The Poynter Journal1 The Voyage of the Williams to New South Shetland, 1819-1820

Turnbull Library Record, Volume 30, 1 January 1997, Page 9

A.G.E. Jones

The Poynter Journal 1 The Voyage of the Williams to New South Shetland, 1819-1820

Admost by accident, in February 1819, William Smith, Master of the brig Williams , discovered New South Shetland. Leaving England in 1818, he was engaged in trading between the South American ports when, on one voyage from Buenos Aires to Valparaiso, contrary winds made a normal passage impossible. He bore southward and westward in a high latitude, and on 19 February 1819 saw land at a distance of two or three leagues - probably Williams Point on Livingston Island. With hard gales, flying showers of snow or sleet and many fields of floating ice, he hauled off to the north for the night. Next day, in moderate weather, he steered for the land at Williams Point. It was land without doubt, fringed with rocks, islets, shoals, tide rips and eddies. Smith was unwilling to endanger the validity of his insurance policy by undue deviation from his course, so he made all sail to the northward, reaching Valparaiso on 11 March 1819 and reported his discovery to Captain W.H. Shirreff, Senior Naval Officer, Pacific Station.

Intending to visit the land again, Smith sailed from Valparaiso for Montevideo on 16 May 1819 but, on reaching high latitudes in midwinter, he was completely hemmed in by loose ice, and saw nothing of the land. Smith began his third voyage from Montevideo at the end of September in the same year and by the middle of October was close to his position of the previous summer, when he saw land, which was probably Desolation Island. Although details of parts of that voyage are confused, evidently he followed the north coast for about 150 miles, sighting Smith Island. He returned

to Valparaiso and again reported his findings to Captain Shirreff, who decided to engage Captain Smith and charter the Williams ‘for a voyage of discovery towards the South Pole’. They would be accompanied by a surveying party under Edward Bransfield, Master of the Andromache, a Royal Navy ship at that time in Valparaiso. Three midshipmen (C.W. Poynter, T.M. Bone and P.J. Blake, with Vincent Dick, AB) from HMS Andromache were to accompany the expedition; with Adam Young, Assistant Surgeon from HMS S/aney, and some other ratings.

Consequently the Williams sailed on her fourth voyage southwards on 19 December 1819, 2 and it is this voyage which is the subject of the manuscript journal of Charles Wittit Poynter (1798-1878, one of the three midshipmen) which the Alexander Turnbull Library acquired in 1995. 3 Until the journal became available, the story of the discovery of New South Shetland was known only through contemporary reports in three of the literary journals of 1820-21 and lesser sources. 4 Poynter’s journal is the only surviving first-hand account of the voyage, as far as is known, 7 and its value lies in the fact that it is nearly continuous, describing what was seen, in the manner of a seaman. The three midshipmen, though young - Poynter was 23 years old when they left the new land, and the others were a few years younger

- were all able to keep watch and make observations for position, take bearings and make sketches of what they saw. Poynter’s comments were precise and seamanlike, with no obscurities of his making. He described all he saw of the many islands and coasts of New South Shetland and, on 30 January 1820, wrote of his hopes that they had discovered the ‘Southern Continent’ of Antarctica.

In The Service of His Majesty Charles Wittit Poynter, the son of James Methurst Poynter and his wife Elizabeth Peck, of Deal, Kent, was baptised on 22 March 1798. 6 In The Universal British Directory of 1790, published by Wilkes and Barfoot, his father is shown to be ‘Gentry’ and a Freeman of the Borough of Deal, a man of standing locally. J.M. Poynter was said to have been a commander of one of the East India Company ’ s ships but, strangely, his name does not appear in Hardy’s List of East India Company Ships, 1760-1810. From 1811 to 1823 he had been Captain ofSandown Castle, a coastal fort at the north end of the town. The young Charles therefore grew up in a maritime environment.

