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THE PENINSULA ELECTION.

DR. MOHAN'S ADDRESS. The Most Rev. Dr Moran, Roman Catholic Bishop, who is one of the candidates to represent the Peninsula in Parliament, addressed a meeting of the electors in Naumann's Hall, South Dunedin, on Friday evening. There was a very numerous attendance ; the hall was crowded to excess, from 400 to 500 persons being present. On the motion of Mr N. Moloney, Mr J. B. Callan was appointed chairman.

Mr Callan, in opening the meeting, said ; Gentlemen, it gives me infinite pleasure to preside here to-night, and to introduce to you Dr Moran as a candidate to represent this district in Parliament. As his published address will haveinformcd you, his candidature is for the purpose of affording to those electors who are of opinion that the present system of education is wrong an opportunity of protesting against it. Now as an elector of this district, and as the opportunity is presented to me, I say at once that I am glad to have that opportunity of joining in that protest, because I think that the education question ought to take precedence of all other questions. I trust you will bear with me just for a moment whilst I give you my reasons for saying so. I address myself particularly to those who, like myself, are believers in the Divine revelation of Christianity, and, observe, I quarrel with no man. Far be it from me to find fault with any man whose convictions lead him to disbelieve in that, and further on I shall give my reasons for thinking that those gentlemen ought to support the principle involved i» the Catholic claims for education. Bat now J address myself to believers in Christianity, and I say to them, consider for a moment the present system of education, which excludes all Christian teaching from the public schools to which you send your children. Remembef that if your children are not taught religion when young, when their minds are plastic and capable of receiving impressions, it is in vain to hope or expect that they will learn it afterwards, when they go out to struggle with the world. I ask fathers of families, have they the time or the disposition after the day's work is over to sit down and teach the children their religious beliefs? Now, gentlemen, I put these three propositions distinctly before you for your serious consideration: Do you think a Christian education essential to the welfare of your children; should it not be given during tneir school age ; and have the generality of fathers and mothers the time to impart such knowledge ? I say that no Christian man who gives this matter serious consideration — and it must often press itself upon the attention of every thoughtful man — I say that when fee remembers what Christianity has done for the world, what our feeble nature is, and that it requires some restraining power, he must see that, no matter how humble his position may be, or how exacting his employment, a responsibility rests upon him to do what in his power lies when an opportunity presents itself of bringing about such a state of things as will at all events enable the rising generation to learn the truths of Christianity. I say he must feel this education question to be the most important question of the day — not to be put aside for other questions, but that, as a matter of fact, it lies at the root of all other questions ; because, gentlemen, you cannot have wise and good legislation unless, in the first place, you teach those who are to be y<?ur future legislators not only all worldly knowledge, but also their relations and duties to their Creator and to their fellow men. — (Applause.) Now, gentlemen, there is one section of the community who not only think so, »nd. say so, but who go further, and act on tbeir convictions. I allude to the Roman Catholic body. It is a matter of conscience with them — a sacred duty to their children-^to see that the children are educated in religious beliefs, and they have given an unanswerable argument that hey are in earnest by supporting, thoug they are the least wealthy of

the community, their own. schools all over the country. It will not be denied, I think, that it is the fundamental principle of the government of this country that the most perfect freedom should be allowed to »U in the practice of their respective religious beliefs. Now let Tig see how that principle is applied to the present educational system The State says it is necessary for the well-being of the community that all its children should receive a certain amount of secular knowledge, and the Catholic replies, Yes ■ Mr D. Cawder : Have we come to hear Dr Moran or the Chairman ?^-( v Hear, hear," and cries of "Goon.")

