FEDERATION AND ANNEXATION. (FURTHER PAPERS RELATING TO THE PACIFIC ISLANDS.) [In continuation of A.-3, 1888.]

Appendix to the Journals of the House of Representatives, 1889 Session I, A-02

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1889. NEW ZEALAND.

FEDERATION AND ANNEXATION. (FURTHER PAPERS RELATING TO THE PACIFIC ISLANDS.) [In continuation of A.-3, 1888.]

Presented to both Houses of the General Assembly by Command of His Excellency.

No. 1. The Agext-General to the Premier. Sir, — 7, Westminster Chambers, London, S.W., 24th March, 1888. I beg to enclose herewith copy of a letter I have received from the Colonial Office, covering a printed circular despatch from the Secretary of State to the Governors of Australasian Colonies on the question of the continued transportation of French convicts to New Caledonia. I have, &c, The Hon. the Premier, Wellington. F. D. Bell.

Enclosure. Sir, — Downing Street, 17th March, 1888. With reference to previous correspondence, I am directed by the Secretary of State for the Colonies to transmit to you, for your information, a copy of a circular despatch which he has addressed to the Governors of all Australasian Colonies respecting the transportation of French convicts to New Caledonia. I am, &c, The Agent-General for New Zealand. Robert Geo. Herbert.

Sub-Enclosure. Sir,— Downing Street, 3rd March, 1888. I have the honour to transmit to you paraphrases of two telegrams from the Governor of Victoria, and of a confidential despatch to Sir H. Loch, recording the telegraphic reply in connection with the question of the transportation of French convicts to New Caledonia. I also transmit a copy of a despatch which the Marquis of Salisbury has addressed to Lord Lytton on the subject. I have, &c, The Officer administering the Government of New Zealand. Knutsfobd.

Paraphrase of a Telegram from Sir Henry Loch to Sir Henry Holland. Eeceived 9th December, 1887. Embarkation of three hundred convicts for New Caledonia: Trusts that Her Majesty's Government will make urgent remonstrance against.

Paraphrase of a Telegram from Sir Henry Loch to Sir Henry Holland. Beceived 16th December, 1887. Fsench convicts in the South Seas: Urges reply to his telegram of 9th December respecting.

Sir H. Holland to Sir H. Loch. Sir, — Downing Street, 27th December, 1887. I have the honour to acquaint you that I have this day telegraphed to you, in reply to your telegrams of the 9th and 16th instant, that the settlement arrived at with the French Government with regard to the New Hebrides does not furnish grounds upon which a protest can be made against the further importation of French convicts into the possessions of France in the South. Pacific, as the Australian Colonies had objected to the proposal of Her Majesty's Government to yield the New Hebrides to France in return for the discontinuance of the importation of convicts. I stated, however, that Her Majesty's Government would strongly represent to the French •Government that tho transportation system involves great evils to Australia, and that it must lead I—A. 2.

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to measures of self-defence on the part of the English colonies which, in the interests of friendly intercourse, it is most important to avoid. I have, &c, Governor Sir H. B. Loch, G.C.M.G., X.C.8., &o. H. T. Holland. '*» The Marquis of Salisbuby to the Earl of Lytton. My Loed, - Foreign Office, sth January, 1888. With reference to previous correspondence on the subject of the transportation of French relapsed criminals to New Caledonia, and more especially to Lord Lyons's despatch, No. 636, of the 17th December, 1886, I transmit to you herewith a copy of a letter from the Colonial Office, communicating a telegram from the Governor of Victoria respecting the recent announcement in the newspapers that three hundred convicts have been shipped from the He de Be to New Caledonia. I have to request that you will call the earnest attention of the French Government to the matter in question, and press strongly upon their attention the certainty that legislative measures of self-defence on the part of the Australian Colonies will be the necessary result of a continuance of the present system of transportation to New Caledonia. I am, &c, Salisbury .

No. 2. The Agent-Genebal to the Peemiei:. Sib, — 7, Westminster Chambers, London, S.W., 18th April, 1888. I beg to enclose a notice which has appeared in some of the London papers announcing the raising of the British flag on the Fanning, Christmas, and Pecrhyn Islands. I have, &c, The Hon. the Premier, Wellington. F. D. Bell.

[Extract from the London Daily News of 17th April, 1888.] Bbitish Annexation in the Pacific. New York, 16th April (through Reuters Agency). Advices received here from Honolulu, dated sth instant, report that H.M.S. " Caroline" returned there on the 3rd instant from a cruise of three weeks' duration, during which time the British flag was raised on Fanning, Christmas, and Penrhyn Islands.

No. 3. The Agent-Genebal to the Pbemieu. Sir, — 7, Westminster Chambers, London, S.W., 29th June, 1888. I beg leave to enclose an article which appeared ten days ago in the Times on the partition of the Pacific islands, which I think you will read with interest; together with a leader thereon in the Times of next day. I have, &c, The Hon. the Premier, Wellington. P. D. Bell.

Enclosures. [Extract from the Times, Monday, 18th June, 1888.j The Position in the Pacific. (Feom a Coebespondent.) About three years and a half ago an article appeared in the Times on the partition of the Pacific, the latest phase of which had by that time fairly begun ; for Germany had entered the field, and her rumoured designs were causing something like consternation in our Australasian Colonies. Since then the partition has proceeded apace, and already the shadow of Europe's protecting wings hovers over nearly every island-group that decks the bosom of the greatest of the oceans. It may be useful, in view of current troubles in Australia connected with the Chinese as well as with the excessive enterprise of France, briefly to review what has been done, and to see what yet remains for the three great Powers to wrangle over. The Pacific is in a different position from Africa. On that continent annexations are reckoned by the hundred thousand square miles, and our ignorance of its resources gives room for the hope of unlimited commercial and industrial development, of the construction of transcontinental railways, and the foundation of great colonial empires. The Pacific islands have certainly commercial resources worth developing; they are capable of producing other things besides copra, their present staple, in the hands of enterprising colonists. But in this direction their value as possessions must necessarily be limited, simply because the total area of the Pacific islands is itself comparatively small. If we exclude Australasia, New Guinea, and the large islands off the coast of Asia, which are usually regarded as forming part of the Malay x\rchipelago, and those attached to the American continent, the total land-area of the Pacific islands does not exceed 45,000 square miles, with a total population of probably not more than 800,000. Still, in these days of keen commercial competition even the trade of these tiny island-groups is coveted. But there are other reasons why the three great European Powers should jealously watch each other's Pacific annexations —reasons mainly connected with naval strategy, but also not unrelated to the great change in trade-routes which must follow the inevitable piercing of the American isthmus. With the completion of the Canadian Pacific Eailway, and the prospect of the telegraphic union of the Dominion with Australia, our own stake in the Pacific becomes greater than ever.

