The Week in Review.

New Zealand Graphic, Volume XLIII, Issue 8, 25 August 1909, Page 1

The Week in Review.

NOTICE. The Editor erill bo pleased to receive for consideration Short Stories and Descriptive Articles illustrated with photos, or suggestions from contributors. Bright terse contributions are wanted dealing with Dominion life and questions. Unless stamps are sent, the Editor cannot guarantee the return of unsuitable MSS. The Characteristics of the Nativeborn. R. FINDDAY has varied his di»I Y courses on taxation by giving I f a most interesting address on “ The Characteristics o£ the Native-Born.” That at least was the title of his lecture, but as a matter of fact he dwelt mainly on the influence of women in politics. He began by saying that seventy per cent of the population of New Zealand were born in this country, and a few years hence the population would be almost entirely nativeborn. The speaker dwelt on the New Zealander's spirit of equality, as shown in the opposition to pretensions of rank and birth, in the diminished respect for » parental control, and for. the discipline of religion in the ready susceptibility to appeals made on behalf of the poor and distressed, and in our eivil liberty and religious tolerance. From the tone of the speech we gather that the Doctor views this spirit with approval, but it has its dangers. There may be less respect shown for rank and birth, for parents, and for religion. There is, however, a great respect shown for worldly success, and for riches, however acquired. It is all nonsense to say that we have no social distinctions; but they are the distinctions of pounds, shillings and peace.

Parents are over-indulgent to their children, children are rapidly growing to regard their parents as encumbrances. How many children ever dream of providing for their parents in their old age? Very few. That duty is left to the State. An intolerance of the discipline of religion may show a fine spirit sOf independence and of equality—presumably with the Almighty —but that does not make for the righteousness that alone exalteth a nation. That we are susceptible to appeals of every kind can hardly be denied- No people in the world are more ready to give testimonials, whether to the merits of a new pill or to a warehouse clerk who is moving from this street into the next. But are we preeminent in the real charity, the charity that suffereth long and is kind; that envieth not; that vaunteth not itself, is not puffed up; that seeketh not her ownf Are we? Women in Polities. When the Doctor comes to the subject of the influence of women in polities, he has much to say that, is good. He points out that in a very few years we shall have more women than men in New Zealand, and the influenoe of women will preponderate. In 1864 the proportion of women to men in the colony was 6153; in 1906 it was 88.65; the present generation will live to see the numerical proportions reversed. Already in seventeen of our most important electorates — Auckland West, Auckland East, Grey Lynn, Eden, Parnell, Egmont, Wellington South, Avon, Christchurch North, Christchurch East, Christchurch South, the four Dunedin electorates, Clutha, and Invercargill—there are more women than men on the roll. This fact alone is significant, especially in view of the fact that at the second ballots, when there was no local option issue, 77.9 of those on the roll recorded their vote*. This shows that it is s great mistake to suppose that the chief political interest of women lies in the licensing question.