The CHAIRMAN: Gentlemen, this is an exceptional occasion, and a$ I have come here to act as chairman I thought the gentlemen present would listen to me whilst I explained the reasons why I did so. I (Jo not want to detain the meeting ; I will only occupy your time a few moments if you will allow me to give my reasons. Well, gentlemen, t was just about to observe that the Government of the country requires all children to be educated to a certain standard. The Catholics say this is a wise law, and are perfectly willing to agree to it. But the Government B ays you are to send children to the public school. The Roman Catholic says, I cannot do that, because it is part of my religion that children should receive secular education and religious truths together, and as you exclude all religion from the public school, therefore I cannot agree to it. It may be said that coming here to support Dr Moran is bringing an element of religion into the election. Now I say, in answer to that, Here are we Catholics crying out week after week, and year after year, that we are suffering an injustice. I ]enow that Bishop Moran takes the position of a> candidate not to serve any personal interest, and that he must feel great pain in doing it. I know he does it for my sake, #nd the sake of those who believe in Christian teaching ; and therefore 1 say, as a Roman Catholic, and as a believer in Christianity, that I am delighted to support him, because be does it not for my sake only, but to support a t>road principle. I will say nothing more, but oi this I am sure, that it is needless for me to ask you to accord to Dr IVtor&n—^specially considering the sincerity of bis convictions, and his unflinching fidelity in upholding them— an attentive and respectful hearing. The Rev. Dr Moran, who was received with loud applause, said : Gentlemen, electors of the Peninsula, I am a candidate for your suffrages at the approaching election for your district. As your Chairman has told you, it is not a pleasure to me to hold the position that I now occupy. I come forward and ask your aid in order that I may be enabled to demand justice for 70,000 of your fellow citizens. You will say, no doubt, that this is & free country, and that its laws are equal : and I admit the statement that it is a free country and a glorious country, and that in the main its laws are equal and good ; but all I maintain is this : that in one particular, and that a most important particular, the law is in many of its provisions neither good, nor wise, nor just. I refer — of course, you will understand me to do so — to the question of education, to the law upon education which prevails in this country at the present moment. The case stands thus :■ since the enactment of this law there has been spent by the Government of the country on education somewhere about two millions of money — that is, of public money contributed by all the citizens of this country equally, each man contributing according to his ability his fair share. In tne~expenditure of that money for the purpose for which albas been voted 70,000 of your fellow citizens have had no share whatever ; and it is no answer to my position to gay that is their own fault,— that if they wished they could participate in the expenditure equally with their fellow citizens. Now my answer to that is this : that the law is in substance, so far as we are concerned, a Penal law ; and I feel thoroughly convinced that if my fellow citizens understood' the question properly they would not endure the existence of a penal law in this country for an hour, During several years I

have found it impossible to get a proper hearing on the part of your fellow citizens. We have only one paper — a weekly one — to represent our views, and that has only a circulation amongst ourselves ; so that the great majority of the people outside of our body know not our views, nor our reasons, nor our dissatisfaction. From time to time we have had made and Bigned petitions in order to make our views known to your representatives in Parliament, and what has been the result? For many years I have found extreme difficulty in inducing members of Parliament even to present our petitions ; so that there was a disinclination to permit us to have our views heard by the Legislature, or our views brought before it even for consideration. I have applied in person to members of Parliament in this country, .and asked them to present our petitions, and they have refused. And I ask now, as honest men— as men loving liberty and fairplay — what is your verdict in reference to such conduct as that ? At other times, when we did send petitions to Parliament, they were huddled out of the House — kicked about the floor of the House ; and when they came before the committee of selection, some trivial reason was found for not presenting them to the Parliament to which they were consigned ; so that we have met with unjust treatment and with obstacles of every sort in bringing forward our coinflaints upon this question of education, f I had no other reason for appearing here tonight before you, this would be reason amply sufficient, for under these circumstances it is necessary that an extraordinary effort be made, in order that we may induce our fellow citizens to look at this question so far as regards us. Now my position is this : that the law of education in this Colony assails at the same time our pockets and our consciences, and it is in reality, so far as we are concerned, a penal law ; that the effect it produces is precisely the same 'effect that would be produced if your Parliament enacted a law especially excluding us from your schoolrooms ; for what is the difference between a law, so far as its effects are concerned, which directly excludes us from the schoolroom, and a law which, in its administration, enacts such conditions that it is impossible for us, as honest men and sincere Catholics, to comply with these conditions? — (Applause.) And my complaint is this : that the Legislature, with its eyes open, in spite of our protests and our petitions, with a full conviction that we cannot accept this system of education, nevertheless enacted it, and I say that act on the part of the Legislature was a persecuting act, and one which we as men were bound to rise up and protest against. — (Applause.) It may be said that our protests will be in vain — hitherto they have been entirely disregarded ; but I have faith in the honesty of my fellow citizens, and I maintain that it is not in vain to seek for redress. And now I come forward in this way — in a way painful to my own feelings, painful to the people whom I represent — I come forward to make in person this appeal to my fellow citizens because I cannot in any other way get a hearing. — (Applause.) I have said that during the last four years or thereabouts the country has spent about two millions in support of public education. We have been excluded from the expenditure of that money, not by an express enactment of law, but by the conditions under which the law is administered, and with which conditions we cannot comply. We cannot comply with them, and that we are in earnest and consistent I think no man who knows anything of the contemporary history of the country will deny. Putting isolated cases out of view — because cases of isolation are not to be considered in a question of this sort or a discussion of this nature — and taking the contemporary history of the country in every part — north, south, east, and west — it will be found that wherever there is a sufficient number of Catholics Catholic schools have been established at great expense and sacrifices. Do you think, does any man think, that Catholics are such idiots as to make such great sacrifices as they must necessarily do through their position in society, for the cause of eaugatioa

