CATHOLIC AGGREGATE MEETING IN DUNEDIN.

New Zealand Tablet, Volume VII, Issue 325, 11 July 1879, Page 3

CATHOLIC AGGREGATE MEETING IN DUNEDIN.

This meeting was held as announced on Tuesday evening last in the Temperance Hall, Dunedin. There was a very good attendance, quite 600 being present. His Lordship the Bishop of the Diocese was moved to the chair, and Messrs. Perrin and J. Murray were appointed secretaries of the meeting. His Lordship then called on Mr. Perrin to produce the various documents received from other parts of New Zealand, expressive of sympathy with the objects of the meeting. These were accordingly brought forward, and so far as time admitted read by the secretary. There was a letter from the Rev. Father Chataigner, of Timaru expressing warm sympathy, and claiming that his district should be considered as represented by the Chrißtchurch and Wellington delegates. A. letter from Mr. O'Halloran, of Glentui, expressed regret at the writer's being unable to attend the meeting, and professed the warmest sympathy ; letters to a like effect were received from Messrs. Denneby, Timaru ; Daly, Kopua ; and Murney, Tapanui. Mr. J. B, Callan wrote, regretting that important business having called him to Oamaru he was unable to attend the meeting, but that his hearty sympathy was accorded to its object. Telegrams from various places nominating delegates, or authorising their nomination were also read. A telegram from Auckland was read, stating that at Sunday's meeting Mr. Napier's resolution, " That the entire sympathy of this meeting is with the aggregate meeting of Catholics at Dunedin in their efforts to obtain a modification sf the present education law," was carried. A report of the meeting of the Catholics of the South Eastern District was received. It had been brought up by Mr. D. A. Cameron, of Nokomai, who had come as delegate, but was unfortunately obliged to return to Invercargill owing to the death of a much lamented member of his family. The list of delegates was then read, as follows :—: — LIST OF DELEGATES. Mr. John Carroll, Napier Mr. Connellan, Cromwell My. Michael Fleming, Wellington Mr. Crofts, Invercargill Mr. Perrin, Nelson Mr. Eoach, Invercargill Mr. A. White, Curistchurch Mr. Maher, Invercargill Mr. John Connor, Lyttelton Mr. Keppel, Lawrence Mr. Perrin, Naseby Mr. Reynolds, Waipori Rev. John Mackay, Queenstown Mr. Edward Carroll, St. Bathana and Arrow Mr. M. Meenan, Tinkers Mr. C. O'Driscoll, Hokitika Mr. Perrin, Winton Mr. F. Meenan, Kumara Mr. Drum, Waikouaiti Mr. Cormack, Roxburgh Mr. Maloney, Palmerston The following are the resolutions proposed and unanimously carried. Proposed by Mr. Michael Murphy, Dunedin, seconded by Mr. Thomas Murray, Dunediu : Resolved—" That the Most Reverend Dr. Moran, Bishop of Dunedin do take the chair." Proposed by Mr. Reynolds, delegate Waipori, seconded by Mr, Drum, delegate Waikouaiti : Resolved — "That Mr. Perrin and Mr. John Murray be appointed secretaries of this meeting." Proposed by Mr. Perrin, delegate Nelson and Naseby, seconded by Mr. M. Fleming, delegate Wellington : Robertson Hist, of America, tone X,p. 27.

That a national system of purely secular education is contrary to the conscientious convictions of Catholics, condemned by their religious principles, and repugnant to their Christian feelings." Proposed by Mr. Crofts, delegate Invercargill, seconded by Mr. Connor, delegate Lyttelton : Resolved—'- That a system of purely secular education is not omy unchristian and anti-Christian, but also impolitic, as calculated to impair the moral tone of the community, and render life and property insecure." Proposed by Mr. John Carroll, delegate Napier, seconded by Mr, Connellan, delegate Cromwell : Rasolved— " That as Catholics conscientiously hold these principles and views, it is a grievoas injustice to compel them to pay taxes for the maintenance of a purely secular system of education, and to submit to what is, in effect, double taxation, in consequence of having to maintain schools for the Christian education of their own children." Proposed by Mr. A. White, delegate Christchurch, seconded 'by Key. John Mackay, delegate Qucenstown : " Resolved—" That as citizens contributing their fair share to the public funds, Catholics are entitled to a fair share of the expenditure of these in support of education, and are consequently entitled in justice to aid to their own schools so long as public moneys are spent in the maintenance of education. Proposed by Mr. F Meenan, delegate Kumara, seconded by Mr. N. Malony, delegate Palmerston : Resolved—" That a Petition, embodying these resolutions and praying for such change in the Education Act as will place Catholic schools on a footing of equality with Public schools, be sent to both Houses of Parliament, from and on behalf of this Aggregate Meeting. Proposed by Mr. Cormack, delegate Roxburgh, seconded by Mr. Maher, delegate, Invercargill : Resolved—" That the form of petition read be adopted, and signed on behalf of this Aggregate Meeting by the Chairman and delegates here present." Proposed by Mr. Keppel, delegate Lawrence, seconded by Mr. Koacn, delegate Invercargill : Resolved—" That this Petition be entrusted for presentation in the Legislative Council to the Hon. Dr. Grace, and in the House of Representatives to Mr. J. C. Brown, member for Tuapeka, and that the Chairman be requested to have copies duly signed and forwarded to these gentlemen." Proposed by Mr. John Scanlan. seconded by Mr. M. Meenan, delegate Tinker's Gully : Resolved—" That the Most Key. Dr. Moran do now vacate the chair, and that Mr. A. White be called thereto." Proposed by Dr. Murphy, seconded by Mr. Crofts : Eesolvad— " That the marked thanks of this Aggregate Meeting be tendered to the most Rev. Dr. Moran, for taking the chair at this meeting." The most rev. chairman then addressed the meeting as follows :— Ladies and Gentlemen — This aggregate meeting has been called for the purpose of agitating the Education Question and of adopting a petition to Parliament on the subject. It is very gratifying and encouraging to find that this call has been so well responded to. This is eminently a representative assembly, the Catholics of New Zealand may be said to be here present by their delegates, and it can with truth be said that to-night sixty-five thousand Catholics ask justice, and demand the repeal of the law, which compels them to pay for tha establishment and maintenance of anti-Catholic and godless schools, and practically imposes on them a double taxation for education purposes. On this important occasion it may be permitted me, as your Chairman, to review the state of the question. We have a grievance and a very great and serious grievance ; and it is only right and proper that the public should be in no doubt as to what it is we complain of, and what it is we want. A plain statement as to facts and principles will make all this clear. A. system of education prevails at present in New Zealand, under which secular education in Primary, Normal, and High Schools, and m an University is provided at the public expense for all who can conscientiously avail themselves of it. In the case of primary .Normal Schools education is entirely free, in the High Schools and and the University partially so. But no provision whatever is made for the education of those who cannot conscientiously avail themselves of godless education, although the law compels these to pay equally with their fellow citizens for its establishment and maintenance. This is a species of legislation that is contrary to justice and policy, and affords evidence of the tyranny with which a majority in this country treats a minority. But unjust and impolitic as this is, it is not all. At an expense of tens of thousands of pounds Catholics have established and maintained schools of their own entirely at their own expense, because they are conscientiously convinced that any system of education not founded on, guided, and informed by religion must inevitably lead to the detriment of individuals, and the rum of society. And what, in the presence of this conviction, a conviction resting on the teaching of Christianity, and confirmed by experience, is the intent and policy of the present system of education? This intent and policy is the annihilation of all denominational and private schools, and the establishment of an odious and ruinous monopoly, which judged by the teaching of experience, can only result in a low mediocrity in scholastic attainment, not to speak of its irreligious and immoral consequences. vßut'v But ' how> jt may be asked > is Jt proved that the intent and policy of the present system of education is the destruction of all denominational and private schools, and the establishment of a monopoly in the hands of Government. To every man capable of forming a judgment on the subject this is evident. Is it not clear that denomina-

