32

constitute strong incentives to declamation against the Company; but lam convinced that such topics, when urged on the Imperial Parliament, will be of absolutely no effect towards obtaining redress of the grievance in the manner now contemplated. Whatever we may say or do, we shall have to pay. We are buying, we shall go on paying with no comfortbut that of abusing the Company all the while. Assuming this, I turn to the other course—that of recurring to the Report ofthe Select Committee ofthe House of Commons in 1844, and the Parliamentary debate on the subject of the Report in 1844 and 1845, for the purpose of urging on the Imperial Government and Parliament, the justice of a claim for relief to be afforded by them; that is, by their taking on themselves the compensation ofthe Company for its losses. An important item in such a claim would be the injurious manner in which the Debt operates through being a first charge of a quarter of the proceeds of all land sales . and this would be a reason for urging that the Imperial larliament should at once interpose and satisfy the Company without delay. But the main point is, that a claim on the Imperial Government, instead of being at variance with English ideas of respect to obligations incurred by the Government, would be strictly in accordance with them. Parliament would be asked, not to set aside or suspend a series of its own Acts which have created a valuable private propeity, but to redress the wrong done by it in saddling the Colony with a payment which, according to ample evidence collected by the House of Commons, ought, in justice, to be provided for by itself. The claim on the Imperial Government which was made out in 1844 and 1845, has never been urged, because, in 1846 and 1847, the Company and Lord Grey got rid of it by satisfying it at the expense of the Colony. But it exists in full force, except as damaged by the lapse of time ; and this damage, in no measure, affects the present justice ofthe claim, because until now the colony being subject to aibitrary Government, had no means of appealing with any weight to the justice of England. If an appeal to the justice of England, not for re-opening an account closed by Acts of Parliament, but for entire relief, on the principle of justice alone, were earnestly and carefully made by the General Assembly and all the Provincial Legislatures of New Zealand, I believe that it would meet with serious attention. The recent vote ofthe House of Representatives for relieving the Province of Auckland at the expense of the rest of the Colony could not fail to have weight in England, where the love of justice or fair play is a national characteristic, and the high class of moral sentiments, such as that which dictated the vote in question, are not deemed romantic, but operate effectunlly in the legislature when questions of justice tre properly submitted to it. Nor should it be forgotten that, according to recent British policy with regard to the relations of the empire with its colonies, a standing colonial grievance, such as the unsatisfied claim of New Zealand in this matter, would be deemed anomalous and improper. For now establishing this claim the colony possesses sufficient means in its free legislature and as having ready prepared for use, all the evidence, as it was collected and published by the House of Commons, on which the claim would be founded. Much, of course, would depend on the manner in which the claim should be preserted; but if the proceedings of the colony, in that respect, were marked by completeness of exposition, by a discreet judgment, and by earnestness and constancy of purpose, I believe that they would prove successful. At the worst, there is some chance, some hope of success. In the other case, there is neither hope nor chance, unless we are to believe that, Parliament will somehow be induced to make its engagements with the Company a single exception from its custom of absolute respect for private rights in the nature of property, created by itself. Let me repeat that I have no faith in the possibility of such an event. Consequently, according to my view, the Colony has now to choose between two courses—that of paying on till all shall be paid, with the trouble, vexation, and perhaps cost of resistance, and that of presenting, in the best possible manner, a claim founded upon a denial of the Company's just right to any compensation whatever from the Colonv, and upon the principles of justice and good faith which dictated the Report ofthe Select Committee of the House of Commons of 1844.

By Mr. Sewell—You suggest that an effort should be made to relieve the Colony in toto, on the giound that the charge ought to be borne by the Imperial Government; may I ask, in what form you would suggest that that ef-