if they can conscientiously partake of the advantage of sending their children to Government Bchools ? _ Now I maintain that a very grievous injustice is being done to us, because we contribute our share towards the revenue of the country, and we have an equal right with our fellow citizens to share in the expenditure of that revenue, but in this matter of education we receive no share. Are we not obliged, compelled, to contribute money for the education of other people's children — children of people who are well to do? Look about you, and not farther than two or three perches from the spot on which you now stand you will find a Catholic school attended by 200 Catholic children. In the next street there is a Government school, built by the Government at public expense, and supported by the Government, and the children of people who accept this system of education that the Government has established are receiving there a free education. I ask you, as honest men, is that fair? is that jußt? is that equitable? What reason is there that Catholics who support their own schools should be called upon to pay for the free education of other people's children — the children of well-to-do people I have been told again and again that this is a. misstatement— that I know I am speaking an untruth when I make this assertion. I do not know. I think lam speaking the truth, and nothing but the truth. — (Applause.) Have I not stated facts ? Is it not a fact that the Government gives free education to the children of well-to do people ? Is that an untruth? Is it not a fact? And also, are not the Catholics contributing towards that? Is that an untruth, and is it just and fair that citizens who bear the common burdens of citizens should be called upon to pay a double tax ? Is it not a penal law that compels us ? Is it not persecution ? I maintain it is ; and I maintain that there is nothing contrary to fact or truth in the statement that I have made. And then again, gentlemen, electors of Peninsula, you have been called upon to reject me as a candidate on the score that I am the enemy of civil and religious liberty. In what respect am I the enemy of civil and religious liberty ? My words, and my deeds, and my life are before you. Can you point to anything—word, action, or deed— in which I have ever given any authority or reason to any man to say I am the enemy of civil and religious liberty ?—? — (Applause.) Here I am pleading for civil and religious liberty, here I am pleading for equality and justice for 70,000 people, and a man dares in the public Press to call upon you, in the name of memories that I will not now mention, to reject me on the score of civil and religious liberty. — (Applause.) A man that does so is in his heart a tyrant, because he calls upon you to reject, in the name of civil and religious liberty, my claim to civil and religious liberty. Now I ask you to send me to Parliament in order that I may there advocate justice for 70,000 of your fellow citizens. There are many other questions, I know, in which you are interested — much more interested than in the subject which interests me and my people most ; andas your representative in Parliament must attend to all your wants, I am prepared to give you an account of my principles in reference to all those subjects likely to interest you and engage the attention of Parliament — (applause) ; and in doing this I shall not occupy much of your time. I will state at once, and in brief words, what my principles are on many subjects. First of all, then, I am a Freetrader in the fullest sense of the word.— (Applause.) Secondly, I am in favour of immigration, judiciously carried on. You never can progress — your unoccupied lands can never be brought into cultivation — your railways can never be made to pay — until you bring more people into the country ; and the bringing more people into the country means more employment for the people in it and higher wages. —(Applause.) I am opposed to the alienation of the public lands of tne country in large blocks to any man or number of men ; and with regard to what is called the income tax, lam totally opposed to it. It is a tax to a great extent upon industry, and every tax upon industry ought to be abolished. — (Applause.) I hold the principle that the land of the country is the property of the people of the country, and that they who hold the property of the country ought to bear the burdens of the country. I do not know that there are any other public questions of any very great importance upon which you wish to hear my views. If there are yew can interrogate me. Taxation, immigration, Freetrade, and customs dues : if I had my way, I would rbolish" the last-mentioned altogether, as well as harbour dues. I think the main portion of the taxation ought to be borne by the land of the country. — (Applause.) You can argue the question in a very few words in this way :— Take a desert island. The land is worth nothing. Put people upon it, and it