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Here, as elsewhere, if we were not actually first in the field, we have certainly been fortunate enough to secure the lion's share of plunder. If, on one side, Australia has Indian-Ocean connections, on the other and more important side she looks out upon the Pacific, while New Zealand is entirely its waters ; and there can be little doubt that our annexations among the smaller islands of that ocean have had in view mainly the interests of the Australian Colonies. For this reason we can brook no intrusion into Torres Straits, and for this reason we, four years ago, with a hesitation that now seems unaccountable, annexed 86,000 square miles of the south-eastern part of New Guinea. This last island, like Australia, has relations both with Malaysia and with the Pacific. As far as Germany and England are concerned, it is distinctly a Pacific island, while Dutch New Guinea seems naturally to attach itself to the Dutch East Indies. It was certainly a strategical mistake not to have annexed the whole of available New Guinea when we had the chance, when no other nation thought it worth looking at; for there can be little doubt that, whatever the industrial value of Germany's share, it possesses a magnificent series of natural harbours, and a coast, on the whole, much healthier than that which faces Australia. If it be true that the Dutch are willing to dispose of their share in New Guinea, surely it would be a mistake to allow it to fall into the hands of any other foreign Power. To the east of Torres Straits, lying right out in the open ocean, are several groups of islands which look as if they were intended as outposts of Australia, yet none of them have as yet fallen to our share. These are the Solomon Islands, the New Hebrides, and the Loyalty Islands, with New Caledonia. Between these and the Australian coast are a few isolated islands, which we of course regard as our own—Auckland, Lord Howe, Norfolk, Avon Islands, and others, which cannot be considered as of much strategical value. True, by agreement with Germany that Power has been allowed to extend her sphere of influence over the larger of the Solomon Islands—Bougainville, Isabel, Choiseul, &c.—while the remainder are regarded as coming within the English sphere, like the islands off the south-east peninsula of New Guinea. These include the four islands of New Georgia, Guadalcanal', Malanta, and San Christoval. With these and the neighbouring Santa Cruz Archipelago under our influence, might it not be possible to come to an arrangement with France for a final settlement of the ever-irritating New Hebrides question, just as we have amicably agreed with Germany as to the partition of the Solomons? As long as the New Hebrides remain in thenpresent unsatisfactory condition they will be a source of bitterness between English and French in the Pacific. Both nations have had missionaries and traders in the islands for years, and English colonists have found among the natives the chief source of their labour-supply. The islanders—a very mixed but fine race—are still, as a whole, ardent cannibals. As far as commercial considerations go the Fiji Islands have proved much more valuable than New Caledonia and the Loyalties together, though their total foreign trade has fallen recently from £800,000 to £500,000. The value of the group as a naval station is well known, and its importance cannot but be enhanced by the opening of the Panama Canal. Unfortunately the natives, now mostly Christians, seem to be fast dying out, and of the 124,000 inhabitants some 10,000 are immigrant coolie and Polynesian labourers. More than half-way from Fiji to New Zealand we come upon the Kermadec Islands, which were recently annexed mainly to keep them out of the hands of the foreigner ; they are really outposts of Now Zealand. They cover only about twenty square miles of land, and were, when visited last year, inhabited by a Mr. Bell and his family from Samoa, who grow European vegetables as well as other crops. The islands seem to have no harbour of any value. Another New Zealand outpost is Chatham Island, almost directly south of the Kermadecs, and useful as a depot for provisions. These and the other small islands to the south-east and south of New Zealand are all, of course, attached to that colony. The only other islands in the Pacific to which Britain can lay claim are those which it was announced the other day we had just annexed—Caroline, Starbuck, Maiden, Fanning, and Penrhyn Islands, which have been in the Colonial Office List for years. Fanning was annexed by England in 1861, and is really a useful possession. It is only thirty miles in circumference: it is fruitful and has good water-supplies; while from the ethnological point of view it is of great interest. Fanning Island lies about 5° north of the equator, almost directly south from the Hawaiian Islands. About the same distance on the other side of the equator, and in a south-south-easterly direction, lie Maiden and Starbuck Islands, all being included in what Stieler calls the Central Polynesian Sporades. They are the smallest islands and reefs, scattered apart over a wide area, and valuable mainly for the guano which they yield, but which in many of the islands is now exhausted. They were annexed in 1866. About 5° to the south-east of these is Caroline Island, about eight miles long and two broad, which became English in 1868. Some 500 miles west-north-west is Penrhyn Island, on which it would seem we only hoisted our flag the other day. It is a lagoon island, fifty miles in circumference, with good anchorage for small vessels. A glance at a map of the Pacific will at once show the importance of these ocean-specks as half-way houses in carrying a cable from Vancouver to New Zealand. Their commercial importance is small, though their copra is worth looking after. There are other islands in the same region which it might be well to examine ; they lie directly in the route westwards from the Panama Canal to the Malay Archipelago, and if good harbours are available we might as well have them at our disposal. Taking, then, our share of New Guinea, of the Solomon Islands, Fiji, and the smaller fry we have referred to, their direct commercial value is not great, though they certainly do afford fields for enterprise which are not to be despised. Their great value to us is as outposts of Australia, as connecting-links between that continent and British America, and as lying on one or other of the new routes that will be created by the opening of the Panama Canal. It is from these points of view, and from the general standpoint of naval strategy, that further annexations should be made; for otherwise why should we incur further expense and responsibility by assuming the protection of a multitude of scattered reefs'? It is of some interest to notice that the Penrhyn mentioned above is marked on the maps in Stieler's Atlas, and also on Kiepert's large map of the Pacific, as belonging to the United States.

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Not only so, but we find in the Central and Western Pacific quite a number of small islands credited to the same nationality. In the same region as Maiden and Starbuck, for example, we .have Samarang, Palmyra, Walker, and Christmas Islands; north-west of the Sandwich Islands are French Frigate Island and Middle or Eastern Island ; south-east of Penrhyn Island are Flint Island, last of the Gilbert group, Howland, and Baker Islands, and others further west, all set down as belonging to the United, States. Probably the United States Government will be surprised at being credited with such extensive foreign possessions. The fact is these scattered islands are only American in the sense that their guano-deposits have been worked by American companies, and doubtless these would have had the protection of their Government had that been necessary. As the guano has in most cases been exhausted the islands are of little further use, and it is not the least likely the Government of the United States will give itself any trouble about them. It is generally regarded as a foregone conclusion that the Hawaiian group will very soon become an acknowledged, as it is now a virtual, appendage to the United States, and from any point of view this archipelago is one of the most desirable in all the Pacific. It was offered to us years ago, but we declined to have it. When it falls to the United States probably the islands and reefs to the north-west will be annexed at the same time. As to the interest of the United States in Samoa, that will never stand in the way of German annexation, though no doubt the former will insist on her right to the coalingstation which was ceded to her on Tutuila. During the last forty-six years France has been so eager to obtain empire in the Pacific that one is apt to wonder why she has succeeded in appropriating so little. Germany, who only came into the field four years ago, has fared much better. New Caledonia, with the Loyalty Islands, may cover an area of about 5,000 square miles, with a total population of 60,000, mostly convicts and kanakas. The total commerce only amounts to about £350,000 annually, but, as the latest consular report reminds us, New Caledonia is " a penal settlement first and a colony afterwards." The most reputable French colonial authorities—men like M. Leroy Beaulieu and M. Paul Deschanel—insist that until France ceases to send the scum of her population to her colonies they can never prosper, and advise her to take England as her colonial pattern as far as she can with her scanty surplus population. At present French colonies exist mainly for a crowd of needy officials, as her Pacific possessions did until recently for the labours of Jesuit missionaries. It is not ten years since the unhappy natives in the Marquesas and Tuamotu groups were freed from an inquisitorial oppression which made their lives a burden and threatened their extinction. It is no wonder that the Australians should object to the extension of French influence in their neighbourhood, since it practically means the increase of penal colonies and the condemnation of the New Hebrides to commercial stagnation. Besides the New Caledonia group there are four other groups in the Pacific which may be regarded as more or less under French domination ; these are the Marquesas, the Tuamotu Archipelago, the Society Islands, and the Tubuai group, lying between 8° and 30° south latitude and 1-25° and 155° west longitude. The whole land-area of these islands probably does not exceed 1,000 square miles, and the total population 50,000. No doubt the original population was much exaggerated, but there is quite as little doubt that, through various causes, since the advent of the white man it has decreased at an alarming rate. The hold which France has over the remoter islands of these groups is necessarily feeble, in spite of her many officials; and the other day, when her flag was raised on Eaiatea, in the Society Islands, as a result of the abrogation of the agreement with England of 1817, the natives showed themselves decidedly hostile.. The whole group may now be regarded as distinctly French, and of all four groups mentioned above the trade, and virtually the administration, centres in Tahiti, the largest island in the whole region and one of the most picturesque islands in the Pacific, with an excellent harbour. The entire trade of all these islands, as represented at Tahiti, does not exceed £250,000 annually. The island of Mangarewa, in the south-east of the Tuamotu group, has also an excellent harbour, though little has been made of it. Only a few months ago, as was intimated at the time, France annexed Wallis or Uea Islands, a tiny group half-way between Samoa and Fiji, where French missionaries have held sway for a long time. The value of the acquisition from any point of view is not great. Much more serious is the rumour that attempts are being made to draw Barotonga, the chief of the Hervey or Cook Islands, under French protection. Indeed, it is expressly admitted that the active assertion of dominion over Eaiatea was but a move towards the annexation of the group to the south-west, between which and the Tahitian group the relations are intimate. But Barotonga and its neighbouring islands may be regarded as the head-quarters of the London Missionary Society in the Pacific. It was there that John Williams met with some- of his most signal triumphs; and no doubt the Sydney authorities would take the annexation of the group very unkindly. At the same time, a glance at the map will show how natural it is for France to extend her protecting arm around the Hervey group: it would round off the French possessions in this part of the Pacific. Their entire area is not 400 square miles. Their destiny seems certain, and Earotonga will become the leading coaling-station for French vessels sailing from Panama, to Australia; it lies directly in the route. About 100 leagues west-north-west of New Caledonia are a few reefs named Chesterfield or Barnpton, which in 1878 were; taken possession of by France for their guano, in spite of protests from Sir Hercules Kobinson. Lastly, some 2,000 miles west-north-west from Panama, and just on the equator, is Clipperton Island, a sort of double rock, which is claimed by France, and which French writers think ought to be looked after and effectively occupied, provided with lighthouses,, and fortified with guns, preparatory to the opening of the canal, as it might become a station-of-call of the first importance. That is possible, and no one need grudge the countrymen of M. de Lesseps. any success they may achieve isi this direction. Such, then, is at present the e"xtent of French possessions in the Pacific. But France is not satisfied. She feels the growing importance of this part of the world, and complains that in her New Caledonia possession she is hampered and circumscribed. The recent apparent solution of the New Hebrides difficulty is no final settlement of the question. There can be little doubt, that

