THE PARLIAMENTARY SEQUEL TO THE MONAGHAN ELECTION.—A TORY ESTIMATE.

New Zealand Tablet, Volume XI, Issue 22, 21 September 1883, Page 3

THE PARLIAMENTARY SEQUEL TO THE MONAGHAN ELECTION.— A TORY ESTIMATE.

The St. James Gazette, the London Conservative organ, writing of the Monaghan election before the result of the poll was known, has the following significant passages in one of its articles as to the probable consequences of Mr Healy winning the fight: — We have seen how Mr. Parnell stands before the general election : how will he stand after it ? Whatever the result of the Monaghan election may be, it proves distinctly that Liberalism is dead in Ireland. The moderate school of Home Rule has already read its sentence, and it is pretty certain that if in Monaghan the Separatists beat the Conservatives other Ulster countries will follow suit. Thus Mr. Parnell's following will be increased to a number variously estimated at from sixty to eighty. He will have carried his agitation beyond the point in which coarse and brutal methods were necessary to make it successful : he will have received from the Irish people a full absolution— if not approval — for the past. All this will have been achieved without a word'toeing said or a deed being done to offend the feelings of the physical-force men. Of course, such success as this will give fresb energy and fresh enthusiasm to his propaganda everywhere. la America subscriptions — the one thing lacking — will come in galore, and in England every large constituency will be made to feel the influence of the Irish vote. In many, we need hardly point out, the Radical candidates would, without any strain upon fheir conscience, be willing to give the kind of pledge required. Thua the Irish demand would be presented to Parliament with extraordinary force and authority. But this, after all, is a little thing:. The real strength of what Mr. Bright called the Rebel party will Lie in the unscrupulousness of their purpose and the narrow equipoise of the two forces to which they are opposed. It is, perhaps, not safe to prophesy about the result of the English and Scotch elections. But rapid reaction, we have learned, is the law which wide suffrage obeys. The Liberals arc certain to come to utter ruin in Ireland, and in England probably they have considerable losses to face. Whichever side has a majority, it can hardly be a commanding one : not one which Mr. Parnell cannot at a word to his section convert into a minority. That word, we may be sure, will be Bpoken without the smallest reference to the merits of the question in dispute. Embarrassment to English legislation, not improvement of English laws, is the acknowledged policy of those who are resolved to exact Irish independence from our necessities. It is conceivable that Whigs and Tories may make a compact to take no account of the Irisd votes when confidence is in question. This, assuming such an agreement to be workable, would do well enough when the Irish only swelled an adverse minority. But what will be done when it leads to the defeat of measures which the Government regard as vital ? Manifestly Mr. Parnell will have it in lis power to paralyse the energies of Parliament. And if he does not exercise it his forbearance will be due tv the readiness of one party or the other to bid for his support. Our leading Liberals are pledged in the raojt distinct way to resist every measure tending to disintegration. But when a scheme certain to develop into independence is disguised as one for extending local self-government, the conscience and intelligence of the party will sleep— especially if votes and a respite from annoyance are to be won. In fine, we shall find ourselves in the presence of three alternatives. We must consent to see English political life utterly disorganised, or we must grant to Ireland whatever measure of Home Rule it claims, or, lastly, we must disfranchise the whole country or the constituencies whose only mandate to their members is to render orderly government impossible till the Imperial bond be snapped.