tional and private schools, unaided by public funds, cannot, humanly speaking, live in competition with Government schools planted everywhere, and entirely maintained by public funds ? And, in point of fact, with the exception of the schools of Catholics, with whom the question is one of religion, it may be said that all other denominational and private schools have dissappeared before the godless schools. Legislation could have done nothing more efficacious towards the annihilation of denominational and private schools, and the establish* ment of a Government monopoly of education than it has done by enacting that the educational system of the country shall be free, secular, and compulsory. Nor is this all. Not satisfied with employing the most efficacious means of destroying denominational schools, which is supplied by absolutely free schools— schools free in their erection, free in thefr maintenance, free from all control of religion, free from dependence on God, the Sovereign Lord and Master ; free from parental control, so free that no minister of religion, no individual father, mother, or guardian, may dare to enter there ; this legislation further endeavsurs to crush all attempts, at establishing denominational schools, by severe taxation. Catholic schools, for example, are taxed as if they were private property, as if their managers were making a fortune out of them, whereas the fact is these are obliged to submit themselves to large pecuniary sacrifices on their account. It is not enough for cha legislation of this country to compel Catholics to pay for the support of a system of education which they abhor, and of which they do not, and never will avail themselves, but in addition it insists that they must pay heavy taxes for being so audacious as to have a conscience, and generous and manly enough to maintain Christian schools to save their children from the dangers to faith and morals inseparable from godless education. But not only is this legislation unjust, tyrannical, and highly penal, but it is also odiously hypocritical. It pretends to be impartial and liberal, by handing over school administration to local Boards and Committees. What, however, is the result 1 Catholics have no part in the administration either as members of Boards and Committees, or as teachers. Nor is this altogether the fault of Catholics themselves. True, Catholics are unwilling to take any part whatever in working the Government system ; but this is entirely beside the question ; our complaint is that the law, with full fore-knowledge of the state of things, leaves it in the power of the majority to exclude all Catholics, solely ®n the ground of their being Catholics, from school Boards and committees, and from the teaching staff — a power which as experience proves, the majority has not been unwilling or slow to use. Two cases in point will explain my meaning and illustrate it. (a) A Catholic lady applies for the situation of Head Mistress which happens to be vacant in a public school. She does so in answer to an advertisement inviting applications, and making no reference to religion. She and others who had applied are examined as to qualifications. She is found to be the most highly qualified. The person whose business it is to do so, announces this fact to his committee, adding, however, that she is a Catholic. Why ? According to law Catholics are eligible, and the advertisement did not say. Catholics should not apply. Why ? With reason, indeed, the question may be asked. The committee although a good deal disconcerted by the candour of their Head Master, are, however, quite equal to the occasion ; the matter is referred back to him, with a mild censure for introducing the question of religion, that is with a make-believe of impartiality. The result is the Head Master recommends a less qualified person who is a Protestant ; and the less qualified Protestant is appointed. The action of the committee deceives no one. The highly qualified Catholic is rejected because she is a Catholic, and the less qualified Protestant is elected because she is a Protestant. This case occurred here some years ago, but it is an apt illustration of the tone and temper of the present time. Under similar circumstances the same would be done to-morrow. Here is another case. (J) A grammar school has lost its Head Master. The committee advertises for a successor. Several applications with testimonials are sent in. The committee meet. Two of the applicants seem eligible, their testimonials are satisfactory, their qualifications seem sufficient. But one of the committee imells popery in the names of these gentlemen, and the consequence is they are both rejected without any further consideration because they have the misfortune of having what the committee regarded as Catholic names. And the legislation, that not only permits but authorises all this, claims to be wise, just and impartial. What a farce, what a hypocrisy 1 But though I mention these matters to condemn them and to show the real tendency of public education in this country in regard to the nature of its administration, I do not lest our objection to free, secular, and compulsory education on such grounds. Our chief objection to this system arises from its inherent dangers to faith and morals. This is a view at which you have often looked, and on which you long ago made up your minds. On this occasion, then, it is unnecessary to occupy your time in discussing it. You came here, not to hear arguments to convince you of this truth, which you long since learned from the teaching of the Holy See and your own experience, but to adopt measures for obtaining justice from the Legislature, whicb ought to represent you on this question, but which unhappily grossly misrepresents you. It may not, however, be amiss to mention two cases illustrative of our contention, which have bean reported to us from Victoria, (a) A girl comes to a Catholic School from a Government school. She reads and writes well, can cast up accounts, but to the question, " Who made the world," she answers in blank surprise — " Ido not know." Send your children to the free secular and compulsory schools, and when you ask them " Who made the world," or " Who redeemed them," so far as their education has anything to say to the matter, they will answer you—" We do not know." (J) A Protestant mother comes to a priest, asks him to take into his school her children, who are pupils in a free secular and compulsory school, adding, "if I leave them there they mill treat me like a dog." And I say to you, send your children to Government schoolß and they will treat you like dogi.