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France will never be satisfied until she can call the New Hebrides her own, and will bide her time until the present agreement loses its hold, as did that of 1847 with reference to the Windward Islands of the Tahician group. The land of the New Hebrides is rapidly getting into French hands, arid near.^- the whole of the trade is now in French vessels. The islands would be a valuable possession to any nation that could develop their resources. Germany, under the guidance of Prince Bismarck, always knows her mind, and goes straight at the accomplishment of her object. It is thus that she has been able, within the last few years, to create a colonial empire in the Pacific much larger than that of France, who began about fifty years ago. New Guinea, Now Britain, the Solomon and the Marshall Islands, with a land-area of about ICO,OOO square miles, give Germany a stake in the Pacific far more important than that of France, both from a strategical and a commercial point of view. Of course these possessions can never be much more than "colonies of exploitation;" but the New Britain and the Solomon Islands are among the finest in the Pacific, and as far as the exploration of German New Guinea has gone it promises to afford a fine field for the establishment of plantations for various cultures, while it has several excellent harbours. The Marshall Islands, though small, are numerous and cover a considerable area. Their people are great traders, and the islands may become of increased importance as the trans-Pacific trade develops. The consternation of Spain when Germany threatened to take possession of the Carolines, to the west of the Marshall Group, will be remembered. These, and the M.arianne Islands and the Pelews, Spain has long claimed, but she has done nothing to develop them. These form the bulk of Micronesia, where Spain may be considered supreme; France has the lion's share in Polynesia, if we exclude Hawaii; England rules in Australasia; while Melanesia is divided among the three great Powers, Germany, so far, having the largest stake. Of the islands which remain unattached, besides the New Hebrides, the most important are the Tonga and Samoan groups, to the east and north-east of Fiji, and the Ellice and the Gilbert groups, between Fiji and the Marshall Islands. There can be no doubt that, in spite of existing agreements, Germany has her eye on the two former groups, both of them very desirable for their commercial and strategical importance, as well as on account of the character of the natives. The annexation of Tonga by Germany would certainly not be relished either by the Fijians or the Australians. Yet there can be no doubt that the famous Hamburg house of Godeifroi and their successors have had intimate relations with both groups for many years, as, indeed, they have had over nearly the whole of the Pacific. The little Fjllice group, with their pleasant inhabitants, ethnoiogically should go with Samoa, and, if so, Germany might wish to appropriate the Gilbert group, and form one continuous protectorate from the Marshall Islands south-east. At the same time it should be noted that Germany has distinctly recognised English interests in both these groups. Among the Gilbert Islands are two which on German maps are marked American. Lying between French Polynesia and Hawaii are a multitude of islets and reefs, many of them unappropriated, and probably not worth annexing. The very existence of some of them, indeed, is doubtful. In the same way, north of the Carolines we find a number of names the significance of which is doubtful, until we come to the Bonin group, which, with others further north, are generally regarded as belonging to Japan. Easter Island, the extreme eastern outlier of Polynesia, is worth annexation, if only to guard its marvellous antiquities. Practically, in the Pacific, as in Africa, nearly all that is worth appropriating (except Hawaii) has been swept under the influence of one of the three great colonising Powers : it would be conducive to good feeling and the development of trade if some agreement were come to in a friendly way as to the division of what remains ; for annexation is inevitable. As to ourselves, since we have a whole continent, three great islands and a part of a fourth, besides a big archipelago and many scattered islands for our share, we can surely afford to be generous. In any further appropriations we have only the interests of these to consider. Such is a brief review of the present state of the Pacific, so far as European appropriation of its thousands of islands is concerned. Many of the islands arc; as uncivilised as they were when Cook, with the other early navigators, first touched them, but as a rule the people, of whatever race, are a superior type —some of them physically among the finest specimens of humanity. Yet they are sensible of their marked inferiority to the whites, and it is this feeling which, as much as anything else, fills them with hopelessness and conduces to decay. The obvious cure is to give them a genuine interest in life, make them feel they have something worth living for, keep them profitably occupied, and so fill them with new hope and fresh vigour. It would be a pity to displace them and fill their islands with undesirable Chinese and alien coolies. When the Australian Continent and New Zealand get more fully populated, there can be little doubt that these oceanic Edens will become favourite touring-grounds and winter resorts ; but much of their interest would be gone if visitors encountered only imported labour and missed the amiable native.

[Extract from tho Times, Tuesday, 19th June, 1888.] A WELL-INFOEMED correspondent yesterday mapped out the Pacific Ocean among its varioua owners and claimants. He specified the portions which are admitted without dispute to belong tothem severally, and the other portions which they regard as natural appurtenances to their present possessions. Spain, Holland, Japan, and the United States enter into his catalogue, and for two or three very important islands or island-groups. More than half the vast territory of New Guinea, is the recognised dominion of the Dutch. Hawaii he reckons as virtually an appendage of the United States. But practically Germany, France, and Great Britain are the competitors of whom he is thinking. Each has the predominance already in one great division. Great Britain is without a rival in Australasia. Prance stands first in Polynesia. In Melanesia, though" all the Powers are territorially represented, he assigns the eventual superiority to the German flag. The earliest sentiment stirred by the general survey is one of~rnelancholy at the geographical finiteriess of the human heritage. There were times in the history of the modern as well as the ancient world at

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which the fancy was free to range over boundless possibilities of land and water. Nobody could presume to limit the wonders reserved for the courageous adventurer. He could sail forth obscure and indigent, and return to endow a country as poor with a wealthy empire. Everywhere, from Newfoundland to the Antarctic Circle, visions and romances might actually be realised. Gradually the boundaries have been drawn in. One enormous section after another of the globe has been marked out and fenced round. Africa itself is no longer no man's land. Still there was the Pacific. The amount of dry ground in the Pacific is not in proportion to the amount of sea. When Australasia, New Guinea, and the considerable islands off the Asiatic and American coasts are excluded, the total area of the Pacific isles is computed by our correspondent as not more than 45,000 square miles. It is a quantity which in Africa a single enterprising German would annex to the Fatherland by his own unassisted exertions. The element of size, however, was supplied by the intervene ing wilderness of waters. There the imagination expatiated unconfined if it would. Realms were ready to be conquered and treasures to be discovered. Any one could land where he chose and live as he pleased, if the neighbouring cannibals had no objection. Now nothing beyond a rock exists in the huge watery waste which is not accurately known to hydrographers and claimed for one or another European State as its own by priority either of occupation or of covetousness. Many Englishmen probably regret that the trouble of controversy over the division had not been saved by a British appropriation of the entire set of archipelagos half a century ago. Then, or a very little earlier, the Sandwich Islands were to be had for the asking. A few thousands would have bought up all outstanding Dutch rights in New Guinea. Samoa, Tonga, New Caledonia, and the New Hebrides were waiting to be taken. An expenditure which would have seemed fantastic in the reign of the third or the fourth George, might have justified itself to English opinion in the reign of Queen Victoria. For a long period undoubtedly it must have been unproductive ; and it is difficult fairly to estimate the capacity of idle capital to reimburse itself out of future profits. Our correspondent not impossibly may share the views of those among his countrymen who blame the past administration of colonial affairs for a want of provident and preventive rapacity. But he believes in the wisdom of the proverb that it is of no use to cry over spilt milk. He perceives that some islands are destined to become French, others German, and others British, by virtue of territories actually in French, British, and German hands. For instance, the Marquesas, the Society Islands, and the Tuamotu and Tubuai groups are enumerated by him as more or less under French domination. He considers that the Colonial Office and the Australian Governments should not waste their energy in combating annexations in effect made. They ought, he holds, to concentrate their attention on a case like that of Earotonga, the largest of the Cook or Hervey Islands, which France is attempting to control. They should not disturb themselves about reefs like Chesterfield or Clipperton Island, but try to make up their minds on a definite policy for the settlement of the ownership of the New Hebrides. Pending questions in the Pacific between Germany and its two principal competitors are fewer and less inflammatory, for the reason, according to our correspondent, that Germany goes straight at her object, and commonly accomplishes it offhand. In this way she has, by the acquisition of much of New Guinea, of New Britain, the Solomon and the Marshall Islands, created a Pacific empire both commercially and strategically much in excess of the French. Her enterprise has occupied some half-dozen years to the French fifty. Yet Germany is not without unsatisfied cravings in the Pacific, which our correspondent fears might breed complications between her and England. She is known to covet Tonga and Samoa, and suspected of a wish for the Ellice and Gilbert groups. Our correspondent's aim is to persuade English opinion and authority to accept accomplished facts in cases in which other colonising nations have practically appropriated Pacific isles, and to educate themselves to a mood for accepting further the necessary consequences of those facts. He has endeavoured to define and identify the debatable ground, in the first place. Next he would be glad to have the disputants brought to an agreement without superfluous delay. He sees no advantage in the perpetuation of causes of strife and grievance which will have to be arranged some day, and might as well be at once. England can afford, in his judgment, to be generous, so far as the sanction of evident and not intolerable tendencies depends upon her. The principle is excellent. We must confess to a fear that the proposed application may appear less admirable especially to our Australasian brethren. They will be inclined to think it one-sided. Apparently our correspondent would concede the New Hebrides to France. He praises the precedent of the division of the Solomon Islands between Great Britain and Germany as one to be followed in the New Hebridean controversy. Nothing indicates that France is to be invited to accept less than the whole. She is, again, to have, without compensation to England, the Hervey Archipelago, though cannibal Earotonga has been humanised and Christianized by English missionaries. Germany is to be permitted without demur to absorb the Tongan and Samoan groups, with the Ellice and Gilbert Isles thrown in. Our correspondent joins to his advice to this country, to be generous, the sagacious remark that it need look only to the interests of the grand Pacific sovereignty it has built up. The defect Australasia will detect in his recommendations is that compliance with them would be against those interests. He allows that the Sydney authorities would take a French annexation of the Hervey Islands very unkindly. They would hardly be appeased by the fullest demonstration on a map that it will round off the French possessions in the quarter. Englishmen in Fiji, New Zealand, and New South Wales cannot be expected to observe with a good, grace the complete Germanising of Samoa and Tonga —which our correspondent acknowledges they would not relish—because for German trade and war the two groups are valuable. Australians will retain their bitterness against a French annexation of the New Hebrides, though it be proved irrefutably that the act would be beneficial to French commerce. At every point, indeed, the impediment to the display of the happy magnanimity in the arrangement of quarrels in the Pacific on which our correspondent insists is the need he Jiimself emphasizes of respect for Australasian interests. At the same time, the truth of his injunction to acquiesce in the inevitable, and to acquiesce promptly, is not to be contested, if only it could be'made plain to both sets of disputants