We do not know how Charles was accepted into the Navy. To have a future in the service, a young man needed patronage or ‘influence’. The fact that Captain E.W.C.R. Owen took Poynter into the Cornwall with him in 1813-14 as Volunteer of the First Class, and in 1816-17 as Midshipman into the Northumberland when that ship was at Sheemess and when Owen was Rear Admiral, suggests a connection which cannot now be traced. However, in his ‘Formula’ sent to O’Byme the naval biographer, Poynter referred to Captain Owen as ‘a friend of my father’. 7 After his first six years of service, the young man could take his examination for

the rank of Lieutenant. He was examined on the principal aspects of seamanship by a board of captains, wherever it could be assembled. It is well known that in some cases it was a formality but, as it was conducted orally, there is no way of judging if it was a test of ability. When he passed, a certificate was issued, giving the names of the ships in which he had served, the number of years, months, weeks and days in each, and the positions held. During those years, the young man could have several different positions, Volunteer, AB, Leading Man, Acting Master, according to the need for his services. All were appointments, not ranks, and intended to give him experience.

When C.W. Poynter passed for Lieutenant at Sheemess on 22 October 1817, while finishing his time on the Northumberland, he had completed six years and six days of service. That is to say, he had been continuously on the books of His Majesty’s ships for that length of time. His total of strict sea time would have been much less, as ships could spend up to three months in harbour in fitting-out and obtaining a crew; and on station as much time was spent in harbour as at sea. In summary, from the age of fourteen years, his appointments were to the following ships (number of guns in brackets): Inconstant (36) 1811; Cornwall (74) 1814; Nymphe (36) 1814-15; Albion (74) 1815; Queen (74) 1816; Northumberland (74) 1816-17, the last as Midshipman.

He appeared at Sheemess before a board of captains with his private journals and certificates, was examined by them and given his Passing Certificate. He would then have had to wait for promotion to Lieutenant and a ‘billet’ in a ship at sea. This came with his next appointment in the Andromache (44), Captain W.H. Shirreff, on the Brazils or South America Station. Poynter was still ranked as Midshipman, with a rating as Master’s Assistant, when transferring from Andromache for four months to the Williams in 1819-20. On leaving Andromache in 1821, he became ActingMaster of the sloop Morgiana on the coast of Africa, and the Doris (42) on the South America Station. On the Alacrity (10) in 1822-23, he was Acting Master’s Mate and Acting Lieutenant. He was fortunate to be employed, when nine out of ten lieutenants were on half pay at the end of the wars with France and America.

For the rest of his service Poynter was mainly employed in the Coast Guard - a branch often used for officers who lacked ‘influence’ and the experience to take a command, yet who deserved employment rather than half pay. In 1824, while in the Coast Guard, he was employed as Supernumerary Lieutenant in the Ramilles (74) and the Hydra , both ships of the line. Later in the year, at home he was appointed Inspecting Lieutenant in the Coast Guard. In 1844 that was interrupted by command of the Sylvia, and in 1847 of the Harpy, both Revenue vessels. On 15 November 1846 Poynter was promoted to Inspecting-Lieutenant at Patrington, on the Humber near Spurn Head, then to Commander on 1 October 1860. He retired in 1868 at the age of seventy, and was shown in the Navy List as Commander on reserve half pay until 20 March 1871, after which retired officers were omitted from the list.

It was in 1833, when in the Coast Guard, that Poynter married Louisa, only daughter of John Illenden, and they went on to have a large family. s In those days officers were expected to marry late in life as their interest was expected to be in the service.

Charles Wittit Poynter made a will on 29 August 1878, some months before his death on 16 December of that year, when residing at 10 Kent Terrace, Lower Sydenham, Kent. Louisa Poynter and a son were the executors to an estate valued at under £3,000. His death certificate says that Poynter, a retired naval officer, was 80 years of age when he died from ‘bronchitis and exhaustion’. A notice in the Sydenham, Forest Hill and Penge Gazette of 21 December, said ‘Truly respected by all who knew him’.

‘All our Logs, Charts and every Document’

Charles Poynter’s journal is a volume measuring 26 x2l cm in half red leather with brown marbled board covers, well worn, but in remarkably good condition for its age. The journal uses 76 leaves, including the tipped-in sketches and charts, leaving 93 blank, except for some notes of a family named Clouston in another hand at the end of the book. Poynter has used one side of the page only; his handwriting is neat and easy to read; not giving the appearance of being produced in the cramped quarters of a moving ship, but rather of being a fair copy, suitable for presentation to his superiors at the end of the voyage.

Poynter himself called it a ‘log’, but the pages are not ruled as a formal logbook. Place names of discoveries are in the margin, but ship time, ship’s position and wind directions are in the narrative, the whole appearing to the modem reader as a journal rather than a logbook. It was assiduously kept for each day, as was the practice for

all aspiring officers in the Navy, another being to make sketches of coastal outlines and natural features. Occasionally, Charles Poynter’s written expressions seem wordy, but they were of their time. At some point there have been pencilled ‘corrections’ added, either by the same hand at a later date, or by a different hand; they have been disregarded here.