What, then, do Catholics ask ? Justic* ! To be put ou a footing I of equality with their fellow-citizens, to have an equitable share of the public funds granted for the promotion of education, to which they contribute in common with their fellow-citizens, set apart for aiding them to teach their children in their own schools the subjects usually taught in the public schools. The first resolution was proposed by Mr. Perrin. He said -—My Lord Bishop, Ladies and Gentlemen,— The resolution placed in my hands as the delegate appointed here to represent the Catholics of Nelson, Winton, and Naseby relates to the violence offered to the Catholic -conscience by the secular system of education. We are frequently told that this system presents nothing to us with which we may not reasonably agree : but this is manifestly untrue. We Catholics have a firm belief in the existence of God : we are taught by our creed, and we hold our creed as something definite and all-important that our lives are to be regulated in view of the constant presence of God We are not permitted to thrust it aside as a thing that it may be useful now and then to recognise, but we are bound continually to live in it. We are told to offer to God as a continual prayer, not only set forms of words and appointed modes of action ; but every word, every thought, everydeed. But how shall we offer to God any action that tends to hide the knowledge of Him from our fellow-creatures. Much more from those whom he has made dependant on us for it— our own children. We should openly mock Him were we to attempt to do so, and blasphemously call upon Him to bless our crying sin. Again, what father er mother is here to-night ? — And I rejoice to see so many of our Catholic mothers here, for much more than on the fathers the lot of the children depends on them. It is acknowledged, and there have been many striking examples of its truth, that it depends chiefly on the mother whether or no the child shall grow up a worthy member of society. lam glad then, to see the mothers come here to protest by their presence against the attempted destruction of their children's faith, and to give a pledge of their determination to uphold it. I congratulate them and propose to them the noble example of those women of Brittany, the most glorious because the most faithful of all the provinces of France who stood up the other day and warned the men making a like attempt upon their children, that if such an outrage were persisted in they would remember the mother of the Macchabees and rear up a race to resist as warriors the attack of impiety, and as martyrs to endure its utmost rage. What parent, then, is there here to-night who docs not carry in his heart a continual prayer for his children. But how can he hope that God will answer his prayer and bless with the sense and protection of His presence those whom he has withdrawn from His presence ? How can he pretend to offer to God that which, in fact, so far as in him lay, he has shut out from the sight of God 1 Or shall he consider that he can please God by presuming to pray that He will accept the gift, that with an impiety more horrible than that of Jephtha, he has at the same time offered to the enemy of God and man — the god of the godless schools. It is not because this system is the system appointed by the law that Catholics are to find in it all they need. There is a law superior to this law which has provided these school ; a law that was recognibed by the Heathen themselves, and which they held themselves bound to obey by preference, when there was any discrepancy between what it enjoined, and what was commanded by men. The tragedian Sophocles, for instance, made his heroine Antigone declare that death itself should not force her from this obedience. When she had performed the burial rites for her dead brother, and the anger of the King had overtaken her in consequence, she declared his proclamations had no power to over-ride the unwritten and immoveable laws of the gods ; nor should any fear of death induce her to incur the penalty of their breach. They tell us Catholics that our consciences should be less tender than that of this heathen maiden. We who have lived in the the fall light of Ihe Gospel, and tasted of the promises, should at the bidding of men, without a qualm, renounce our firm convictions, give up the hopes that have hitheito been the lamp of our lives, and taken away fiom the sight of surely approaching death its terrors. But may we not, one and all, make our boast with King Arthur, " I am not made of so slight elements." The habit of our lives, based on our firm and reasonable faith, are not to be thus easily renounced. We cannot at their bidding, consent to offer to God our lives dt filed and stinting in His nostrils because we have shut out from the knowledge of nim those whom he has especially invited to come to Him. We cannot stifle the prayer, none the less constant because it may be for the most part silent, that continually dwells in our hearts for our little children, because to gain any earthly advantage or to avoid any earthly loss we have, of our own free will, given over those children into the hands of men who know not God but openly deny Him. I beg therefore to propose, (see first resolution). |ft The second resolution was proposed by Mr. Crofts, one of the » delegates appointed by the Catholics of Invercargill. He said : My Lord, rev. clergy, ladies and gentlemen,— We have met to-night to consider one of the most momentous questions that can possibly be agitated by any civilised community. It concerns nothing more nor less than the temporal and eternal welfare of the rising generation. As His Lordship and Mr. Perrin have so very ably stated our case and as I know there are many other resolutions to be proposed, it is' k. not my intention to detain you for any considerable time. But still, because this is the " affection of my heart," as Paddy says, I don't see that I should be prevented from speaking on the subject. In fact, I can't help doing so. — (Hear, hear.) The resolution that has been placed in my hand, as a delegate from Invercargill, is as follows. (Seeresolution 2.) Now I dont think I shall require much eloquence, my Lord, to piove that it is calculated to impair the moral tone of the community.— (Hear, hear.) Unchristian and anti- Christian we know it is, because where the name of the Creator is forbidden to be mentioned in the public schools it must necessarily be so. It appears to me that the so-called philosophers of the piesent day want to drive God from His own Creation by their puny little efforts. — (Cheers.) They call themselves philosophers, forsooth, and they say, "We will wipe God away from the State, from the family, and from the school,