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what is inevitable. Happily, British colonists in the Pacific have but to glance at the tables of their resources, and at the space their territories cover on the map, not to be excessively alarmed at the prospects of French or German destiny in one spot or another of the ocean, or at French or German -victories in diplomacy. The citizen of Australia, of New Zealand, of Tasmania, has a country ; all Pacific competitors have, as our correspondent has said, " colonies of exploitation."

[Extract from the Times, Wednesday, 20th June, 1888.] The French in the Pacific. Paris, June 19. The Petit Journal states that the difficulties in connection with the annexation by France of the islands sous le vent are not vet at an end. " The natives of Eaiatea," says the journal, "have sent an ultimatum, calling upon the French to evacuate the island. The French commander replied by landing a company of infantry with a cannon."

No. 4. The Agent-Genekal to the Pbemieb. Sib,— 27th October, 1888. I beg to enclose an article from to-day's Times relating to the British protectorate at Earotonga, which may perhaps be of interest to you. I have, &c, The Hon. the Premier, Wellington. F, D. Bell.

[Extract from the Times, Saturday, 27th October, 1888.] Eakotonga and the New Pbotectobate. (Fbom a Cobbespondbnt.) The establishment of a Britisli protectorate over Earotonga, and the inclusion within our protectorate in a short time of the other islands of the Hervey or Cook's group, may render desirable an account of these islands and of the policy that has led Lord Salisbury to the conclusion that they must henceforth be taken under our wing. The group consists of seven islands, the largest being Rarotonga and Mangaia, each about thirty miles in circumference: the latter island, however, is barely 700 ft. above the sea, whereas Earotonga reaches a height of 3,000 ft. Both possess good soil and rich vegetation. Aitutaki, next in importance, is only about half the size of Mangaia, while the remaining islands, of which the better known are Atiu, Mauki, Metiaro, and Hervey, are smaller still. Mauki was once the resort of Pacific traders in search of wood. There ironwood was found in large quantities, and in lengths extending in some instances to 40ft. and measuring a yard in diameter. Hervey Island is a large atoll, extremely fertile, and covered with cocoanut groves. In fact, the whole group has attractions for commercial men, and, as the thermometer only averages about 80°, even including the warmest season, it will be seen that Europeans can live in comfort, while the peculiar variety of temperature allows both tropical and other fruits and vegetables to grow to perfection side by side. But it is more to the political than to the commercial aspect of the question that I would at this moment direct attention. The step now being taken has for some time past been frequently urged upon the Imperial Government by New Zealand statesmen, while the privilege of becoming Her Majesty's subjects has ever been present with the Earotongans since British influence first made itself known and felt in that island. In 1864 the Earotongans applied to the British Throne for protection in a letter sent to the then Governor of New Zealand, signed by the King and chiefs of Awarua, Ngatangia, and Arorangi, districts which represent the entire population of Rarotonga. However, no notice was taken of that petition —a fact which must have thrown a considerable amount of cold water upon the native idea of English courtesy. Still, the feeling of loyalty towards this country continued and remains to this day. Now that their wish has been granted, we may look forward to a race in Earotonga even more prosperous than their neighbours the Samoans and Tongans, and a people who will be an accession of strength to Her Majesty's outlying dominions in the Pacific Ocean. The New Zealand Government a few years since pointed out the importance of Earotonga to the Home authorities in a long telegraphic despatch to the Secretary of State for the Colonies, but, although much correspondence ensued thereon, nothing was done in the way of an annexation which every student of Pacific politics knew was of great importance to the British Empire. In 1884, the following account, furnished by an eye-witness, was laid before the New Zealand House of Eepresentatives. It is interesting and instructive, and affords an insight into the manners and customs of the inhabitants of the new British protectorate : " The inhabitants are governed by a Queen, and are in an advanced state of civilisation; one sees nothing like it in the South Pacific, not even in Tonga; and as far as concerns sobriety, decency, and quiet behaviour they are superior to the Sandwich Islanders. Their villages are all laid out in streets ; their houses are of stone and lime ; they have furniture ; they dress nicely in European fabrics; they are all well-fed, happy, and prosperous ; their laws are just and well administered; they fear God, and deal hospitably and honestly by all who visit them. There is no superstition, no barbarism, no want or discontent among them. If they have a weakness it is a fondness for intoxicating drink ; but their dissipation is of a mild form, and seldom goes further than the imbibing of several pints of beer, which they manufacture from the juice of oranges and squashed-up China bananas. They are industrious, and cultivate the ground assiduously when assured of a market for their produce. They also practise all manner of handicrafts. Among them are good carpenters, smiths, sailmakers, stonemasons, &c. They plant cotton and coffee, and export great quantities of oranges. Besides the agent of the London Missionary Society, there are several Europeans resident upon Earotonga who are married to native wives, also half-castes (as they are called) from Auckland, domesticated in the same

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manner. They have stores, plantations, cotton-gins, and several small vessels trading round the Hervey group, and running to Tahiti and Auckland with their produce. All the sympathies of tha Earotongans are English. They have had frequent communication with New Zealand. Paora Tuhaere, the" loyal and intelligent chief of Hauraki, visited them a few years ago with his family, in a vessel which he chartered for the purpose. Some of his near relatives who accompanied him took to themselves Earotongan wives. The islanders of Earotonga regard Auckland as the centre of civilisation, and its people, represented by Captain Daldy and Paora Tuhaere, as their protectors and best friends." Surrounded as the Earotongans are by French possessions and French influence, it might have been supposed that they would desire French protection. Such, however, is far from being the -case. They faar the French, whom they regard as their enemies. This is no doubt in a great measure due to the tales that have been circulated among them about the oppression of the French military system, and the alleged cruel treatment of labourers upon the La Terre Eugenic Plantation. It is but fair to say, however, that both the one and the other were exaggerations; and, although little doubt exists that the French method of dealing with natives is neither liked nor'desired by the Earotongans, the treatment of Protestant missionaries by French authorities in the Pacific has in a measure inspired the text that has resulted in the preaching of an anti-French doctrine. And so Rarotonga has been saved from becoming part and parcel of the great French protectorate which extends over the greater part of the South-Eastern Pacific. But, while New Zealand statesmen and native Earotongans were busily employing themselves in pressing the importance of Earotonga upon Her Majesty's Advisers, no statesman in this country was found to grapple with the Pacific problem, and proclaim in Parliament the importance of securing for this country the sympathies of the Earotongans. Two years ago 1 pointed out the diplomatic relations that exist in the Pacific Ocean between Spain, Holland, Germany, France, and Great Britain, and suggested the formation of a conventional line that should secure " Eapa and Earotonga on the British side," and then the important position of that latter island was brought home to the Imperial authorities. Later on, when the New Hebrides difficulty began to assume alarming proportions, we find Lord Carnarvon coinciding with the idea of a division in those regions between France and this country, and proposing, amid much enthusiasm, in the House of Lords that spheres of influence should be agreed upon between those two countries. Still, nothing was done except, when that problem was solved, 10 hand over to our rivals Eaiatea, Huahine, and Boralora, and thus, with the exception of Pitcairn Island, Cook's Island (Earotonga), Eurutu, and Eimatara, of the Austral Group, and Easter Island, the entire South-Eastern Pacific remained under the control of France. Now, however, Lord Salisbury has seen the importance of extending British protection to Earotonga. Of course it may be said, and with some reason, that the Panama Canal is impossible. Perhaps it may be so ; but suppose it is not—and this negative view is by no means an impossible. If M. de Lesseps breaks down and his lotteries fail to draw, his mantle may fall upon an " Elisha," and then in years to come, when the canal is made, what, but for the possession of Earotonga, would have been England's position in the South-Eastern Pacific ? The highway between Auckland and Panama is commanded by Eapa, and no other island lies in the direct route. Between Sydney and Panama not a single British coaling-station exists, while France possesses the islands of Tahiti, Meetia, Teliaroa, Eaiatea, and the surrounding islets in the direct passage, while near at hand lie the Marquesas on the one side, and Tubuai, fiaivavai, the Paumotus, and the Gambiers on the other, with their accompanying list of harbours and places of refuge. Without Earotonga France on this route is supreme; with Earotonga the balance of power is materially altered. Rarotonga has two small but fairly secure harbours, and is connected with Auckland by ties of friendship and commerce. Its position in the middle of the South-Eastern Pacific gives it exceptional advantages over the neighbouring islands, while its protection by this country, which, by the bye, should be followed by annexation, supplies British ships with one coaling-station and a place wherein to obtain supplies, in the unhappy event of a European war, along the 7,700 miles of sea that separates Sydney from Panama.