There are three charts, one of which is reproduced here and which shows the places named between January and March 1820, from Start Point on Livingston Island, to Cape Shirreff, George’s Bay, and Penguin Island. The track south is followed, then Tower, Hope, Cornwallis and Clarence Islands (including Cape Bowles) and part of Elephant Island are marked. A second chart gives Start Point to Cape Shirreff in greater detail, and the third is a closer version of Penguin Island and the mainland of George’s Bay, showing the ship’s anchorage, soundings taken and some land features where the flag was raised. Coastal outlines (reproduced) are of Trinity Land, Hope Island and O ’ Brien ’ s Islands. There is also a page of profiles of the peaks, rocks and ice forms of Seal Island. The only drawing, also reproduced, is initialled ‘TMB’ (Thomas Main Bone, a fellow midshipman) and is called ‘Killing Sea Elephants’. The young man appears quite lightly clad in this episode on 22 January 1820. The journal is signed ‘C.W. Poynter’, who wrote that, when the voyage ended, ‘all our Logs, Charts and every document relating to the Voyage were ordered as customary to be immediately delivered in and at the same time strictly forbidding any particular point of the result to be spoken of. The logs would have been kept for a time, and then, as private property, would have been returned to their owners.

First Landings As well as carrying out a survey of such coasts as he may discover, Bransfield’s instructions were: 1 To ascertain whether Smith’s land was an island or part of a continent, and explore it to the eastward, southward or westward according to circumstances. 2 To explore the harbours and make charts and ascertain latitudes and longitudes. 3 To note the sperm whales, otters and seals upon the coast, collect specimens and make drawings of marine and plant life. 4 To note the appearance of the land and collect rock samples. 5 To keep meteorological and magnetic records. 6 To observe the character of the inhabitants. 7 To take possession of each quarter of the land. 9

The first land sighted was on 16 January, ‘veiled in haze’. Start Point was named, on the northern coast of Livingston Island - ‘not merely because it resembled that of the

same name in the British Channel but its being from whence we commenced operations’. On the same coast, at Cape Shirreff, ‘the most remarkable headland I ever saw’, it had been intended to plant the Union Jack, but the weather was adverse. It was not until 22 January, in George’s Bay, that Bransfield and his landing party raised the flag. New South Britain was named on behalf of‘H.M. King George 3rd, his Heirs and Successors’. The name was later changed to New South Shetland, because it was in almost the same latitude south as the Shetland Islands were in the north. 1 " Poynter was not with the landing party, but was watching from the ship:

At 1/2 past 8 we observed the Boat land on a shingle beach bearing N.N.W. of us and perceiving soon after with the aid of our Glasses the Jack planted-we hoisted on board the Ensign and Pendant, Fired a Gun and concluded the ceremony by serving to each Man a Glass of Grog to drink His Majesty’s Health. Besides planting the ‘proud old British Union’ he [Bransfield] had but a few yards from it buried a Bottle containing several coins of the Realm given him by the officers of the Andromache and several of the English residents in Valparayso for that purpose ...

On the afternoon of the same day, Midshipmen Poynter and Blake made their own first landings, Poynter in the longboat and Blake in the whaleboat, in quest of fresh water. On Penguin Island, the water was found to be polluted by ‘the native inhabitants’. Here, Poynter noted evidence of volcanic fire: the Eastern point in particular being entirely composed of Ashes - On the top of the rise was found the Crater, at the bottom of which water was discemable, which trickling through the Ashes formed the several Streams we had perceived ...

The seamen on the Williams, however, advised Poynter of a plentiful and ‘exceeding clear’ water supply on the mainland at George’s Bay. A good anchorage having been found here, Bransfield was able to complete a survey of the bay. It was a profitable week for all on the Williams and, on 23 January 1820, Poynter wrote of a full day’s activities which began at 6 a.m. and ended at 9.30 p.m.: On the following Morning we had clear Weather with Fresh breezes from the W.S.W. when about 1/2 past 6 it becoming more Moderate 1 proceeded in Company with the Whale boat to the Stream with the water casks - We landed in a small bight round a rock bearing N.N.W. from the Anchorage - The boat being too heavy for lying on shore was anchored clear of the rocks abreast of the Stream and by means of a

hauling line the small casks being filled were taken on board and started [poured] into the larger ones - While the people were employed in filling [the casks] Mr Smith and Myself proceeded to discover the rise of the Stream which we found to fall in various branches from the Mountains and running under the Snow had formed several excavations from whence they issued with a gentle rush until the mingling of the whole formed in one - We collected from the area various irregular stones and mosses from the swamp land which were afterwards boxed up as specimens.

