Some noisy multitude of Irish Americans there may be, indeed, who support it more out of mischief and the evil that is in them than anything else, but, among the true American people, nothing is felt for it but horror and repugnance. The Professor now and then quotes in proof of his truth a letter from some one or another who he would have us believe is a representative of the American people at large, but whose name, nevertheless, it is not convenient for him to divulge. Sometimes he take? one line of argument and sometimes another, but all of them seem to go back to those early days and savour of the constabulary barrack, where the Professor's notions as to Irish affairs were first imbibed. It is, however, as a champion of the Protestantism o' the country that the Professor seems to us to come forward in the most remarkable manner. Professor Tyndall as a Protestant, we have reason to believe, bad distinguished himself even before he bad done so as a man of science. His biographers tell us that it was among the pursuits of his boyhood to perfect himself in those controveraia publications that a desire for the salvation of Catholic souls have made so plentiful in Ireland, as distributed by the hands of the scripture-reader and his patrons. And it appears that Professor Tyndall has preserved so much of the Irish Protestant that the spirit of these publications still adheres to him . Protestantism as a religion he has long since discarded. He has long since renounced Christianity ; and even deism, and has come before the world as an open atheist! But ho still feels it his privilege to pose as a champion of the sect among he was brought up. He will not hear of theProcstants of any part of Ireland being subject to Home Kule, and al'boujih a professed atheist, he protests in the name of religion npatobt this. But the Profesaor'd form of'proteslation is worth quoting. It runs thus, ai we find it in a letter written by him to the Times :— " But Ulster

strong enough to protect itself. The blood of the heroes of the Reformation still stirs its pulses, and it never will submit to be ruled by the Romish priesthood of Ireland. It is not from the men of Ulster that a cry of anguish reaches me, but from equally valorous and loyal men who are outnumbered further south. In the name of freedom, in the name of justice — were I pious and passionate like Mr, Gladstone, I would say, in the name of the God of justice — I protest against these men, among whom I learnt to read and love my Bible> being handed over to their hereditary enemies, among whom their only desire is to live in peace." But have Irish Protestants, indeed, come to this that they will consent to place themselves and their religion under the championship of a man who claims justice for them while he repudiates the name of the God of justice, and boasts that he hud learnt among them to read and love their Bible, only that he might reject and deny it ? The honest Protestant we can well believe would rather declare in favour of even a hereditary enemy, and would confide himself and his fortunes more willingly to him than to such a friend and champion as this. Professor Tyndall seems hardly a better representative of Irish Protestants than he is of true Americans, but perhaps the constabulary barrack and its principles may find in him a fitting exponent.