How will women use their influence? Chiefly, Dr. Findlay thinks, by means of sentiment. He explains his meaning by saying that if it should be said that women contributed nothing but sentiment to politics, it could rightly be said that the mass of the people contributed little else, and that when their sentiment was right, it was of more value than the thinking of the statesmen. When the conditions of factory life in Britain were a disgrace to civilisation, men so large-hearted as Bright and Cobden set themselves against reform, and opposed the sentiment of the masses because they argued about it instead of listening to their own hearts. In the long run it had been found that the sentiment of the masses was right. If the control of women grew in our political life, it would grow for the better- It might be that the sphere of individuality would have to be circumscribed and that the freedom of the individual made more subject to the State and to Society, but he could not help thinking that if the virtues that were characteristic of women were associated with that control, the result must be good. When that great reform for which the women of New Zealand were struggling had been achieved, their zeal would find new channels, and he believed —or, at least he hoped—that the women’s influence in politics would be one of the profoundest influences for good which this or any other country had seen. The great danger is, as Sir Robert Stout pointed out, when the women's franchise was before the House, lest too much should be attempted in the way of legislative experiments for remedying social evils. An ill-considered remedy is often worse than the disease. The Growth of Methodism. It is surprising that we have never had until now a complete history of the origin and progress of Methodism, but “The New History of Methodism,” which has just been published in England, amply atones for the incompleteness of previous books on the subject. Representative historians and specialists of the several branches of Methodism have combined to write this remarkable history of difficult achievement and marvellous progress, utilising the results of recent study- upon the origins of the Methodist Churchds, manifesting the growing sense of their unity, and setting forth worldwide Methodism as a branch of the Church Cabholie, with its own notes, and an essential unity underlying its several fdrms in many lands. The work has taken more than five years to complete; its historical value is worth the waiting. Methodism has to-day 52,000 ministers in its pulpits, and 30,000,000 adherents in its pews. It has bnilt 96,000 separate churches; it teaches in its schools every Sunday more than 7,010,0')0 children. The branches are in some respects more vigorous than the parent stock. In Canada out of a population of less than 6,000,000, nearly 1.000,000 are Methodists. Every ninth person in Australasia belong* to Wesley’s Church, the figures showing that the Church owns 975 ministers, 4576 lay preachers, 150,750 member!) and probationers. .197.1 Sunday schools, with 24,322 officers and teachers,

and 231,553 Sunday scholars, and 6413 church buildings. The Methodist Church in the United States raised £4,000300 as a centenary effort, the largest sum (raised by a single church in a single effort in Christian history. The significance of such stupendous facts as these has to be reckoned with when the power, the place, or the triumph of Methodism is in any way challenged.

Tlie Decadence of Kipling. Mr. Kipling lias written a poem, “The City of Brass,” that ean only be pronounced as one of the most remarkably bad poems ever written by a writer of repute. The poem has been most severely handled by all the critics, and had not Kipling signed his name to it, it would have been impossible to believe that ‘'The City of Brass” could have been written by one who has given us “The Islanders,” “Recessional,” “Sussex,” and “The English Flag."” Tire meaning of the poem is obscure. It resembles Cal;verley’a “Butter and egjfs and a pound of cheese, and as for the meaning it’s what you please.” The metre is rugged and awkward. “Justice” rhymes with “lust is,” “hardship” with “wardship,” "understanding” with “commanding.” We presume that Kipling intends to paint a picture of John Bull, for he tells of a people who Ascribed all dominion to man in his factions conferring. And have given to numbers the Nama of the Wisdom unerring, They chose themselves prophets and priests of minute understanding, Men swift to see done —and outrun — their extremes! commanding— Of the tribe which describe with a jibe the perversions of Justice — I’andars avowed to the crowd whatsoever its lust is. They said: “Who has hate in the soul? Who has envied his neighbour? Let him arise and control both that man and his labour.” They said: “Who is eaten by sloth? Whose unthrift has destroyed him? He shall levy a tribute'from all because none have employed him.” They said: “Who has toiled? Who hath striven, and gathered possessions? Let him be spoiled. He hath given full . proof of transgression.” As for their kinsmen far off, on the skirts of the nation, They harried all earth to make sure none escaped reprobation. They awakened unrest for a jest, in their newly-won borders, And jeered at the blood of their brethren betrayed by their orders. They instructed the ruled to rebel, the ruler to aid them; And since sneh as obeyed them not fell, their Viceroys obeyed them. When the riotous set them at naught they said: “Praise the upheaval! For the show and the word and the thought of Dominion is evil!” They unwound and flung from them with rage, as a gag that defiled them, Tire imperial gains of the age which their forerunners piled them. They ran panting in haste to lay waste and embitter for ever The wellsprings of Wisdom and Strength which are Faith and Kadeavonr. dragged forth and exposed to derision They nosed out and digged up ant

All doctrine of purpose and worth and restraint and prevision: And it ceased, and God granted them all things for which they had striven, And the heart of a beast in the place of a man’s heart was given. . . and so on for sixty lines. We have had some dreadful doggerel before from Kipling, notably in his lines on the Transvaal, but surely nothing quite equal to this effusion!