After walking as far as the Snow would allow us which did not exceed a Mile and a half we returned to the Party who had filled Two Casks and with these we proceeded on board leaving the empty ones on shore - We found that Mr Bransfield had determined the Latd. of our Anchorage by an Observation taken on a Stage over the Brigs side at about 6 feet above the level of the Sea to be 62.6 S., the S.E end of the Island which from its Natives was named “Penguin Island” N.E. 1/2 E.

After dinner I again accompanied the Watering party to the Stream Mr Bransfteld employing the Whale boat in Surveying the Bay - After setting the people to work the Surgeon, Second Mate and Myself visited the discovered haunt of the Elephants, twenty one of whom we

dispatched in less than half an hour. It was really astonishing to see the immense quantity of blood that flowed from them and never in my life have I witnessed any two Animals produce as much as one of these - After this Dr Young and Myself proceeded in an inland and Northerly direction - During our ramble we picked up several different mosses and at a distance of not more than three quarters of a Mile from the Watering place stumbled on three Lagoons, One of them as large as the other two combined and the whole contained within the circuit of a Mile - The whole of these were productive of fresh water and on their banks were encamped thousands of Penguins with their young - After noticing several things which I shall relate in a general way hereafter we rejoined the Waterers and at 1/2 past 9 returned on board ... ‘Our Theme of Conversation ’

Leaving this anchorage on 27 January, those on the brig faced adverse weather in setting a southward course, Deception Island being passed and not noted. Further south, on 30 January, a hazy horizon ‘occasionally shut and opened to view an unknown Coast abounding with Rocky Islets’. Later in the day they were immersed in fog ‘and in a situation we knew not where’. Poynter wrote of their hopes: Our theme of conversation was the Idea of having (by the direction the land took) found what might possibly lead to the discovery of the longcontested existence of a Southern Continent - Soon after this we wore and stood to the northward fearfull of a change of wind - We can positively assert that we saw land in 64 degrees South still trending to the Eastward.

On this voyage of discovery, the rocks, peaks and islands of Antarctica were seen, and Edward Bransfield named this land ‘Trinity Land’, and a small circular island ‘Tower Island’. On the following day, ‘Hope Island’ was named, ‘from the hope we entertained that the range might continue to stretch easterly’. Frustrated by the weather, fog and icebergs, and having no ‘consort’ or support vessel, officers and crew had to be vigilant at all times in those seas and conditions. On one occasion the brig was nearly driven on to rocks during a storm, to be relieved by a change of wind and a rising barometer.

Reaching to the northward during February 1820, Smith and Bransfield found a succession of islands - O’Brien’s Islands, Clarence, Elephant, Seal and Cornwallis Islands - spending many days in poor conditions to the northward of that group. The season was shortening and the ship was often among icebergs. On 4 February the flag was raised a second time, at Cape Bowles, on Clarence Island. A further attempt was made to sail south along the coast of Trinity Land in late February, but again they were forced to retreat. Poynter wrote on 22 February that

‘Fancy had already pictured to us as having penetrated into the Antarctic regions’. They had hovered ‘on the verge of that Circle and indeed considering the advanced state of the Season our disappointment was not so great as it otherwise would have been’. During March they regained the northern coast of Livingston Island. Other islands sighted in March were Ridleys and Falcon Islands, and Smith’s Island, the most westerly of the New South Shetland group. They took their departure from the land at Cape Shirreff, and on 19 March Poynter wrote:

We had now traversed the whole line from the Start Point to Cape Bowles which seemed to partake of an equal share of sterility - and between Desolation Isld. and Cape Melville, the whole range appeared defended by an unconnected chain of rocks, breakers and small Islands - Soon after Sunset we had the last view of New South Britain whose shores afford nothing more than an excellent and plentiful fishery which it is to be hoped may confer abundant benefit to our country ...