becomes of value. What gives it its value? The people. As the community improves, you have railways built, the country opened, and the land becomes still more valuable ; but ■it is by the industry and at the expense of the country. Ought not the country to profit by that increased value of the land.— (A Voice : " Certainly ! " and applause.) With regard to your harbour, I have always held that a very great mistake was made in not beginning works at the Heads; and I do hold that if proper training-walls had been built there years, ago, we could have now the largest vessels afloat in your harbour. What I have seen all round the globe led me to the conclusion long ago that the bar could have been removed easily by training-walls, and I will help to that in every way in my power if you make me your representative. I think if a sum of even half a million of money were required for that purpose, it would be money well spent, and be recouped to the Colony in less than one generation. There is also another subject of vast importance to every resident in Dunedin or the suburbs — that is the question of drainage of sewage. Something should bt> done in that matter, or we shall have a plague by-and-bye. I think that Dunedin and all the municipalities round about should combine and ask the Legislature for powers to initiate and carry out a general system of drainage. — (Hear, hear.) Now I have one or two words more to Bay, and only one or two more. I told you at the beginning I stand here reluctantly, and I wish to say that I stand here entirely at my own motion. I have been solicited by no man ; no man has suggested to me to occupy this position ; it is my own act entirely. For the reasons I have endeavoured to give you I have meditated this step for years, because of the difficulty I found in obtaining a hearing for my fellow citizens. I waited and waited, thinking it would never be necessary, but now I have come to the conclusion that it is absolutely necessary I should do as I do if the Catholic body is ever to obtain justice and equality in the matter of education. Ido not think I need occupy your time any longer. I have told you my_ views, and my reasons, and my political principles. If you return me to Parliament I will give to your interests all my energy and such intelligence as I possess. I will labour indefatigably to promote your interests, and if there be any one portion of the community which is more dear to me than another it is the honest hard-working man — the working man. — (Applause.) I entertain for him not only respect but reverence, and nothing will be lett undone that I can do to promote his interest. I now cast myself upon the generosity and the sense of justice of the electors of the Peninsula. If they will return me to Parliament I shall feel obliged to them, and I shall make every return in my power for the trust they repose in me and for their generosity ; but if they reject me because they wish to return a better man, I shall be pleased and shall not quarrel with them ; we shall be as good friends as ever. — (Applause.) If, on the other hand, they reject me because I am a Catholic, if they reject me because I am asking for justice and equality for 70,000 fellow citizens, if they reject me because I protest against the stress placed upon my conscience and the consciences of 70,000 fellow citizens, then I shall rejoice and Ye glad at the rejection. — (Loud applause.)- I have omitted one thing, I think, that I ought to have explained. It is not very easy for one to remember everything, speaking as I am speaking now, because it is rather unusual with me, and I have not taken any notes except two or three words. I think you will be a little anxious to hear a little more in regard to my views with reference to education. You will naturally ask me what do I propose. Is it my intention to move for the repeal of the present law? I say no. My object is to amend it, not to abolish it. If you wish to have the present system or any other, I shall not oppose ; I wili give to every man the liberty I claim for myself. — (Applause.) If you wish to maintain the present system, well and good ; I shall be satisfied as long as you do justice to the Roman Catholic body. You will ask me again if I am an advocate for the reintroduction of the system of charging school fees. I say no, if you are opposed to it; but I say if you maintain the present system of education, then I will go in for fees s& long as Roman Catholics are obliged to support their own schools unaided, because I think that only fair and just. — (Applause.) The Chairman then invited questions. The following written question was handed to the Chairman : — " Will the candidate pledge himself to go to the poll, as it is generally believed that he is coming forward for the purpose of securing to Mr Donnelly a number of votes, and then retiring close upon the day of election in his (Mr Donnelly's) favour ?" — (Hisses and dis««nt.) ° - -

