DUNEDIN PARLIAMENTARY UNION.

New Zealand Tablet, Volume XVIII, Issue 9, 25 June 1886, Page 21

DUNEDIN PARLIAMENTARY UNION.

(Prom the Evening Star.) The meeting of the Union last Saturday was well attended. IBISH HOME RULE. The debate on this question was resumed. Mr. J. Lee Smith supported the amendment moved by Mr. Hodge that the first part of the motion proposed should be deleted. He thought that if a resolution was to be sent Home it should be unanimous, and that Mr. Jago should therefore accept the amendment. This was not a time to introduce such a party question, and it could only be the means of producing discard in the Union. Mr. Jago repud-ated any intention of bringing down a party question. The motion had been put in such terms as to exclude any partisanship whatever. It did not commit the House to the details of Mr. Gladstone's scheme or of any other. It would be as ungracious as illogical to accept the amendment. If it were the desire of the House that measures should be speedly adopted for giving Ireland control over local affairs, surely it was but a small thing to ask that they should congratulate Mr. Gladstone in the action he had taken. Mr. Milne supported the amendment. Mr. Jago seemed to have ignored the position of affairs in the English Parliament. Everyone there had long ago recognised the rigLt of Ireland to a fair measure of local self-government. He maintained that by passing the resolution the Union affirmed Mr. Glai .stone's proposals. Mr. Callan said the only object of the amendment seemed to exclude any mention of Mr. Gladstone. If ihe motion was to be carried it was inconceivable why Mr. Gladstone's name should be banished from it when he had brought the question forward as soon as it came within the range of practical politics. He pointed out, as to the elements of fear which had been spoken of, that all great reforms in the past had been the outcome in a great measure of fear on the part of those in power, Mr. Darling rose to speak, and was addressing himself to the attitude of the Irish party after the Phoenix Park murders, when he was interrupted by cries of " Question ! " and resumed his seat. The amendment was then put and lost. Mr. J. T. Norman, speaking to the motion, said tbat when the very heart of the Empire was about to be convulsed in the attempt to solve one of the weighte6t problems that bad taxed the capacity of the present generation of statesmen, he felt trat it did not beseem them to stand gazing idly on as unconcerned spectators ; and he therefore rejoiced at the interest the Union had shown in the subject. Referring to the ohjtctions made that the proposd measure would alienate the loyalty of the law-abiding minority and not satisfy the demands of the perpetually agitating majority, it must be remembered that tne Bill was outside the categoiy of ordinary British legislation for Ireland. It had not been wholly hatched, so far as its main principles wt.s concerned, in the sacred precincts of the British Cabinet. It was evident that Mr. Gladstone had merely undertaken to crystallise into a practicable scheme, the long cherished aspirations of the Ir sh Parliamentary party. The speaker admitted that the question of the taxation of Ireland without her being represented in the Imperial Parlima«nt was one of difficulty, but not one beyond the power of ingenuity to cope with. He should like to B<± what (Trent t-alutary measures the preseuce cf the Irish in the LJq.erial Parliament had secured for their country during the last eighty years ; and he should like it also to l>e remembered that never perhaps for a quarter of a century, had there been a spectacleof united parliamentary action comparable to t lat which had characterised the compact party under the leadership of Mr. Parnell. Why, it was notorious that while Mr. Parnell had exercised the power of a'parliamentary Warwick to make and unmake Cabinets, he and his party had been powerless even to secure for their fellow-subjects the right of|beinp tried at the tribunal of their country in cases of political 6uspicion. If drastic, strenuous coercion was all the fruit of Parliamentary representation in England, then there was small reason to lament when the Irißh legion for the last time turned their backs npon St. Stephen's. As to the industrial results : when once Home Rule was granted thousands of sons of Ireland would return to their native soil ; and there was no reason why, upon equal terms, with-