No. 5. The Agent-Genekal to the Peemibb. 8m, — 7, Westminster Chambers, London, S.W., 26th January, 1889. I beg to enclose a telegram from Paris, in the Times of the 22nd instant, on a debate in the French Chamber relating to the Pacific islands question ; and also others in the Times relating to the action of Germany in Samoa, which may be of interest to the Government. I have, &c, The Hon. the Premier, Wellington. F. D. Bell.

Enclosures. [Extract from the Times, Saturday, 12th January, 1889.] Gbemany and Samoa. Sydney, 11th January. The latest despatches from Samoa confirm the accounts already published of the fighting between the Germans and the adherentsrof Mataafa. The latter are alleged by the Germans to have commenced hostilities by opening fire on them, while the Mataafaites assert that the Germans shot the son of an important chief, and afterwards the chief himself. Washington, 11th January. Mr. Sewell, United States Consul-General in Samoa, to-day gave evidence before the Foreign

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Eelations Committee of the Senate at a secret sitting. He is reported to have said that he expected the next mail from Samoa to bring news of further terrible conflicts between the Germans and the natives, the shedding of blood having radically changed the situation. If it was not intended to yield to Germany the entire control over the island, decided action would have to be taken by the Powers." 1" Mr. Sewell referred to what he described as the studied and systematic efforts made in news emanating from Berlin to give the impression that America was the aggressor in every disturbance in the island ; and also declared that German oppression was entirely responsible for the apparent division among the natives. In conclusion, he mentioned the importance of maintaining at least the neutrality of the islands. Berlin, 11th January. The recent promotion of Dr. Knappe to the post of German-Consul at Apia is generally regarded as a mark of approval of his action during the disturbances in Samoa. The Biirsenzeitung announces that steps have been taken by which the restoration of order in Samoa is assured.

[Extract from the Times, Thursday, 17th January, 1889.] The Samoan Question. Philadelphia, 16th January. The President has sent to Congress the correspondence on the Samoan difficulty. He intimates that Germany is at fault, and adds : " Germany asserts that she has no desire or intention to overturn the native Samoan Government, or to ignore our treaty rights, and still invites our Government to join her in restoring peace and quiet. But, thus far, her propositions on this subject seem to lead to such a preponderance of German power in Samoa as was never contemplated by us, and is inconsistent with every prior agreement or understanding; while her recent conduct as between the native warring factions gives rise to a suspicion that she is not content with a neutral position. Acting under the restraints which our Constitution and laws have placed upon the Executive power, I have insisted that the independence of Samoa should be scrupulously preserved, according to the treaty made with Samoa by the Powers named and their other agreements and understandings with each other. I have protested against every act apparently tending in the opposite direction, and during the existence of the internal disturbances one or more vessels-of-war have been kept in Samoan waters to protect American citizens and property." The President says that Admiral Kimberley, with the warship " Trenton," has sailed from Panama to join the " Nipsic," already at Samoa, because the recent troubles there made the situation dangerous and critical. This course is taken for the better protection of American citizens, and also to further efforts to restore public order and safety. Secretary Whitney has instructed Admiral Kimberley thus : " You will at once proceed to Samoa, and extend full protection and defence to American citizens and property. You will consult with the American Vice-Consul and examine his archives, and otherwise inform yourself as to the situation and all recent occurrences. Protest against the subjugation and displacement of the native Government of Samoa by Germany, as in violation of the positive agreement and understanding between the treaty Powers; but inform the representatives of the German and British Governments of your readiness to co-operate in causing all treaty rights to be respected, and in restoring peace and order on the basis of the recognition of Samoan rights to independence. Endeavour to prevent extreme measures against the Samoans, and to bring about a peaceful settlement. If such an arrangement can be made upon that basis, you will report the same for approval. You will inform the Government, as soon as possible after your arrival in Samoa, of the condition of affairs and the prospect of a peaceful adjustment, and whether Germany was acting impartially between the opposing forces when the late conflict occurred." Washington, 15th January. Mr. Whitney, Secretary of the Navy, telegraphed on the 11th instant to Admiral Kimberley, reciting a despatch from the Commander of the " Nipsic," stating that the Germans, by way of retaliation for their defeat by Mataafa, had bombarded the towns, disregarding the protests that the neutral rights, as well as the lives and property, of American citizens were endangered. Mr. Bayard, Secretary of State, replying to the complaint of Count Arco-Valley, the German Minister in Washington, that the Samoans were commanded in the recent battle by Americans, says that he had no knowledge that Klein was an American citizen, and he was certainly not acting with the authority of this Government. The American officials in Samoa had always been instructed to observe neutrality in native affairs. Eespect for Samoan autonomy, proceeds the Secretary in his communication to the German Minister, is the basis of the present treaties. "At the Conference in 1887 America, Germany, and Great Britain agreed that the Samoans should elect their King in their own way. Such an election now would seem most opportune, and I feel assured it would do much towards ending the bitter discontent which has resulted in internecine warfare and in the conflict with the Germans, which the Government of the United States deplores. I have great confidence in Admiral Kirnbeiiey's wisdom, as well as in that of the commanders of the vessels of other nations now at Samoa. I take it for granted thnt the same spirit of comity and perception of the equal rights of the three Powers which induced Germany to invite the active co-operation of the United States in restoring order will cause instructions embodying the same principle of friendly justice and considerate moderation in the framing of a plan of settlement to be sent to the German officers in Samoa. There is no obscurity in the several treaties, and none whatever in the understanding proposed by the United States, and first arrived at between the treaty Powers in June, 1886." Wellington, lStirjanuarv. Her Majesty's cruiser " Calliope" will leave here on Monday next for Samoa.

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rExtract from the Times, Friday, 18th January, 1889." Samoa. Sydney, 17th January. The " Liibeeif," which has arrived here from Samoa, reports that all was quiet in the islands when she left on the Bth instant. The foreign war-vessels then at Apia comprised Her Majesty's cruiser " Royalist,'.' the United States sloop " Nipsic," the German corvette "Olga," and the gunboats " Adler" and "Eber."

'Extract from the Times, Monday, 21st January, 1889.] The Samoan Question. Philadelphia, 20th January. Detailed accounts of reported recent conflicts in Samoa have been received via San Francisco, with descriptions of outrages said to have been committed by German sailors upon the American flag and on American citizens. The Secretary of State thinks the reports are exaggerated. He says that the Government is fully advised of the situation in Samoa, and anticipates no infringement of American rights. He states that the position of the United States is thoroughly understood by Germany, through her Minister at Washington. Washington, 20th January. Mr. Bayard, Secretary of State, has received advices from Apia stating that the American subjects who were seized by the Germans were immediately afterwards released. The latest reports received at the Foreign Affairs Department here state that all was quiet in Samoa. New York, 19th January. Despatches from Samoa, received via San. Francisco, and dated from Apia the sth instant, represent the situation as having become very serious since the conflict on the 18th December between the adherents of Mataafa and the sailors of the German warships " Adler," " Olga," and " Eber," when twenty-two of the latter were killed and thirty-two wounded. According to these despatches the German warships have burnt several American houses, and torn down and burnt American flags. Some United States subjects in neutral waters are also said to have been seized and taken prisoners on board a German war-ship. It is further stated that a boat's crew from a German war-vessel, commanded by an officer, shot at the captain and a lieutenant of the British war-vessel. Note.-^-In connection with the above statements it should be pointed out that a Reuters telegram from Sydney, dated the 17th instant, announced the arrival at that port from Apia of the " Liibeck," which reported that all was quiet in Samoa when she left the islands on the 18th instant —three days subsequently, that is to say, to the despatch of the San Francisco mails from Apia. Auckland, 20th January. The German gunboat "Eber" has arrived here from Samoa. She brings intelligence that there had been no further fighting up to the time of her departure. The German Consulate and two German stores adjoining had been destroyed by fire.