and we will take care that our youngsters grow up in no such superstition as a belief in God, or the doctrine of future rewards and punishments." Now what is meant by education ? I was at a meeting at Invercargill a fortnight ago, which was attended by gentlemen who wanted to have the Bible read in the schools. Some of them spoke in a very gentlemanly and inoffensive tone indeed, but there was one gentleman present who wanted the Bible, the whole Bible, and nothing but the Bible, and who struck out in the most pugilistic attitudes, as-if he thought the Pope was coming through the ceil ing. — (Loud laughter.) Tom Bayers never struck out so nicely — (renewed laughter.) it reminded me very much of the picture I once saw of some Puritans pulling down a building: —one of those sacred ornaments of antiquity ; he appeared for all the world like the leader of that mob. (Laughter.) He wanted to make out that we Catholics had no consciences, and this I could not stand at all, at all — (laughter) — so I stepped on to the platform and begged to take the liberty of informing him that he was misrepresenting the Catholics. I believe he represented Riverton or some other outlandish place in Southland. I told him I would prove tj him that we had consciences. I acquainted him with the fact that we put our right hands in our breeches-pocket to pay for the system of education we don't like, and then put our left hands into the other pocket to pay for the system we do like. — (Laughter anu cheers.) He was awfully indignant at me for telling him that he had no right to usurp the part of the Creator by da ing to judge my conscience. — (Hear, hear.) But, again I ask, what is education 1 Education is the bringing out of the faculties of man. All parties agree with this definition as far as it goes. Whether it is complete or not is another question. There are some who maintain that a man with a healthy constitution, keen senses, lively imagination, passionate feeling, and a well-stored memory, is ij)so facto an educated man. But I don't think that definition goes far enough. Education is the bringing out of the faculties of man, and enabling him to use those faculties towards a proper end. The end of all is Christ. In the beautiful words of the catechism, we are here to know and serve God, to see Him hereafter, and enjoy Him for ever. — (Applause.) Now those materialists, of course, would say that this is all superstition. '-The superstition that taught Dominic de Gusmanand Francis of Assisiuni how to revel in deeds of evangelic heroism, and stamp their names upon a century — that took Ignatius from the breach of Pampeluna's walls to make him the father of that mighty race, which, if it could boast of Xavier only, \\ ould have given Christendom, as it were, a thirteenth apostle— that disciplined the schools of Europe, and still reaps the fruit of its great parent's prayer, that it m.ght never fail to suffer persecution. They tell us that we are priest-ridden. I may in return tell them, as a layman — and a very humble one at that — that if such a deploiable state of things was to occur, and if his Lordship, who presides here to-night, was to so far forget his duty in the matter. I would be one of the very first to give him a quiet hint about it. — (Lahguter and Cheers.) Those who say that we are priest-ridden — well, tell them that they are gentlemen, and that's not the t'-uth. — (Laughter and applause.) We have been so used to abuse during the last 300 years that we can stand such a slander as that. Our forefathers have been placed in the position that they have had the pot of porridge in one hand and the Bible in the other, and have had their faith attacked, but they have cried " No ; we would rather die poor than reject our beloved faith.'" — (Loud cheers.) And are we in New Zealand going to allow a few paltry philosophers to usurp to themselves all the intelligence in the world ? Why, there is more intellect represented on thia platform to-night — and I am not including myself — (laughter) — than in a lot of these petty so-called philosophers put together. — (Applause.) And these fellows, because they have a smattering of law and politics, go in for what is called the Liberal party. Now, what is the diffeieuce between ihc secularists and the Catholics? It is just the same as the difference between a physician and a pastrycook. — (Laughter.) The physician will prescribe what is proper — though often nasty — for jour ailments, and the pastrycook will prescribe what is tasty and what goes down well. — (Renewed laughter.) Well, the secularists will find in time that these tasty things will not agree with them, and they will only be too glad to apply to the old physician at the Vatican to be cured. — (Applause.) The secularists are trying hard to wrest religious education out of your hands. Well, they can't do it. — (Cheers.) They want to chase God from the family, from the school, and from the State. The strife is waxing hotter and hotter every day. I am not a prophet, lam sorry to say, but my opinion is that we are advancing rapidly towards the day when there will be a war between Christianity and Materialism, and Christianity will stand or fall with the dear old Church ; and we are not afraid that the Church will fall. — (Loud cheers.) She has stood the blasts of a good many storms, and I think Bhe will get over this one by-and-bye. In the meantime let us all put our shoulders to the wheel and push on the good old cause. The State may make as many laws as it pleases, but it will never get us to give up the religion which our forefathers fought for hundreds of years. — (Applause.) It is a iemarkable fact that one of the most conservative Governments in the world — the present English Government — is undertaking a national Catholic University in Ireland at the present moment, and it is no less remarkable that the so-called liberalists of New Zealand are doing the very opposite thing here. I suppose that is because we are at the Antipodes, and do things by the rule of contrary. — (Laughter.) But in England the man at the head of affairs is too clever an historian, and too astute a statesman, to cointenance infidelity. England, with all her faults — and she has a great many, as you know — has never yet given up her belief in God— that blessing which was sent her by the Almighty and by St. Augustine, is retained by her up to this time. — (Applause.) That belief is a fulcrum, so to speak, and the moment she gives up the whole State will fall and crumble to atoms, The greatest lights of the universe, ancient as well as modern, have been, as we know, the champions of religion. Shall we Catholics, consent to put up with the present state of things any longer ? I don't think we ought to do so, and, therefore, trust that we shall all lend our utmost aid in securing our rights and privileges. Ever remember the trials and persecucutions of your forefathers who reduced to the most abject state of