The island of Juan Fernandez was reached on 8 April 1820. Its crags and precipices were ‘clothed with lofty woods interspersed with patches of luxuriant vegetation on which herds of Bullocks, Horses and Goats were seen feeding’. The vegetables and fish taken here gave a welcome change of diet.

Poynter writes well about the natural environment and shipboard life as it relates to the voyage itself, but makes few comments about the living conditions, diet, discipline, or personal trials on board the brig. His shipmates are mentioned only as companions for an excursion of discovery, or in some crisis - as when Dr Young executed a delicate piece of engineering on a scientific instrument, or a crew member had an arm lacerated by a sea elephant. An extra ration of grog and ‘a very tolerable scraper’ [fiddler] enhanced ‘the pleasures of the day’ on Christmas Day 1819, and the visits on shore were full of interest to the young men. However, later in the voyage, on 6 February, Poynter suggests in a mild complaint that the clothing ‘for our people’ could have been more suitable to the conditions ‘for, having been some time in a temperate climate they had contrived to get rid of their warm clothing for a lighter supply ...’.

During the four months at sea, the Williams encountered the weather that was to be expected in those latitudes, even in the summer - contrary winds, gales alternating with light breezes, overcast and cloudy days and contrary currents, besides the dangers of a rocky, iron-bound coast and the threat of floating ice and icebergs. There was fog on 15 days, making it impossible to take noon observations; there were five periods of 3-6 days without observations. To that extent, their dead reckoning course could not be laid down with precision. Courses were reckoned on 14 days in the two months, and bearings of the land were taken on 29 days in that time. Magnetic variation was observed, by amplitude and azimuth on only three days; but the results were consistent enough, and bearings and courses were good enough, when the weather was clear.

Latitude was easily obtained when it was a clear day. For longitude, Smith and Bransfield had only Smith’s chronometer. There is no information about the maker of the instrument, but it was said to be ‘an excellent chronometer’. A comparison of longitudes with the modern chart suggests that the rate was constant. In short, their account was as reliable as anybody, other than a hydrographic surveyor, could make of that unexplored land.

The brig Williams returned to Valparaiso on 16 April 1820 and the following month the charter ended and the officers and ratings rejoined their ships. Bransfield resumed his duties as Master of the Andromache , while Smith made preparations for another voyage ‘for the purpose of fishing for Whales and Seals’." The careers of William Smith and Edward Bransfield have been described elsewhere." Both were able men, working under extreme conditions, and both were to leave their names on the islands and coasts of New South Shetland.

New Zealand Connections (Jocelyn Chisholm) It is not known how the Poynter journal came New Zealand. It was found in 1995 among the effects of an estate in Blenheim originally belonging to Emily Alberta (nee Harley) and Balfour Stewart Clouston. It will be remembered that there were four pages of a family tree at the back of the journal concerning the Clouston family, early settlers in the Nelson province. Most of the dates entered were in the 1800 s, none being later than 1918, so it seems the volume had been with the Clouston family for many years. Balfour Stewart Clouston (1859-1919) was known to be interested in family history and there is significance in the fact that the notes went no further than the date of his death. However, there are also some pages neatly cut out at the back of the journal, which may indicate some missing material.

B.S. Clouston had corresponded with members of his family in the Orkney Islands, home of the Cloustons. 11 Many were seafarers, including Captain Henry Clouston, master mariner, who came to Nelson in 1847. 14 The Clouston and Harley families, and a branch of the Poynters were all associated with early Nelson/ Marlborough but, despite searches, 1 5 a direct relationship between the Cloustons and Poynters or Harleys and Poynters has not been found.

Charles and Louisa Poynter were said to have had a large family in Kent, England. Those known are named in C. W. Poynter’s will as James Gordon Poynter (a son) and four daughters, Eliza Ann, Edith Decimer, Emily Flora and Helen Sophia Poynter. 16 It is possible that some from this family emigrated to New Zealand. A brother, James Peck Poynter, emigrated to Tasmania and opened the Hobart branch of the Bank of Australasia in 1836. 17

James Methurst Poynter m. Elizabeth Peck I James Peck Poynter (1791-1847) Elizabeth Bower Poynter Benjamin Lyon Poynter (d. 1837) Charles Wittit Poynter (1798-1878)

Two of the three sons of James Peck Poynter came to New Zealand from Tasmania in about 1865. James Benjamin Poynter took up farming in Gisborne and his brother, George Farbrace Boyes Poynter, in Southland. ls We do know that a cousin and contemporary of Charles Poynter, named John Poynter emigrated to Nelson in 1841:

James Methurst Poynter m. Elizabeth Peck I Charles Wittit Poynter

Ambrose Lyon Poynter m. Thomasine Ann Peck I John Poynter (1801-1868)

In the 17905, two Poynter brothers had married two Peck sisters, Charles Wittit Poynter being descended from James and Elizabeth; John from Ambrose and Thomasine. Thomas Peck, father of the sisters was a surgeon in Deal, Kent, also home of the Poynters. 19 The unusual name of‘Wittit’, given to Charles, occurs in the descendants of Ambrose and Thomasine as ‘Wittel’, a name said to be connected with the Lyon family. 20

John Poynter has an interesting association with early Nelson and Marlborough. He was bom on 21 September 1801 in London. He was articled to a solicitor for five years and enrolled as an attorney in 1825. He married Mary Pearse White in 1832 and ten years later emigrated with his family to New Zealand on the ship Fifeshire which arrived in Nelson in 1842. Having safely discharged her passengers, the vessel struck a rock on leaving the harbour and broke up, ‘Fifeshire Rock’ being a well-known feature of Nelson today. There is a suggestion that John Poynter purchased the wreck of the Fifeshire and made a profit from the venture. 21 He became a solicitor in the province and Crown Prosecutor in 1843. A directory for 1859 lists him as a member of the Executive Council, Provincial Treasurer, Registrar of Deeds and Resident Magistrate for Nelson. He was also Registrar of Births, Deaths and Marriages, Commissioner for Native Reserves, and held other administrative posts. 22 His name is remembered in Poynter Street in central Blenheim and Poynter Crescent in Nelson, 22 and may be associated with the Poynter River and aMt Poynter, historic place names not found on a map today. 24 John Poynter died in Nelson in 1868.

With many members of the Poynter/Clouston/Harley families having emigrated, it is reasonable to suppose that there may have been others who joined relatives in Australia or New Zealand. The tracing of the Poynter journal to Blenheim remains unresolved but further genealogical searching may well provide answers. It has been a pleasure to correspond with members of the families mentioned in the References, and to read and study the journal. If in the course of seeking its provenance there have been-to coin a Poynter phrase - ‘partial fogs and clearances’, no matter. A rare and interesting work, it contains much of value for maritime and Antarctic historians.

Turnbull Library Record 30 (1997), 9-24

References 1 This article is a shortened version of Mr Jones’s manuscript on Poynter’s journal and the voyage, ‘Charles Wittit Poynter and the voyage of the Williams 1819-20’ (Alexander T umbull Library MS Papers 6009; hereafter ‘Jones MS’). This was written in 1996 and donated to the Library (hereafter ATL) and includes a bibliography of material relating to the New South Shetland Islands. The section of the article on the provenance of the journal is by Jocelyn Chisholm, Eastbourne, Wellington, who also prepared this version of the Jones MS for publication.

2 These voyages are described in A.G.E. Jones , Antarctica Observed, Caedmon of Whitby, Whitby, 1982, pp. 59-83. Smith also undertook a fifth voyage, a commercial venture, which ended at the London Docks on 17 September 1821, with 31,000 fur seal skins. When he reached New South Shetland on this occasion, he found 15 or 20 British ships and about 30 American, all taking seals. The stock of fur seals was virtually destroyed in five seasons. 3 C.W Poynter, His Majestys hired brig, Williams on discovery towards the South Pole; manuscript in ATL, MSX-4088; MS Copy Micro-0655; fMS-Papers-5352. 4 The Literary Gazette and Journal of the Belles Lettres, in 3 parts, November 1821, reprinted in The Polar Record, v 01.4 n 0.32,1946, pp. 385-393; Imperial Magazine, 1821, col. 1217; Edinburgh Philosophical Journal, v 01.3 n 0.6, 1820, pp. 367-380, article by John Miers, reprinted in The Polar Record, v 01.5 n 0.40, 1950, pp. 565-575. 5 For Smith and Bransfield primary sources see ‘Telling the story’ in Jones MS. Also see A.G.E. Jones, Polar Portraits, Caedmon of Whitby, Whitby, 1992, pp. 345-346. 6 Attached to Poynter’s Passing Certificate was a baptismal certificate, to prove his age. In this case, W. Backhouse, Rector of Deal, certified from the parish register that Charles Wittit Poynter had been baptised on 22 March 1798.