[Extract from the Times, Tuesday, 22nd January, 1889.; The Peench Pacific Islands. Paris, 21st January. Bishop Feeppel addressed a question to-day to the Minister of Marine as to the measures which the Government would take, or the negotiations it meant to open, in order to preserve in its integrity the colonial position of France in the Pacific Ocean, especially as regarded Easter Island, the Tubuai Islands, and the Cook Archipelago. Whatever, he said, might be the differences of opinion among members of the Chamber as to the direction that French colonial policy should take, there was one point on which they all agreed—namely, that their honour and the national interest enjoined them to preserve what they possessed in the way of colonies, and not to permit any foreign Power to intrude upon their lights. If his information was correct, and unfortunately he had reason to believe it was, it did not seem to him that, in face of unjustifiable enterprises, the colonial administration had taken the attitude required for the defence of French interests. Easter Island, he said, situated midway between the American continent and French possessions in Tahiti, had very considerable commercial and maritime importance. It was, in fact, the only island which the Australian route passed through before Tahiti. Assuming that a ship could not continue its voyage for more than twenty days without fresh stores, Easter Island would be the necessary touchingpoint for all ships proceeding from Panama to Australia. The nation which possessed this exceptional position would command the route to Australia. That fact could not be disputed, and he hoped no attempt would be made to call it in question. France possessed indubitable rights to Easter Island. It was a Frenchman, M. Dutron Bornier, who, in 1868, had made it French soil. From 1868 to 1879 the French flag had been hoisted on it, and three times-—in 1872,1877, and 1881 —the natives had applied for the organization of a French protectorate. Whatever point of view they took, France possessed indisputable rights over the island. He wanted to know if the Government had abandoned to Chili that key of the Australian route. That was the first part of his question. The second related to the Tubuai Archipelago. In virtue of the treaty concluded on the 29th of June, 1880, with Pomare, Tahiti and the whole archipelago depending on it had been placed under the rule of France. Now, there could be no doubt that the Tubuai Islands formed a dependency of Tahiti. In 1846 the kings of Tubuai had written to Louis Philippe, asking for the protection of France, which was given ; and in°lß7l Queen Pomare had proceeded to these islands,"accompanied by a French Commissary, and had been welcomed as queen of the archipelago. The rights of France accordingly were not doubtful. Now, the English had just proclaimed the annexation of two of these islands, which were the nearest to Tahiti. It would be conceded that this proceeding

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was inadmissible. He wanted to know from the Government if it considered this annexation as final, and, if it did not, what it meant to do for the protection of French rights. As regarded the Cook Archipelago, it too formed part of the islands surrounding Tahiti, without which their great oceanic island would lose much of its importance. Here, again, he could not but deplore the want of foresight and steadiness of purpose in their colonial administration. For a long time the natives of the Cook Islands had been going for employment as labourers to Papiete, the capital" of Tahiti, and on their return to their country they formed a class devoted to the cause of France. In spite of the propaganda of some English preachers, the population was well disposed towards France, and it would not have been difficult to establish, the French administration which was desired, The English had expected this, and Lord Augustus Lof'tus even believed it had been carried out when he discussed the question at Sydney with M. Chesse, their excellent Governor; and his successor, M. des Essarts, thought their situation so well established that he considered it superfluous to send a Eesident to these islands. Now, what had England done ? She had announced the annexation of the Cook Archipelago. Accordingly, he added, in the Pacific Ocean they had abandoned Easter Island to Chili, and England had annexed two of the Tubuai Islands and the Cook Archipelago, so that the French, who had a preponderating position in the Pacific, ran the risk of sinking to the second or third rank from want of foresight—he was almost tempted to say carelessness—on the part of their colonial administration. He wished to know what measures the Government meant to take, and on what negotiations it proposed to enter, in order to maintain the integrity of their situation in the Pacific Ocean. The question was important. A nation which did not know, or which did not desire to uphold, its rights, was a nation courting discredit, and condemning itself to decline. Admiral Krantz, Minister of Marine, said the three questions put by the Bishop of Angers were not quite analogous. With regard to Easter Island, it was certain that if France had desired to accept the protectorate, nothing would have been more easy. It had been offered to them several times, but all the admirals who had visited those waters had said, "Don't take Easter Island. It is good for nothing. There is no roadstead; there are only ill-defended anchorage-grounds, without any secure harbour." The population, which once numbered from 3,000 to 1,500, had now fallen to 1.50 or 160, which was not a sign of prosperity. The inhabitants emigrated to Tahiti when they were not carried off by force to work in America. It was easy to say " Establish your protectorate ;" but then it would be necessary to place a garrison in the island, for, if they simply placed a coaling-station there, it would be useful only to enemies. Ministers of the Marine since 1868 had always deliberately refused to proclaim a protectorate over the island, and had even forbidden a Frenchman who had settled there to hoist the national flag. He accepted for himself and his predecessors the responsibility of that decision. With regard to the Cook Archipelago, he remarked, these islands had never belonged to France. An attempt had been made to establish closer relations with the population. The people were not hostile, but it was otherwise with the chiefs, to whom the Anglican missionaries, established there for fifty years, had recommended independence —or, rather, dependence on themselves ; and they refused to enter into commercial relations with the French. It would accordingly have been necessary, in order to establish a protectorate, to undertake an expedition. They had not done this. It was certain that the Anglican missionaries neither wanted a French nor an English protectorate, but when they saw the Polynesian islands given up, so to speak, to pillage, they preferred the protectorate of England to that of France. With regard to the Tubuai Islands, he was of Bishop Freppel's opinion. He thought that, as successors of Queen Pomare, they had the same rights as she had possessed to the islands that surrounded Tahiti. They meant to exercise their sovereignty over all these islands, and consequently over the two said to have been annexed by England, which annexation was not an accomplished fact. They had then the right of asking England not to retain these islands, which had no importance, and they hoped England would accept their explanations. The matter had not sufficient interest for her to prevent satisfaction being given. Bishop Freppel, in a rejoinder, insisted that Easter Island w7as very valuable. Chili had long coveted it, but Napoleon 111. had wisely obtained from her a renunciation of her claims. It was colonised by a Frenchman; French capital in 1885 had constructed a port, Tahiti navvies being engaged; the Queen was French ; and it was a station for ships going from Panama to Australia, the voyage requiring twelve days, whereas the voyage to the Marquesas and Tahiti required nineteen days. It was a key to the route to Australia, and if Chili, in possession of it, refused to supply coal French vessels would be unable to go by way of the Panama Canal to French Pacific possessions. The future consequences might be disastrous, hi 1870 M. Dutron Bornier reported that he had room on the island for a huudred thousand sheep, without fear of drought or extreme temperatures, as in New South Wales. As to the Tubuai Islands, he said, they were admittedly French. Why, then, had the English been allowed to take the two nearest to Tahiti? Admiral Krantz : "I know nothing of it." Bishop Freppel replied that telegrams from Brisbane had announced it, and the Minister was the only man ignorant of it. England missed no opportunity of thwarting French ascendency in the Pacific. Either French agents wore not sufficiently vigilant, or the Government—as was more likely—neglected their warnings. A simple gendarme at Eouroutoua and Eimitara would have prevented the accident. Why, again, had England annexed the Cook Islands? Because an excellent port at Earotonga, thirteen days from Easter Island, would supersede the Marquesas and Tahiti as a coaling-station. Some years before, on an English crew being maltreated by natives of Earotonga, the British Government had claimed damages from Franco, on the ground that, France being in the Tahiti region, it }vas for her to keep order there. Admiral Krantz : " That'is incorrect." Bishop Freppel urged that the chief natives of the Cook Islands resident in Tahiti had solicited iumexation, and that the natives had always desired a French protectorate ; while the French Governor of Tahiti had considered the despatch of a Resident needless, the French position being so

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firmly established. England, less artless, had taken advantage of French somnolence to ruin French ascendency in the Pacific. Egypt had been given up to England ; the New Hebrides had been evacuated ; Easter Island had been taken by Chili, and the Cook Islands by England. Their colonial patrimony in the Pacific had thus fallen to pieces, and England's blunder in not securing possessions between America and Oceania had been retrieved. French colonial administration was marked by.heedlessness and incapacity. Admiral Krantz : " Many thanks for the compliment." Bishop Freppel: "It was not addressed to you, for the Minister of Marine has too many other things to attend to." Admiral Krantz insisted that the Bishop was quite mistaken as to Easter Island, which had no port, and was wanted by Chili merely for a penitentiary. The Cook Islands had never belonged' to France, who had vainly desired them. The natives, though not hostile, were indifferent, and the chiefs were against a French protectorate, the English missionaries having influence over them. France was entitled to the Tubuai Isles, her flag having been hoisted there in 1857, and they were geographically and politically part of the Tahiti group. "We shall ask England," said Admiral Krantz, "to give them back, and I hope our overtures will be successful. Anyhow, a war cannot break out between England and France for so trivial a reason." (Murmurs on the Eight; " Trh-bien I " on the Left.) M. Burdeau, a Eadical, and translator of Mr. Herbert Spencer's works : " Such things should not be publicly said." Admiral Krantz rejoined : "It is better to have good reasons to give than to threaten. National honour has been spoken of, and when it is at stake great measures may be taken; but so tragic a tone does not suit the question whether two islets belong to us or not. We have every reason to claim them, and shall enforce those reasons; but I protest against such exaggerations as that of saying we have compromised the national honour." Bishop Freppel answered : " You have justified my reproach of a shirking policy, for you say we are the rightful owners, yet that if England refuses to restore them you will capitulate. That is a strange basis for negotiations." The subject then dropped. Bishop Freppel, a Eeactionary in other respects, has always differed from his party on the question of colonial extension, which in his eyes means the extension of Catholicism.