Dr Moran : Gentlemen, I will anawer that question candidly ; but before doing so I must express my surprise that there is one amongst my fellow citizens who entertains such an opinion of me — believes that I would be capable of such an act.— (Great applause.) My candidature for the Peninsula is bona fide. I thought the matter over, and calculated the moral cost. lam determined to go to the poll. —(Applause.) I never had any other intention. I told the electors in my address through the newspapers that I would do so, but that I would not canvass any man ; and after this one speech to the electors, I will do nothing further. I will leave the matter in the hands of the electors ; for if my election is not spontaneous and free— if it is not the result of the approbation of my fellow citizens, I do not want to be elected. But my candidature shall not be withdrawn, and every man who wishes to vote for me will have an opportunity of doing so. I will repeat : My candidature is bona fide, and I will not retire in favour of any man.— (Applause. ) Mr J. Doyvnie asked whether the candidate was in favour of the Governor being appointed, as at present. Dr Mohan : So long as the Colony is a dependency of the British Crown I am in favour of the system.— (Applause.) * Mr J. Downib : Are you in favour of the Upper House members being absent for some two years and drawing salary ? Dr Moran : That's a twofold question. I will answer it. First of all, with regard to whether I am in favour of the Upper House : I say yes. Am lin favour of absentees drawing salaries ? I say no.— [Several voices : They do not do it. '] Mr Downib : If you are elected will you have the system amended so that they do not draw salaries ? Mr R. Stout : They do not draw salaries. The Chairman : They do not draw salaries at all. Mr Worthington : I belong to a sect called the " Bushmugarians." I want to ask Dr Moran whether he will present a petition asking the Government to give aid to our schools. Dr Moran : I will.— (Applause and laughter.) An Elector wished something said about the Chinese question. — (Hear.) Dr Moran : My views on the Chinese question are these : This country belongs to British subjects, and I think they alone are entitled to it.— (Applause.) If the Chinese or any other people wish to come here for the purposes of trade and commerce, I would have tne ports open to them, but on no other grounds. Mr D. Calder : Would Dr Moran be in favour of taxing church lands, church properties? — If the law be equally imposed I have no objection. — (Applause. Mr J. M'Bride : Would the candidate explain to me what he means by saying he would allow the Chinese to come here for the purposes of trade and commerce ? Dr Moran : I do not think the language can be plainer. They come for the purposes o trade and commerce. They do not come to be settlers in the country. I have no other words to express it. Mr M'Bride : A person who is not a British subject you would prevent from settling? Dr Moran : Ido not say that. Any people that conae as they go to America or as they «o to England. Ido not want any change of the law. Mr Healey : If returned will you endeavor to get a railway-station at the Kensington crossing? Dr Moran : Of course I will.— (Laughter and applause.) Mr Gray : Mr Chairman, I wish to ask Dr Moran whether ? if elected, he will go to Wellington as an independent member or as a party politician ? Dr Mohan : I will go up as an independent member, and if you want to have my views on that point any further I will give them. — (Applause.) I am no party-man ; I nover shall be. I will support every good measure proposed by every Government, no matter what it is. I will vote against every measure which is bad, even if the rejection of a Ministry is involved. If a want-of-confidence motion is brou ht in I will take no part in it unless t.he Government is guilty of some gross dereliction of duty. Mr Gray asked whether the candidate regarded the education question as the main one, and a reply in the affirmative was given. Mr Gray asked whether the candidate would support a Denominational system of education. Dr Moran : If the people of the Colony wish to have a denominational system I will support it with all my heart. If they do not wish a denominational system, but the present one, on the other hand, I will not interfere with it, provided justice is given to me. Mr Heai-by ; Are you in favour of the law : being bo amended that we shall get a fair share of cab-license fees ?— (lnterruption.)

Dr Moran : I will give you a general an- I swer. I will endeavour to promote the in- i terests of the Peninsula district in every way, j and to obtain for it everything it is entitled to, , and will be always glad to receive suggestions from its inhabitants. A question on the subject of insular separation was asked. Dr Moran : Gentlemen must imagine that I must be a perfect politician. It could hardly be expected that I would be prepared with an expression of opinions on such subjects. However, I have considered the question well, and always advocated a Government for each Island, and a General Government at Wellington. An Elector : Are you in favour of the extension of the franchise to the female portion of the community ? Dr Moran : I am not. The Elector : Would you kindly give ub your reasons ? Dr Moran : I think it is sufficient for me to announce my principles. If I were to give you all my reasons you would be here all night. Mr M'Bride : Is the candidate in favour of granting State aid to the teaching of Freethought at the Lyceum ? ' Dr Moran : I do not know whether the gentleman means to insult me or not, but I will answer his question. I will say lam not. Mr Worthington asked the candidate's reasons.

Dr Moran : It is enough for me to announce my principles. Ido not think any man has a right to call upon me for my reasons. If you return me to the House I will give reasons for the voting I give, but I have never heard of a candidate being called upon to give reasons for his answers to questions. Mr J. Carroll moved, and Mr Mead seconded—" That Dr Moran is the most fit and proper person to represent the Peninsula district in Parliament., Mr Worthington proposed, and Mr Clarke seconded— " That the candidate be simply thanked for his address."

The amendment found only two or three supporters. The motion was carried with enthusiasm.

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Bibliographic details

New Zealand Tablet, Volume X, Issue 510, 19 January 1883, Page 1 (Supplement)

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5,247

THE PENINSULA ELECTION. New Zealand Tablet, Volume X, Issue 510, 19 January 1883, Page 1 (Supplement)

THE PENINSULA ELECTION. New Zealand Tablet, Volume X, Issue 510, 19 January 1883, Page 1 (Supplement)

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