out resort to protective legislation, Ireland should not make a fresh start in the race for commercial greatness. The Attorney-Genera', steeped in the tranditions of hie office, would impeach the provisions of this Irish Bill of Rights, and seemed to scent treason lurking in its clauses. Plots, assassinations, dynamite conspiracies mingled in his imagination with the memories of State trials. Before his startled fancy visions of events arose recalling the episodes of Emtnett and Wolfe Tone. But the speaker dared not press these reminiscences farther. He would not impugn the hon. gentleman's humanity, and conceive him capable of emulating his past brethren of the long robe in pursuing Che hapless victims of the law with relentless ferocity to their felon's doom. (Laughter.) He preferred to regard him as a man of truly sympathetic nature, and confidently invited him to share with the speaker a passing tear over the ensanguined graves of unfortunate and misguided patriotism. — (Great laughter.) In conclusion, be trusted that the Union would, by an almost unanimous vote,' record its concurrence in those expressions of sympathy which from all parts of the British dominions had been conveyed to the veteran chief, who in this, his last great act of constructive statesmanship, had supplied the keystone to the arch of his everlasting fame. — (Applause.) Mr. K. Ramsay (Premier) opposed the motion, considering that the measure would lead to separation, and would not pacify Ireland. He had no objection to the prophecies that had been made as to Mr. Gladstone's memory, but he believed that Mr. Gladstone in this matter had been actuated more by fear than by a desire to do justice to Ireland. During last session no one ever heard of his intention of beinging forward any such proposals, and all knew how strongly he denounced the unholy alliance between Parnellites and Conservatives. Why this sadden change of front? The people, too, to whom it was now proposed to trust the goyernment cf Ireland were no others than the members of the National League, whom Sir M. H. Beach bad called the apostolic successors of the Land League. The real cause of the rioting, distress, and misery in Ireland was to be found in the attitude of the Irishpeople towards the law. The law-abiding portion of the people were the most prosperous, and the same thing was proved by the prosperous condition of Scotland, Why also should there be all this fuss on the subject in the Colony ? We here had Roman Catholics amongst us who labored under serious educational grievances, hut how many of our representatives bothered about them 7 He believed a system of local self-government was absolutely necessary in England, Scotland, aud Wales, and that it would come in time. Mr. Melland should vote against the motion, but could not agree in the disparagement of Mr. Gladstone that had been indulged in. The followers of Mr. Parnell, he contended, did not represent Ireland" but they represented the League which at the last elections resorted' to a system of terrorism to secure the return of its members ; and the Home Rule measure meant handing the country over to a dastardly secret Society with a foul record of crime. By the proposed financial arrangements Irpland would, if the measure were carried, have to pay England some four and a-half millions a year. How long would it be before Irishmen would begin to regard this as merely a tribute to a foreign Power ? He denied that the measure could restore either peace or prosperity to Ireland. Dr. Brown supported the motion. He pointed out with regard to terrorism that in the past history of the House of Commons all elections bad been conducted in the same way ; also that no revolution had been accomplish d without some evil de<ids being perpetrated by its camp followers ; but tbey could by no means denounce revolutions as bad on that account. As regarded Mr. Gladstone, the ppeaker believed he knew as well as any m.in that the measure would not biin<j peace and prosperity to lrelaod, and had proposed it in a spirit of selt-baoifice. He ha<l sacri ;ced his reputation for the next half century.— (Cries of "Yes I" and "No!") He knew it was justice, but he knew also that the Irish people were making a mistake. They would find th.it their character was not trained to selfgovernment, ami that it would not bring them what tbey looked for. Mr. Gladstone had pimply anticipated what the Tories would do as soou as they got into office. He looked upon the relief of Ireland as the first step towards the federation of every English-speaking country. Mr. Denniston said the motion bad been framed from a noncommittal point of view, and therefore was unsatisfactory. It was, therefore, quite possible that those who, like himself, believed that the admitted congestion of the central Legislature could be bestcured by granting a liberal measure of Home Rule, not only to Ireland, but Scotland and England, to vote for this motion. But the House had discussed it on the assumption that they were discussing practically the Home Rule Bill of Mr. Gladstone, and it was on that basis he proposed to ref«r to it. The Bill proposed to hand over the government of Ireland to those who supported the Irish Land League, with all its machinery of terrorism, outrage, and crime. He believed as strongly as any one in justice to Ireland, but he would also like to have along with it justice in Ireland. If those who had been endeavoring to relieve Ireland for the last twenty-five years in a legitimate way continued their efforts he bad no doubt success would yet attend them. Tlie roots of Irish discontent were deeper than any Btatote could touch. Ireland was naturally a poor country. — (Mr. Cohen : She used not to be). She was without minerals and resources, and her children clung to the soil tenaciously in spite of its poverty. The Parliament sitting at College Green might ignore, but they could not alter economic laws. Could a single measure be suggested which an Irish Parliament might paßß and which tbe Housj of Commons would reject 1 He maintained that Mr. Gladstone's measure would only be the. means of producing greater dissatisfaction. Messrs. Hastings and Baume opposed the motion. Mr. Stanford spoke in favor of the motion, and in the course of bis remarks deprecated the insinuations which had been made that the Irish were unfit to manage their own affairs. The poverty they were taunted with was the result of the dominating English rule, and the repressive legislation which bad been resorted to bad prevented the growth of manufactures. The difference between Scotland and Ireland was traceable to the different terms of their unions

