MR. J. E. REDMOND'S LETTER.

New Zealand Tablet, Volume XVIII, Issue 11, 9 July 1886, Page 5

MR. J. E. REDMOND'S LETTER.

May U, 1886. The chances of Mr. Gladstone carrying the second reading of the Home Rule Bill have suddenly declined, and we are face to face with the prospect of an immediate dissolution of Parliament. The situation which has thus arisen cannot be said to have been altogether tjnexpected. There is scarcely an instance in the records of Parliamentary history of the successful carrying of any sleeping reform in the course of a few months. It should not be forgotten that only since April 8 has Home Bale been within the raage of practical politics, so far as Englishmen are concerned. With us, of course it has ever been our hope and our dream. It has been handed down' to us through generations of defeat, but of undying confidence in its ultimate triumph. But in England it never seriously entered into the politics of the day until the greatest statesman of the nation gave to it the dignity of his approval and support. It would then be childish of us were we to repine because we have yet a little while to wait before our Irish Parliament actually meets in Dublin. Even were the present Bill to pass the House of Commons this year no one could expect it to become law until the great Aye or No had been given upon it by the constituencies. It is probable that the Government may be defeated, as I have said. So far as delay is concerned, I don't think it matters much whether the Bill be beaten now in the House of Commons or be beaten a month hence as it would eventually be in any case, in the House of Lords. A certain limited delay is inevitable, and it would speak badly for the Irish people were they not prepared to meet that postponement of the realisation of their hopes with calmness, dignity, and patience. Of course it would be a satisfaction, and perhaps something more, were we able to obtain the recognition of the principle of Home Rule by the present House of Commons passing the second reading of the BUI, and though I frankly admit that thf chances of this occurring have materially declined, I am far, indeed, from hopeless on this point. Owing to the firm stand made by Mr. Gladstone in resisting the concessions arrogantly demanded by Mr. Chamberlain the latter gentleman has for the moment joined the Whigs under Lord Hartmgton and the Conservatives under Lord Salisbury and if this combination lasts the defeat of the Government might probably be accomplished, but it is ridiculously rash to profess to speak with any degree of certainty of a division which will not be taken for a fortnight or three weeks. We are only at the very com mencement of the debate ; we have not yet heard the voices of the prominent English supporters of Home Rule. Every day that passes increases the hold which the policy of the Government has upon the masses, and intensities the pressure which the constituencies are brineing to bear upon recalcitrant members of the Liberalpartv Th P certainty that the defeat of the Government will lead to an immediate dissolution grows apace ; the wholeso me fear of retnbution at the ballot boxes i, at work ; above all, Mr. Gladstone has not said his las t word ; the debate will be wound up by him, and though it is a ?nfl7L7 iDg V ° leS tbC HH ° USe ° f CC ° mmODS ™ 8^ O m influenced by speeches in debate, I have great faith in the eloquence loottS V uf Par]iament^ Hand. Things for the moment look black, but he complexion of thirds in the WO rld of politics changes as quickly as an April *ky 1D the Old Ccu U try,and tbeentire rrr tbe cb ,r ged three ° r *>« «»«■ °*« *L Z^T iV" 1" ° D ° Ur BidC ' 3nd l repeat Ism far - ind^d, from being hopeless of the result. Mr. Chamberlain i s p] a y iog , as h e has ind oU tlat Qt f PMP M y r; V trangG aDd rlßky game ' Betwe - and that of Mr. Gladstone there can be no kind of hesitation. The one is as logical and untenable as the othe r ,s in strict accordance with common sense, and common justice. Indeed, so absurd seems u;,?r. 8 -r itlODlthathiß enemiee ' and the * comprise a" arge and a rapidly increasing force, boldly declare that bis obiec tatatt^ 'J8?J 8 ?? e(ffllycl0lkl t0 bide hiS P-conceived Ru er Zl l W "i? 7 GG ° VerDment - He ™™ *»^elf a Home nhS; fT rM V °? agamSttheprinci P le of theßill - because he objects to Irish Members being withdrawn from Westminster. MrGladstone contends for the exclusion of Irish Members as the rule then : presence on certain occasions being provided fox as exceptions' W ? mP^ °; ° n . G CoDtrary> makeS the COntinaed of the Irish members at a 1 times a sine gva non of his acceptance of the Bill Fjw itis worth while to examine this matter a little. Either Mr. Cham- > Plain desires that the Irish Parliament should have full control of purely Irish affairs, or he desires a veto on these affairs to be vested in the Imperial Parliament which would then thrash out a second time every Act passe din Dublin. If this latter policy is his, then he is dishonest in calling himself a Home Ruler, bis « Insh Parliament" would be an utter sham, and it would be scouted by Ireland. If, on the contrary he proposes that Ireland should have control of her own df wLt v n i S tWCe v the bOrDB ° f a dilemma ' Eitber he »«t do what Mr. Gladstone has declared it passes the wit of man to accomplish-namely, draw a definite and distinction between Imperial and local affairs in the House of Commons-or else he must propose the obvious injure* of allowing Irishmen, who