who ™ *H deßt ! tu^ clun ? to the old faith, and never wavered, du£ ta e °°J. cn 3°y i ng their fewards. Follow their example, do jour fiKnnrl^ 7°^ families to the State, and to society, and the men n?Z , 8 - VY ° U can demand your Redeemer the fulfilKp iP t ° m ,T contained in the words, «He that confessed me Hearpn ?T^ X* 8 ° C ° nfesa him before mv Fat her, Who is in xieaven. — (Loud applause.) Hpi/ii" COnUO , rr ' d . elegate for L 7tl«lton, seconded the motion. belnfioJhW ° h J P ueaß^reu eaß^ re in ending the resolution that has amu S empnl y fl^° PO f d Mr ' Croft8 ' who has afforded us 80 much Port TSSi- mm v f tr " < i tlon - I am here to represent the Catholics of zSi? - ' .?' hke the Catholica of every other town in New «,«-*• 6 Pn l ar * m & und er the injustice of having to pay twice for i i* S°n ° f *¥* Cbildren - So much has alr « ad 7 bden ably said ; Shall lr 88 " 7 i°i me to enter further iQto the matter - therefore I snail simply second the resolution —(Applause.) ihe motion was carried unanimously. «wwJ«l!i i!? 11 Ca F rol1 ' » delegate to represent the Catholics of Napier, ?£K n6n 6 Xt , resolution » (see 3rd resolution). (Prolonged cheers.) *£iZ J o «£ il I*? 1 occasion we met in this hall to consider what SmS ?tw d £ ke t0 brmg our views before Parliament, I had «2SJ£S VTif 011 would be » aid to unanimous opinions expressed by the Catholics of this town, and of the whole colony. I to pS CODBlderm S the great sacrifices we were making in trying S™? °VM° Wn 8ch v°.? l8 ' P rovide teachers, and pay for the education sv£Z Zl) i!" 60 ' Whl ,^ com P elle d to pay for keeping up another system winch we could not avail of that in fairness and honesty they would see we were entitled to a proportionate share of the revenue tlrl™ 6 P J Hd ' ?? d to which we are fairly entitled, and which means & an V°S ei7 t0 kee P from us - What do we ask from the government ? We want nothing from them, nor from any class of rrflprtrtTS I' hn \ a P ° ltion of what we P^ t0 kee P 4 what is called the State system, a system that don't please anybody. Even iS,-7 *wV n love with ifc when ifc P^ B^' and I cannot help Ji{« « g c reason the y liked ifc so well was because it was so curectly opposed to what the Catholics wanted, and this reflection leads me further to remark that I blame some ©f the congregations calling themselves Christians for the unjust and dishonest manner m which we, as a body, are treated on this question, £»Jfc T8:T 8 :- c .Patent to any person who has lived any S °S ume m this country that when we look for any«n« g *?£ We consider °ur right, there is a howl raised at SSf*« n mm ° S St, t P itiable bigotry indulged in against us getting our 2£~ 7? U l d think tbat in a grand youn g country like this, where we ought all to be on the same level in the lyes of Parliament tdat such a black spot should not for one moment be allowed to exist *r>u ,l name o f the country, as that a large portion of its inhabitams were compelled to pay for teaching what they could not avail W,™? t0 T blcb - the y w ere strongly opposed. Ido not like strong Jn °iV "ll ca ? be avoided, but the consideration of this question, r£™ tbe , manner m which we have been treated, is enough to make a ta^SUn l^ 1184 ? 3 after as we bave done b y all legitimate means fhJ %V ft- eto vs ' ifc is enou gh to make us think and feel that fcue aays ot bigotry are not over yet— not at least in this Colony. And J«sr TfiT co(e o ( ? Xtltled to get from tbe State : h^e we not done the woi-k or the btate in building schools, for which we have not got oae «!« 1 1 11 mone y e rant or land endowment ? Have we not done more w£ tT ,° r reli g iou s bodies put together, and some of our «!l scoools are unequalled by any of the public schools -notably wie convent schools, to which some of the most respectable families of oiuer denominations send their daughters,— knowing full well the Kfw train . mg th(j y receive there. I say, taking all these xdcts into consideration, that no man who is not blinded by prejudice, ~f We * • c least P articl e of fair honest dealing in his nature can reiuse to give us what we ask for— namely, a pro rata portion of our U ™? n ll' So long as the standard of secular education in our schools S*«&« -* at re( l uired W the Government ; and I also say that we are entitled t C6aSe agitating on tbis question until we get what we »M,if » Connell 5 n ' dele g at e for Cromwell, seconded the resolution, M carre .d unanimously. ti™ t 'A \ Wbite ( delegate from Christchurch) said : The resoluT,r,tht • a - Out to P ro P ose ram sure you will all agree with. It has iiPnrT g fl n what i 8 rigbt and 3 ust » and lam sure this would appear to tnose who so strongly oppose our just claims if they would reiiect upon the question. Why should 65,000 Catholics be deprived of tneir proportion of— l might say, of their birthright ? Are we not as nay 7 as any of ber Ma Jesty's subjects? Do we not pay our taxes, and contribute most willingly when called Tii#f «. laudabl e objects? Look around, from the ™ n t 0 the N orth Cape, and you will see in every village, hamlet, ana town our schools and churches, and even our cathedrals are beginning to spring up, and these prove of what material we are made. i"m>? our ideas from our ancestors, and I may say we are trying to imitate their noble examples. We are also trying our utmost to keep up our schools, at the same time that we are paying taxes for a Btate education from which we can receive no benefit. Surely we are entitled to some consideration from the Government, and we are only asking for our rights. With these views I move the resolution (see resolution 5). The R ev. Father Mackay (delegate from Queen stown and Arrow) seconded the motion. The justice of the demand was, he said, so selfevident that it was unnecessary for him to detain them by making a speech. As the mouthpiece of those who had sent him from the mountains in the interior, he expressed his concurrence with the resolution, and said he would also remind them of the struggles made by the people under his charge in aid of the great cause which they had met to promote. Notwithstanding the fewness of their numbers, he was proud to say that the people wh«m he represented were in earnest in the good work, and had made, and were prepared to make, great sacrifices in order to obtain an education for their children such as they could conscientiously accept. The^regolutioa was pat to the meeting, and carried unanim-