The Scotch were always good at making a bargain. He contended that the only fear Mr. Gladstone would give way to was the fear of doing wrong. Mr. "Woodhouse also supported the motion. In his opinion, Ireland had been defrauded of her Home Rule, and in justice she was entitled to Borne concessions. Mr. F. Chapman was in favour of the motion, but confessed that he was in no way enthusiastic about it. He did not see that this Home Rule was going to thoroughly remedy the ills of Ireland. Mr. Gladstone's measure was one of a series which, must be introduced for progressive legislation. The question of economy really lay at -che basis of all amelioration, and the great curse of Ireland was absenteeism. He characterise! the government of Ireland by England as scandalous. Mr. C. W. Adams, as a colonial, could not understand why the affairs of Ireland were carried on as at present. He thought that the necessity for a change in the government of the country had been amply proved. Mr. Monday quoted at length from records of the Parliamentary debates during the time of King William IV., to support.his contention that the union with Ireland should be retained on most unyielding terms. Mr. Jago, in reply, said he would best consult the feelings of the Houße by making no reply or else making the shortest possible. The objections to his motion might be summed up in two : the terrible consequences which were to follow the granting of Home Rule and the cry of "No Popeiy." As to the first, members had drawn fancy pictures of the evils that were to follow the carrying out of the proposals of Mr. Gladstone. After this, chao3 or the deluge. But these honourable gentlemen had drawn only on their fancy. All the facts were against them. They were not justified by one fact in history. If tbe demand for Home Rule was just and equitable it should be granted. Members might rest assured that evil consequences would never follow right actions. As to the charges of violence and outrage brought against the advocates in Ireland of Home Rule, hon members who brought these had misread Irish history. The Home Rulers, aided by the Catholic clergy of Ireland, had done more to thwart and render abortive the efforts of of the Fenians than all the power of the British Government. Then. the demand for Home Rule was not made by Fenians and advocates of violence. It was first formulated at a great meeting held in 1870, at which every eonceivabla shade of political opinion was largely represented. As to the danger of handing over the Protestant minority to the Catholic majority, just such a cry was raised after the removal of the Catholic disabilities. But what was the fact? As stated by Mr. A. M. Sullivan, in 'New Ireland, 1 " They (the Catholics) no sooner grasped these coveted honours and privileges than they hastened to share them with their Protestant friends. From the day the Catholic Emancipation Act received the Royal assent (in 1829) to this hour (1877) the most Catholic constituencies in Ireland have again and again returned Protestants to Parliament, and have often so returned them in opposition to Catholics of less acceptable political views. Mr. Butt, Mr. Mitchell-Henry, Mr. Blennerhassett, Mr. Wbitwortb, Mr. Gray, Lord Frances Conyngham, Mr. Parnell, Captain (now Colonel) King-Harman, and other Protestant gentleman now sitting for Irish seats, were elected, as were their equally Protestant predecessors, by some of the most Ultramontane and Papal communities in Christendom." He confidently left the motion in the hands of the House. The motion was put and carried by a large majority as follows : — " That this House congratulate the Right Honourable Mr. Gladstone on the recognition by him of the right of the Irish nation to a fair measure of self-government, and on the earnest endeavour made by him to meet the just demands of the people of Ireland, as expressed through their representatives in the Hou c c of Commons ; and this House further express the hope that such measures will be speedily adopted as will give to Ireland a sufficient control over local affairs, while at the same tinu maintaing intact the unity of the Empire." The Union then adjourned.