A Local Navy. It would appear that New Zealand’s Dreadnought will take the form of one or more cruisers, and that these cruisers will form a part of the Pacific squadron, and be employed in New Zealand waters for local defence. This will undoubtedly be far more popular than a ship in faraway, distant waters, as we shall feel a local pride in t'he vessels, and shall have “something to show for our money.” The British Government seems willing in every way to meet the desire of these colonies for an Australian navy. Fast cruisers are to form the nucleus of this navy, and the Commonwealth will retain the fullest possible control in times of peace. In case of war, the ehips will be placed under the Admiralty’s control if, and when, the necessity arises. It is, of course, obvious that in war-time there must be one central, undivided control. It may thus bo possible in time for Canada and Australasia to control the Pacific, leaving the entire British fleet free to act in Home waters. JX

Indian Problems. Dhingara, who was condemned to death for the murder of Sir William Wyllie and Dr. Lalcaca at the Imperial Institute, met his end with stoical indifference/ and will doubtless be regarded as a martyr by thousands of his fellow countrymen. For they will regard his act as a blow struck in the cause of liberty and against British rule in India. Recent events have made it abundantly clear that the present situation in India is a grave one. The government of this great possession has never been an easy' task. We have had to deal with a huge native population of conflicting types and characteristics, and this ..task has •been made more difficult during the past 18 months by the - growing unrest amongst a . large section of the people. The masses are for the most part illi-' terate, and they are being roused by the educated extremists. Political agitators have preached the boycott and inerted to riot and acts of violence, holding out alluring prospects of the many blessings that would follow the restoration of native rule, and the deposition of the British. The trouble has been in deciding how best 'to deal with'the movement. For a long time the British Government was averse to anything in the nature of strong measures for stemming the tide of sedition. The ordinary criminal procedure, however, proved insufficient for the simple reason that the peaceable section of the native population dared not give information against the offenders. An informer, if detected, paid the penalty for his loyalty with his life. As a consequence, it became increasingly difficult to secure evidence against offenders, and the law fell into contempt.

Is India Doomed ? It was to meet this state of affairs that the Government decided to fall back on its power to deport political agitators. These deportations are made without trial, and on that account have •been condemned as contrary to the spirit of British justice. But extraordinary situations require extraordinary remedies, and that the situation is a grave one is proved by facts adduced by a writer calling himself “A Bengal Civilian,” and published in the “Nineteenth Century” for last month. “It is not necessary to be an alarmist,” says the writer referred to, “or to be blind to the existence of various hopeful symptoms, to recognise that India is passing through * very critical period in her history, and that the whole welfare of the country, its present prosperity, and its future progress, depend on the manner in which the Government faces the present situation. Anarchy and assassination cannot be allowed to prevail, but the ordinary law has proved powerless a.s a means of cheeking their growth. If the abnormal, but atill mild, measures taken fail to eradicate them, or at any rate keep them ■rithin bounds, it i* inevitable that atill

more drastic measures should be taken, and measures which will affect a far larger section of the people than has been affected by t'he deportations. Military law has been spoken of in some quarters, and, though no responsible person would contend that anything which has yet occurred would justify its introduction, it is there as a last resort, and as an alternative far preferable to the unthinkable one that a British Government should fail through sheer inability to

govern.” The martial races, the Mohammedan community, and the illiterate millions may seem to stand apart from the political agitators, but they watch with keen interest the course of the struggle between the Government and the extremists, and it is imperative that the British should not allow any lawful instrument for the suppression of anarchical violence to be discarded. Any sign of weakness would probably mean the loss of India.