Mr. F Meenan (delegate from Kumara) said that the resolution piacea m his hands did not require much to be said concerning it. (see 6th resolution).— (Cheers.) The resolution would commend ltselt to their own good sense, and he only hoped tbat it would meet W vJ tr. succeßß than th eir previous petitions. There could be no doubt that the Catholics had shown earnestness in the cause of education, and that they were determined upon educating their children according to their own conscientious views. This matter alone he thought if taken into consideration by Parliament, ought to influence them to grant so just and reasonable a request as that preferred for a tair share of the public moneys devoted to the maintenance of education, Mr. N. Moloney (delegate from Palmerston) seconded the motion, ana said that as a Catholic, an Irishman, and Colonist, he had often wondered why the Catholics were cheated out of their proportion of the public funds expended upon education. He felt that they were in the position of shareholders of a public company, who contributed the same as other shareholders but were deprived of the returns the company made. He would like to know what offence they had committed that they should be so disqualified, or how long such injustice was to last. He had had a good deal to do with pushing forward a gentleman who had recently retired from the Government, and the reason for his so doing so was that the gentleman referred to nad the name of being a very liberal man. But when that gentlegot into power it was found that the very r verse was the case, and , that instead of raising his voice in support of their claims the Mon. Mr. Stout was one of their greatest opponents. He for one had supported him against Mr. Larnach, who was a very liberal man. and unfortunately they had been deceived. Their remedy was to keep on hammering away and crying out day after day against the injustice that was done to them, and he thought that then the Parliament would be shamed into doing them some measure of justice. He knew there were plenty of people who differed from them in religion, nationality, and faith, who felt strongly that they were entitled to a subsidy for their schools. All they required was that some allowance should be made to their schools. Their claim was just and reasonable, and he believed that their fellow colonists, whether they were infidels or whatever they were, would in time come to see that restitution was due to the Catholics, and he hoped that time would shortly come.— (Cheers.) The resolution was also carried unanimously. The Most Rev. Chairman then called upon the Secretary, Mr. Pernn, to read the petition, which was as follows :— To the Hon. the House of Representatives or New Zea« land, Wellington. Petition adopted by the Aggregate Meeting of Roman Catholics, held m Duredin on the Bth of July, 1879, and signed by authority of said meeting by the persons whose names are herewith appended. " Sheweth that the system of public education by law established in New Zealand, inflicts on them a great grievance and injustice. " That a system of free, secular, and compulsory education is in direct opposition to their conscientious convictions. '• That consequently they are unable to avail themselves of it, and are compelled to provide for their own children, and at their own sole expense, Christian schools. " That they consider it a hardship and an injustice that these schools should be refused aid out of public funds, to which they contribute equally with their fellow citizens. " That they consider themselves unequally and unjustly treated by the Legislature, which provides free and secular education at the expense of all without exception for one portion of the community and to the exclusion, of all who are conscientiously opposed to secular education. " That in their opposition to a system of free, secular, and compulsory education, which ignores and practically forbids Christian schools, Catholics are not unreasonable, inasmuch as their principles ever have been and are recognised throughout Christendom, as the safest and best, and are at this moment embodied in the laws which regulates public schools in Great Britain. " That wise statesmanship, whilst abstaining from trampling on the most cherished convictions of any portion of the community, is ever anxious to conciliate rather than exasperate even a minority; and that consequently it is not only unjust but also impolitic to sow the seeds of discontent, and create a rankling sense of wrong in the minds of any considerable portion of the inhabitants of a State, by such legislation on the subject of education, as leads to the conviction that the Government not only ignores, but contemns the conscientious convictions of large numbers. " That wise legislation always respects such convictions, and by so doing conciliates the respect and secures the enthusiastic support of all grades and classee. " That, finally, petitioners confidently appeal to your Honourable House for a redress of the grievance and injustice of which they complain, and ask that such changes may be made in tbe law as will, whilst in no way impairing the efficiency of public education, meet their conscientious views, and do them justice. " And Petitioners will ever pray, etc. Mr. Cormack (delegate from Roxburgh) said he bad been chosen by his fellow Catholics of Roxburgh to represent them, and although he felt nervous, as he had never before addressed a public meeting, he had taken courage, and had asked himself, as a Catholic and a parent, why he should be afraid to address his fellow Catholics and give bis opinion on the present system of education.— (Applause.) He would not enter into details, as they were all aware of tbe existing system of public education— free, secular, and compulsory. One or two things, however, struck him with regard to the present educational system, and some of the flimsy arguments of secularists, which were used for the purpose of opposing the claims of the Catholica regarding the education of their children. It was always maintained that their opponents were free from bigotry, but he never believed it. (Cheers.) It was claimed that they were actuated by the purest motiyes, and this he did not believe at all,— (Cheers.) It waa also said

to iJtZ On? ♦* th * nam * of libfcr *y- Well, that was adding insult aS&r?^ Cr m °? ing he had read a Paragraph in which Wrff ft. fit iT" l^^ '\ We abhor Secularism and Popery." s sa;° : *"" find themseivcß in the Viewed his own feather in the fatal dart H ™rf O nnl o s Wl £? ed the shaft that I™™* in his heart, undtr R ?