7 W.R O’Byrne, A Naval Biographical Dictionary, John Murray, London, 1849, p. 920. Biographical details are from the entry for ‘Charles Willet Poynter’. O’Byme’s ‘Formula’, as he called the written forms sent to individuals, is held in the MSS Room at the British Museum. 8 O’Byrne, Naval Biographical Dictionary, p. 920. 9 Logbook of HMS Andromache, 19 December 1819, reprinted in Jones, Antarctica Observed, p. 74. R.T. Gould, ‘The charting of the South Shetlands, 1819-28’, The Mariner’s Mirror, v 01.27 n 0.3, July 1941, p. 214. 10 Gould, ‘The charting of the South Shetlands’, p. 213. 11 The Williams was always commanded by William Smith. When the Royal Navy chartered transports from the merchant service to carry troops, provisions or stores, they appointed an ‘agent afloat’ to ensure that the terms of the charter were complied with. The Agent had no jurisdiction over the master, who was ‘Master under God’, in the words of the crew list and agreement (Jones MS).

12 A.G.E. Jones, ‘Captain William Smith and the discovery ofNew South Shetland’, Geographical Journal, v 01.141 pt. 3, Nov. 1975, pp. 445-461. Reprinted in Polar Portraits, pp. 343-359; also ‘Edward Bransfield, Master R.N.’ in his Polar Portraits, pp. 103-110. 13 Clouston family notes in correspondence from Mrs Pauline Jenkins, Blenheim, to J. Chisholm, 1996-97. 14 Cyclopedia of New Zealand, v 01.5, Nelson, Marlborough, and Westland, 1906, p. 109 (H. Clouston). 15 A Poynter genealogy compiled by Mrs Jill Hayward, Hamilton, 1997, in correspondence with J. Chisholm. Letter of Mrs Elizabeth Harley, Nelson, to J. Chisholm, 1997. 16 Last will and testament of C.W. Poynter, dated 29 August 1878. A witness at the death of C.W. Poynter was a daughter ‘Elise’ who maybe ‘Eliza Ann’, named in the will. Copy from A.G.E. Jones to J. Chisholm.

17 Hilda Small, Nelson ’s First Lawyer, The Author, Nelson, 1951, p. 39. This biography of John Poynter has much of interest on the Poynter family in Kent and in New Zealand. Letters of Mr Derek Leask, Wellington, to J. Chisholm, 1997. At the time of this article going to press, Mr Leask had established that two sons of C.W. Poynter had emigrated to Victoria, Australia, last century and died there unmarried. 18 Mr Derek Leask to J. Chisholm, 1997. 19 Letter of Mrs G. Nunns of Deal, Kent, to A.G.E. Jones, 1996. 20 Hilda Small, Nelson’s First Lawyer, p. 34. Other spelling variations found are ‘Willet’ and ‘Wittet’. For this work, the spelling ‘Wittit’ as used in his will has been followed.

21 Cyclopedia of New Zealand, v 01.5, p.Bl (J. Poynter). 22 J.L. Bailey, comp., The Nelson Directory ...for 1859. 23 Poynter Street in central Blenheim probably derives from John Poynter, as he was a freehold land owner in the Awatere District and the Picton District in 1861-62. Letter of Mrs Esther Mallett, Librarian at Marlborough Provincial Museum and Archives, Blenheim, to J. Chisholm, 1995. In her book Nelson’s First Lawyer, Hilda Small has a photograph (p. 54) of her grandfather’s house ‘The Haven’, in a locality now known as Poynter’s Crescent. 24 In 1850 there were overland expeditions to find a route between Nelson/Marlborough and Canterbury. On one of these, Captain Mitchell, an Army man on leave in Nelson, was in a party which made a successful traverse and named one of the tributaries of the Awatere River ‘Poynter River’. Letter of Mrs Esther Mallett to J. Chisholm, 1996. And to the northwest of the province, Charles Heaphy, on an expedition to Golden Bay from Motueka in 1844, stood at the top of the Takaka hills, ‘having gained the greatest elevation in the range of mountains which we named Mount Poynter’. Letter of Mr R.C. Lowe, Lower Hutt, to J. Chisholm, 1996, citing the Nelson Examiner and New Zealand Chronicle, 13 January 1844.