won d manage Irish affairs without English or Scotch interference in Dubhn to interfere in, and very prohably by their votes to decide, purely English or Scotch affairs at Westminster. In point of fact while the House of Commons continues to be the Parliament of England and Scotland as well as the Parliament of the Umpire the permanent representation of Ireland in it and in an Irish assembly at the same time is little short of an absurdity and an impossibility Of coarse the solution is to be found in Federalism. The Federal idea we have always favoured. It is an intelligent and consistent policy. In its direction the decentralisation which is taking place throughout the world is tending, and to Federalism I, for one, have little doubt the three kindoms will eventually come. Then the whole character of the House of Commons will change. It will cease to be the Parliament either of England or of Scotland or of Ireland— which will each have its own. National Legislature, supreme in the management of national affairs— and it will then become in reality, as in name, the Imperial Parliament. When that day comes of cooise Ireland will claim, and will readily obtain, her share in the government of the Empire, but till it does come, permanent representation at Westminster is incompatible with the creation of •uch a Parliament in Dublin as it would be worth Ireland's while to accept. By the proposals of the Government our present rights are fully safeguarded. On questions of Imperial taxation in which we Bhould bear a sha,r e , we would have a right to appear at Westminster. The Irish Parliament could by address always obtain, the right for Ireland to take part in deciding any great Imperial issue, and, finally, the question of the revision of the Irish Constitution could only be raised at Westminster if the Irisk Members were recalled. Beyond this we do not want to go. The energies, the talents, and the time of Irish public men will be sufficiently taxed by the effort to restore the shattered fortunes of their country, without being compelled to appear at Westminster to decide issues which do not concern them, and many of us have hailed the refusal of Mr. Gladstone to make further concession on this point with lively satisfaction. But Mr. Chamberlain's demands do |not end there. He has deliberately attempted to raise the " No Popery " cry and asks for a separate Parliament for Ulster, so that the Protestants of Ireland may not be " handed over bound hand and foot to the tender mercies of the Catholics." I will not stop to characterise the morality of raising a cry of this kind, but to show j ,ou its utter dishonesty allow me to point out thet a Parliament in Ulster could not possibly fulfil the end he professes to have in view. First of all, the Protestants who, from his standpoint, would most require protection, are not the Protestants of the ttorth, who are strong, but the Protestants of the South and West, who are we&k. What would an Ulster Parliament do for them ? Then, again , it is perfectly clear that weiean Ulster Parliament to be created to-morrow, the Catholics would most assuredly command a majority of the seats in it. The fact of the matter is, Mr. Chamberlain's one object is to wreck the Bill and the Government ; he desires to perpetuate the idea of " two nations " for the purpose of humiliating Ireland , and he desires two " Parliaments " in order to degrade both into the position of provincial council, and to rob our people of the ccog-nition of the national sentiment which has been their passion nd their aspiration for centuries. In this he shall not succeed Better a thousand times the Bill were wrecked, better another generation should pass away without the realisation of their hopes, than that the honour and the interest* of their country should thus be sacrificed. We have learned how to wait, and, if need be, we are ready to wait now, strong in the knowledge that if not to-day then assuredly to-morrow our cause must triumph. J. E. Redmond.