[Extract from the Times, Tuesday, 22nd January, 1889.J The Samoan Question. Philadelphia, 21st January. The warship " Vandalia" left San Francisco yesterday for Samoa. There will soon be three American vessels on that station. The impression prevails at Washington that Germany has exceeded the bounds of propriety. Auckland, 21st January. The German war-ship " Bber," which left Samoa on the 13th instant, has arrived here. Her officers denounce the reports received from Apia, via San Francisco, concerning the action of the German war-ships at Samoa, and aver that no such events occurred as those related. They declare that the allegations as to the tearing-down and burning of American flags, the burning of American houses, and the firing on the captain and lieutenant of a British man-of-war are totally untrue. New York, 21st January. The United States corvettes "Trenton" and "Vandalia," under Admiral Kimberley, which have been ordered to proceed to join the " Nipsic " at Samoa, are expected to be about six weeks on the voyage.

[Extract from the Times, Wednesday, 23rd January, 1889.] The Samoan Question. Philadelphia, 22nd January. Much satisfaction is expresssed throughout the country at the receipt of telegrams from London stating that England takes similar views to those of the United States on the Samoan difficulty. Washington, 22nd January. In an interview to-day with a representative of the Press who made some inquiries respecting the Samoan question Mr. Secretary Bayard is represented to have said: "Of course, I expect Germany to live up to her honourable engagements with the "United States. I have no right to think that she will act otherwise. Ido not care to discuss such matters, however, with newspaper representatives." Eegarding the policy of the United States Government, the Secretary of State referred his interlocutor to President Cleveland's message to Congress on the 15th instant, and quoted his recent letter to Count Arco-Valley, in reply to the German Minister's complaint that the adherents of Mataafa were commanded by Americans, as an indication of his own views. Mr. Bayard also alluled to the agreement concluded between Great Britain and Germany in April, 1886, defining the boundaries of the British and German dominions in the Western Pacific, which declares Samoa to be neutral territory. In this connection he is represented to have declared that the United States had no joint treaty with either England or Germany regarding the neutrality of Samoa, and that therefore, if Germany interfered with the said neutrality, she had not broken treaty with the United.States, but with Great Britain.

[Extract fjom the Times, Thursday, 24th January, 1889. The Samoah Question. Philadelphia, 23rd January. The Foreign Belations Committee of the Senate is considering the Samoan question, and the American Consul in Samoa, Mr. Sewell, has been giving evidence before it. He criticizes the action

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of Secretary Bayard, and quotes the correspondence exchanged between himself and the State Department from the time of his arrival in this country, to show that the British Consul has been acting with the Germans for three years past. In the course of his testimony he expressed an opinion t,h.at there was an arrangement between the two Governments by which Great Britain was to keep " hands off" in this fight. His understanding of the matter, he said, had always been that the German Government, under this arrangement, was to take possession of Samoa and the British Government of Tonga Island, and that eventually Great Britain was to come into possession of Hawaii. He believed that if those operations were not checked they would soon extend to Hawaii, which was to be the northern resting-place of the cable between Vancouver and New Zealand. When asked by the Committee what effect the recent action of the Government in sending another war-vessel to Samoa would have on the Germans, Mr. Sewell replied that the instructions of this Government to Admiral Kimberley were the ordinary instructions, that the Germans knew what limited authority they gave, and that under those instructions the representatives of the United States could not reach the real cause of the trouble. The Committee to-day reported certain amendments to the Diplomatic Appropriation Bill, intended to protect American interests in Samoa, and including $500,000 for the execution of the obligations and the protection of the interests of the United States under treaty with Samoa, and $100,000 for the survey, occupation, and improvement of Pagopago Bay, in Qutuila Island, as a coaling-station. Washington, 23rd January. The United States Government have received a telegram from their Consul at Apia confirming the intelligence that a great fire recently occurred there, in which the German Consulate was destroyed. The telegram adds that it is believed that the fire was accidental. Mr. Sherman made no statement as to the views of the Committee respecting the proposed amendments to the Appropriation Bill, but it has transpired that the Committee is of opinion that under the terms of the treaty with Samoa it is the duty of the United States to intervene by force if necessary to protect the autonomy of the islands against the aggression of any Power. A member of the Committee states that the amendments mean that the President is to send a fleet of war-ships or any other force which he may deem necessary to protect the Samoan Government and relieve the people from the danger of war. There is no foundation for the statement published yesterday by a London morning paper that the British and United States Governments have been acting in accord in regard to the Samoan question. Up to the present the British Foreign Office has expressed no opinion to the Washington Government concerning recent events in Samoa. Berlin, 23rd January. The colonial policy of Germany is discussed to-day by the National Zeitung, which takes occasion to declare that the independence neither of Zanzibar nor of Samoa is in danger from the Germans. All that is contended for in those places is the preservation of the rights acquired by the subjects of the Empire, while at Samoa the intrigues of Americans in violation of treaties have to be guarded against. Bremerhaven, 23rd January. The Norddeutscher Lloyd steamer " Niirnberg" sailed for Samoa this afternoon with reliefs for the German war-vessels at Apia. Cologne, 23rd January. The Cologne Gazette to-day publishes a telegram from Berlin stating on reliable authority that Germany and England are treating the Samoa question in a spirit of mutual understanding, and that statements to the contrary made in the English Press are incorrect. Sydney, 23rd January. According to information received here the German gunboat " Olga " has conveyed Malietoa, the ex-King of Samoa, from Aden to Marshall Islands, where he will remain.

[Extract from the Times, Friday, 25th January, 1889.] The Samoan Question. Berlin, 24th January. A late London telegram to a Berlin journal asserted that a note had been sent from both Washington and London to Berlin, to the effect that England had resolved to uphold the treaty in virtue of which no European Power might acquire or seek to acquire a predominating influence in Samoa, and that England and the United States were agreed that the action of the Germans in Samoa not only infringed the letter and spirit of the said treaty, but was also contrary to diplomatic etiquette. Eeferring to this statement, a Foreign Office communique in the North German Gazette remarks : " Such a treaty, in virtue of which no European Power might acquire or seek to acquire a predominating influence in Samoa, does not exist. In the agreement between England and Germany as to the delimitation of the German and English spheres of interest in the West Pacific, it is laid dow7n that Tonga, Samoa, and the Nine Islands shall continue to form neutral territory— that is, neither be included in the English nor in the German sphere of interest. No such agreement was concluded with the United States, or with any other European Power. In the treaties of friendship and commerce concluded by Samoa with Germany, England, and the United States there is a clause in nearly identical terms, to the effect that the Government of Samoa promises to concede to every treaty Power the same rights as it grants to the Government or subjects of any other nation: Thus, for example, it runs in the American treaty: ' The Government of Samoa agrees to allow to the Government and citizens o^the United States free and equal participation in any privileges that may have been, or may hereafter be, granted to the Government, citizens, or subjects of any other nation.' Treaty arrangements between Germany.and the United States concerning the neutrality and independence of Samoa do not exist, so that the London telegram above referred to is an invention. Nor have notes of the kind asserted about Samoa ever come to Berlin from London.

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But the fact that treaty obligations of the kind alluded to do not exist will not, of course, prevent Germany from respecting the rights acquired by other States through treaties with Samoa." Berlin, 24th January. It is stated in well-informed quarters that the German Government has repeatedly declared, both in London and Washington, that Germany has no intention of annexing Samoa, or of interfering^ with the rights of the other treaty Powers. The North German Gazette observes that since the Sackville incident the relations of Great Britain and America seem to be little compatible with the idea of diplomatic intimacy. Cologne, 24th January. The Cologne Gazette, in an article to-day on the Samoan question, declares that there is no occasion to fear that the excellent relations between Germany and the United States are in danger of undergoing any radical change. The journal continues: " Comparatively little importance is to be attached to the last acts of the American Government about to quit office. Under the Presidency of General Harrison a complete clearance of President Cleveland's official staff becomes unavoidable. President Cleveland's most recent steps have consequently lost their importance, and his actions are in no way binding upon General Harrison. From intelligence to hand it is evident that the present American Government treats the Samoan question in a spirit hostile to Germany and on the basis of incorrect suppositions. It is incorrect to speak of the violation by Germany of actual agreements between the treaty Powers, as no treaty was ever concluded between Germany, Great Britain, and the United States with regard to Samoa, while, on the other hand, such a treaty does exist between Germany and England. The excitement in America is therefore incomprehensible. Mr. Bayard declared that he did not know that Mr. Klein was an American subject; but the American Secretary of State is nevertheless in a measure responsible for his misdeeds."