^H USe>)^ Jw re WSS 'I" 6 thin^ that liberal Protestants did CatbdkS tlv, 1p f T aS the consci entious convictions of the rvlhn £ • al P™^ 8^ 8 appeared not to understand that the Catholic conscience could not be made to suit the convenience of the rlr^ N WaS ..n y t 7 hfcless tbe case. That illustrious oratorian Cardinal Newman, in his letter to the Duke of Norfolk, in his deSnitor. of conscience, said, "ihat the rule and measure of duty is not utility, nor expedience, nor the happiness of the greatest number nor S«3ff convenience, nor fitness and order. Conscience is not a far' sighted selfishness, nor a desire to be consistent with oneself but it iVTFT 88 * 1 H J m Wb °' b ° th in nature and in grace seaks to us behind a veil, and teaches and rules us by His representatives Conscence as the original Vicar of Christ, a prophet inits taffiS nnTw mm ° nar s f I* 8 P erem Pt°riness, a priest in its blessings and anathemas, and if the external priesthood throughout the Church ° he ' m^^ e ? acerdotal P™ple lould remain, and would have a sway. "-(Applause.) Such, then, was the definition of conscience by one of the greatest prelates of the Church, and yet secularists have the presumption to think that we will violate that sacred inheritance merely to suit the whims of a few speculative theorists, who appear to have no conscience of their 3.' *♦ * W £ re One or two other matters to which he TsDecii vn H ?T^ in , a P, rsition t0 Bay that Catholic mothers Xf 7 v^ tO^ thankful f( >r the benefit of Catholic schools for their children, although they were doubly taxed for their educa?n«»it ? lo™*I o ™* ?t t . he , S . tate schools Catholic children were continually insulted about their faith. He did not mean to say that a schoolmaster could be responsible for what one child might say to another but he would mention a fact to illustrate the desirability of establishing Catholic schools. A gentleman said to him the other day that Catholics were different from all other denominations, and that the others could mix together well enough in the schools. Well, he was prepared to admit there was a difference between the Catholics and other denominations.-(Applause). The incident he intended to refer l??i? at ° ne °£ the Children at a State 8ch ° o1 said she liked S?nnJ? n V f7i— J' b^v WaS SOrry il was a Catbol^, because if it continued a Catholic it might go somewhere. This had taken place in a Government school, and he would say that in the event of the T^w refusing to grant the just claims made by the Catholics ana stUl trampling upon their sacred conscience— a conscience that could not be altered— the Catholics would still stick to their own schools, and though doubly taxed for education, would establish and Ssobt/onl m'~(APPIaUSe)>m '~ (APPIaUSe)> He concluded b y m »ving (see sixth Mr. Maher (Invercargill) seconded the motion without comment, and it was adopted unanimously. Mr. Keppel spoke of the "injustice done to between sixty and seventy thousand Catholics in the colony by the present educational system. He said the present system satisfied no one, and that its most ardent suppoiters had turned against it. The system had become obnoxious and intolerable, and if allowed to remain in force two years longer he believed it would produce anarchy and rebellion He moved (see seventh resolution). Mr. Roach (Invercargill) seconded the motion, and protested against the cruel injustice inflicted upon Catholics by the present system of education. The motion was put, and carried nem. con. «. T? n i. the motion of Mr - John Bcanlan, seconded by Mr. M. Meenan, the Bishop vacated, and Mr. A. White, the delegate from Christchurch, occupied the chair. Dr. Murphy then proposed a vote of thanks to His Lordship the JJisnop for presiding, and in doing so pronounced a warm eulooiura upon him. He said that his Lordship always did everything possible tor the temporal and spiritual welfare of the Catholics of Dunedin.— (Loud applause.) Mr. Crofts seconded the resolution, and said that between the Uisbop, and the priests, and the Catholic laity there had ever existed a paternal and a filial tie, and that it would be a bad day for the world if that tie was ever broken.— (Cheers.) Their strongest tie here was his Lordship.— (Enthusiastic applause.) Their Bishop was never afraid, by voice or pen, to defend their interests and their and he thought that they could not be accused of want of gratitude and love. The resolution was carried by acclamation, and with continued applause; several persons amongst the audience standing up to cheer. lhe Chairman then rose and remarked that he knew there would be no need for him to put the motion to t meeting. His Lordship in reply, said : I must say, Mr. Chairman, ladies, and gentlemen, that I feel very much obliged to you for your icception of the resolution, and for the very kind things that have been said, and which you have accepted as your own. We have spent so much time now in doing some necessary— l* hope useful, work, that I do not think of trespassing on your attention for any length of time. I shall only say a fe*- words to you. I think tha f , this meeting of the Roman Catholic citizens of this place, on behalf of the Catholics of New Zealand, owes a debt of gratitude to the delegates, and it would only be a graceful and a just act on their part to give them thanks by acclamation.— (Cheers.) In regard to the question of education, I do not know that I deserve any praise for what I have dope, or that I have any meiit on account of it. So far as I am concerned, all that I have done has been a matter of duty, and a matter of justice. Holding the position that I do in reference to the Catholic body in this country, I was bound under

the strictest obligations to do everything in my power, consistent with truth, justice, and propriety, for the interests of the Catholics in the education of their children.— (Cheers.) It belongs to me, as Bishop, to point out to the Catholics their duty regarding the education they should give to their children. If there be any who do not know what their duty is, it is my duty to explain it to them, and to prove that they are bound to do it ; and with reference to those who do know their duty well in this matter, and are zealous in the faithful discharge of it, it is my duty to help them. If I had failed to act as I have done in the past, I should have been simply forgetful of my duty as Bishop, I should be worthy of your strongest censure, and I should have been unfaithful to my office. ko doubt we are always grateful to people who do their duty, because we do not always, I am sorry to say, do our duty, and therefore when we find it done to our satisfaction we are grateful for it. With regard to the people, I may say that their gratitude regarding that and other matters always overflows — they abound in gratitude. I think it is no egotism for me to say that I have some experience in the matter. I have lived a good many years in this world already, and I have mixed very much amongst the people of my own nationality and religion, and I ought to be able to bear pretty fair testimony as to the reality of their sentiments and as to their nature generally. But independently of this, I might point to authorities, outside of our own nationality and religion, and quote them as showing that there is no people on the face of the earth who love justice as much as the Irish people love it.— (Cheers.) I can endorse this statement. Ido believe that there is no people on the face of the earth who love justice so much as the Irish Catholic people, and I believe if they had justice done them they would be the most faithful, the most peaceful, the most loyal, and the most, enthusiastic people in favour of those who did them justice. — (Loud applause.) It is precisely because they love justice so much — because they love it for its own sake, without any ulterior object or views whatever,— that they hate injustice with an intensity which few people can realise outside themselves. And I may add here— and lam speaking for myself as well as for the multitude ou whose behalf I am addressing you — that we are led to this agitation, not so much by a sense of the injustice arijing from having undue burdens placed upon us, as by a sense of the injustice in itself. We hate injustice because it is injustice, and even if we suffered nothing in a pecuniary point of view because of this injustice, we would hate it and still try to have it removed. Then if we were bribed — even if compensation were made to us in another direction, we would not be satisfied. I mention this in order that it might go abroad, and that those who have the power of ruling over us and of legislating for us may come to the conviction that so long as we are under the impression we are, that any injustice is inflicted upon us by the Legislature of the country, we never, never shall be satisfied. — (Applause.) It is because it is an injustice we will endeavour to have it removed. We hate injustice, and even if the Government were to give us compensation in some other direction, that would not cause us to cease this agitation for one moment. As some of the speakers suggested to-night, I may say, as I have said before, that I shall never cease to raise my voice against this injustice ; to agitate, to remonstrate, to petition, and to use every legitimate means within my reach until this great and grievous injustice shall be removed, (loud applause)— an injustice which is the offspring of national hatred, and the off spi ing of a national idea of superiority, as much as it is the offspring of anything else, and which, therefore, we look upon not only as an injury done to our pockets and an injury done to our faith, but as an indignity attempted to be put upon us by a race assuming to be superior.— (Applause.) The Petition, was then signed by the delegates, and the meeting closed,

Negotiations between the Vatican and Turkey have reached satisfactory results. We observe with pleasure that arrangements have already commenced for the purpose of raising money to purchase an annuity for Mrs. Butt. Her gifted husband could not save money, and so she is left as a, legacy to the Irish people, for whom he toiled bo hard. There is no doubt that the Irish people will all gladly join in the proposed collection, so that the widowed lady may be in comfort. The manifesto of the " general," though not called (as it should be) treasonable by the Italian journals, is nevertheless reprobated by them in a manner that must be particularly galling to the vanity of the would-be dictator. The Opinions calls it a menace that would not be tolerated in any free country. The Avvenire styles it " mischievous," while the Perseveranza says :—": — " Garibaldi's manifesto to the Italians means — full and unfettered right to destroy the constitution. If you deny us the right, expect rebellion and recourse to arms." This is Italy "one and united I" To reach this consummation of disorder, the country has been harassed and agitated by this restless villain and his associates for more than thirty years. Sorely " the game is not worth the candle." While the Czar is making war upon his own model Russians, he finds it in his interest to propitiate a little the Poles who have been crushed for the last sixteen years. Throughout Poland Russian is now used as the official language, and hitherto the publication of any act of the Pope had been punished by fine and imprisonment. Now there is a lull in this kind of persecution, and a decree has actually been issued ot late by the Russian governor of Poland ordering the Pope's latest circular on Social Democracy to be read three times in all Catholic churches, and in the Polish language too. This decree is a clear confession of mea culpa, for the Holy Father in his letter declares that " secret societies could never do any harm if the teachings of the Church and the power of the Popes had always been duly respected by sovereigns and nations." An address, signed by numerous Polish noblemen, has been forwarded to the Emperor by Count Kotzebue, the Governor of Poland, protesting their utter abhorrence of all Nihilist teachings, and this address has been very graciously received by the Czar. It is rumoured that the Russian Government means to conclude peace with the Poles. It is almost too late in the day

cation ; and it now only remains for Catholics to follow up the resolution of this meeting by energetic action. What that action is, it is unnecessary to specify here. All have made up their minds in reference to it. We may here call attention to the tone of moderation, and yet of firmness, which pervaded th« meeting, and to the excellent order preserved throughout. Not a hitch occurred, and whilst the meeting, both speakers and audience, gave undoubted proofs of a determination not to surrender the rights and claims of conscience, and leave nothing undone to obtain justice, they strictly abstained from everything calculated to give offence to their opponents. In this respect the meeting was a model one. The speeches, too, as speeches, were above the average, and we think no one can find fault with the wording of the petition however much some may differ from Catholics with regard to ita principles and prayer. Catholics then, have good reason to congratulate themselves on the success of their first aggregate meeting. As to the effect it is likely to produce on the enemieg of Catholic claims it is impossible for us to venture a prediction. But we feel assured that it ought to produce a profound conviction of the lolly and danger of ignoring these claims. It ought by this time to be clear to all that it is useless to expect that Catholics ever will accept a godless or sectarian system of education, or permit their children to be subjected to the influence of un-Catholic or anti-Catholic schools. The sacrifices they have made in the past, wfflch is a guarantee of their future conduct, and the spirit evinced at this aggregate meeting, ought to convince all of this. Political parties ought to look abeut them j the Catholic vote can not safely be despised. It is in our power to disconcert and embarrass party combinations, and make a decisive movement one way or the other in a crisis, and when least expected. Henceforward, and until justice is done to us in the question of education, no party will be able to calculate on the way in which Catholics will give their votes. To us mere politics, or political parties, are nothing in comparison with the education question. With us the only question will be, who is or who is not most likely to help us to obtain justioe for our schools.