[Extraofc from the Times, Friday, 25th January, 1889.] The Tubuai Islands. Paris, 24th January. Lobd Lyttox, the British Ambassador here, says the Temps, yesterday informed M. Goblet, Minister for Foreign Affairs, that Great Britain had taken no steps, up to the present, towards the annexation of the Tubuai Islands. New York, 24th January. By the latest advices from Honolulu, the British men-of-war " Hyacinth," " Cormorant," and " Conquest " were at that place on the 15th instant. The Hawaiian Gazette, which has arrived by mail, states that after the " Hyacinth " left the Cook or Hervey Islands the King of Ravutu and the Queen of Rimatara, two of the Tubuai Islands, arrived at Rarotonga, the principal of the Cook group, for the purpose of inducing Captain Bourke, of the " Hyacinth," to establish a British protectorate over their islands. Being disappointed in their wish, the two potentates drew up a petition to Queen Victoria for the protection of the British flag. The petition has been forwarded through the consular officials.

[Extract from the Times, Saturday, 26th January, 1880.] The Samoan Question. Philadelphia, '25th January. The Foreign Affairs Committee of the House has appointed a sub-committee on the Samoan question, which both Houses are now investigating. Increased interest is shown in the subject throughout the country, and the belief is spreading that Germany is overriding American rights. The newspapers all over the country write strongly about the matter, and the German Legation at Washington has been sending copious telegrams to Berlin, quoting the newspaper articles and opinions of prominent men. Washington, 25th January. Mr. Bayard, Secretary of State, is reported to have declared, in reference to the recent article upon Samoan affairs published by the North German Gazette, that he did not know the writer, and therefore could not assume that his statements were official. It might prove to be newspaper gossip, although the declaration concerning the boundaries of the German and British dominions in the Western Pacific, signed in Berlin in 1886, would preclude German acquisitions in Samoa. Senator Edmunds is also stated to have spoken upon the subject as follows : " I suppose that if Prince Bismarck wants to express his opinion on any subject he will feel at perfect liberty to do so. I also suppose that the expression of such opinion will not deter America from carrying out any policy desirable or necessary. The Samoan Islands are on the highway of commerce across the Pacific, and are very important in relation to the development of trade via the projected canals across the Isthmus of Panama and Nicaragua. For the Powers whose ships go long cruises to establish coaling-stations is a necessity, and the location of one on the central islands of the Samoan group, as provided for in the Bill now before the Foreign Relations Committee, is regarded as being important to the United States." Senator Frye, speaking on the same subject, is represented to have declared that American treaty rights did not permit of the independence of Samoa being violated. At the same time he regarded the idea of war as absurd. Berlin, 25th January. Referring to the action of the Senatorial Committee on Foreign Relations in Washington in the Samoa affair, the National Zeitung this evening remarks that measures for the protection of the autonomy of the islands are superfluous, as that is not threatend by any one. " The. sole interest of the United States in the matter," it continues, " appears to us to consist in this: not to allow a century's good relations with Germany to be jeopardized by a few intriguing adventurers." Taking exception to the argument of the semi-official article in the Cologne Gazette of yester-

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day, the Vossische Zeitung says it would be a mistake to attach no importance to the measures taken by President Cleveland merely because he will shortly be succeeded by General Harrison, and goes on to point out that in America the authority in foreign affairs rests with the Committee of the Senate, qn which sits Mr. Elaine, one of the most pronounced of annexation and Jingo politicians. It is therefore, adds the journal, scarcely expedient to appease the German public with fallacious illusions.

[Extract from the Times, Saturday, 26th January, 1889.] The Germans in the Pacific. Sin,— 24th January, 1889. t . Advices have been received by me yesterday from Boston, Massachusetts, United States, as follows : " Word comes to us (the American Board of Foreign Missions) by advices from Mikronesia that a German man-of-war has interfered at Butaritari, in the Gilbert Islands, seizing a native on the allegation that he interfered with the trade of Germany, and an announcement was made by the commander that the German flag would be hoisted on the Gilbert Islands. This occurred in October last." The Gilbert and Marshall Islands have for many years been the scene of the peaceful labours of the American missionaries. A short time ago a heavy fine was imposed upon the inhabitants of one island because they protested against the import of spirituous liquors into the island, against which, they had been warned by their religious teachers. The Germans may expect fresh trouble and complications from the game of " grab " which they have been playing in many remote parts of the world. Yours, The Editor of the Times. B. N. C.

No. 6. The Peemibk, Victoria, to the Peemiee, New Zealand. Federal Council. —The question of the Samoan difficulty has been discussed privately. Have you any special information which has not appeared in the Press ? What are your views ? Can we help by expressing opinion that in the interests of Australasia the independence of Samoa should be maintained ; and if necessary, insist that no foreign Power should be allowed to interfere with its freedom ? Hobart, 28th January, 1889. D. Gillies.

No. 7. The Peemiee, New Zealand, to the Peemihe, Victoria. We have no information respecting Samoa. We think it important in the interests of the Australasian Colonies that its independence should be maintained. Such a resolution passed by Federal Council would be desirable. 29thJanuary, 1889. H. A. Atkinson.

No. 8. The Agent-Genebal to the Pkejiier. Sir, — 7, Westminster Chambers, London, S.W., Bth February, 1889. I beg leave to enclose some further extracts from the Times in relation to the affairs of Samoa, and the action of the United States Government. It seems that Prince Bismarck has proposed to have a Conference at Berlin on the subject; but the answer of the President is not yet known. I have, &c, The Hon. the Premier, Wellington. F. D. Bell.

Enclosures. [Extract from the Times, Monday, 28th January, 1889.] The Samoan Question. Philadelphia, 26th January. American feeling on the Samoan question grows stronger every day. The Naval Committee of the House has invited suggestions from the Secretary of the Navy, the House being ready to vote ships, men, and money whenever it is asked. The Secretary is reported to be negotiating for the purchase of a large steamer now on the Pacific Ocean as a cruiser. 27th -January. The Secretary of the Navy, replying to an inquiry of Mr. Herbert, Chairman of the House. Naval Committee on the Samoan question, asking whether a further enlargement of supplies should be made, writes: "Until a decision is reached upon the Government policy regarding the independence of the Samoan group of islands no judgment can be formed upon the subject of possible expenditure. Up to the present time the department is not aware that we have had. any national policy upon the subject. Neither the Monroe doctrine nor any other expression of national policy is understood to apply to the islands of the Pacific. One by one they have been taken without interference from us. If there is to be no new departure affecting this group of islands I conceive that this department is quite 'able now to perform every dirty arising out of existing conditions. Unless there is a conflict between the policy of this Government and that of some other Power differences "will doubtless be harmonized and no extraordinary expenditures he called for. Having brought to the attention of the appropriate department the circumstances specially within the

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observation of this department seeming to call for definite instructions to its officers, and the whole matter having subsequently been laid before Congress by the President, it would be preferable that this department should not anticipate conditions beyond its authority or control." The Navy Department, as this letter indicates, is curbed by the President and the State Department, and is failing to make a definite policy. Various letters from naval commanders on the Pacific to the department are made public, indicating that the German power in Samoa has enabled Tamasese to oppose Malietoa, whose supporters outnumber the former's. Commander Leary writes: "Except for the continuous assistance given by the Germans, Tamasese's forces would be whipped —routed in forty-eight hours. But the constant supply of arms, ammunition, and provisions by Germans alone makes it possible for the war to continue." Commander Mullan writes : " It is apparent to a thoughtful and unprejudiced mind that the aspirations of the Samoan people for a liberal and progressive Government are incompatible with German ideas of government in Samoa. After their numerous internal wars and revolutions, the party of liberal opinions would be triumphant were they not interfered with by outside influences, and the German men-of-war abreast of their fortifications are a menace and a warning, especially so on the eve of battle. The German man-of-war ' Eber,' now stationed in the harbour of Saluafata, nine miles away, is a menace and a threat to one of the belligerents, the Malietoa party, not to fight on or to occupy the property of German subjects in Samoa, thereby restricting the sovereignty of Samoa. The exclusion of the forces of one of the belligerents from fighting on the property of German subjects while those of the other are admitted is not deemed compatible with strict neutrality. Malietoa's party outnumbers by far that of Tamasese, and were not the former interfered with and hampered by the German element there is not a shadow of doubt that at an early day the former party would be successful, and set up its own government at Apia. But as long as the present state of affairs is allowed, it is my deliberate opinion that this internal war will last for some time to come, and may eventually end in placing Tamasese on the throne, not as the choice of the Samoan people, but placed there by German assistance. There is no use in disguising this fact." The Secretary of the Navy on the sth January wrote to the Secretary of State transmitting these reports, and. saying: " It appears clear that the conquest of these islands is intended by the German Government in the interests of a commercial company, and is being consummated by overt acts multiplying day by day." He adds : " The harbour at Samoa will become of national consequence to us in f ature as a naval Power ; but if the islands are to go under German dominion it will cease to be of use." He asks to be advised whether it is the purpose of the Government to announce any policy regarding the Samoan group of which its officers should be advised. No direct response was made by the Secretary of State, but the President referred the whole matter to Congress, where it rests, all correspondence being prepared for transmission to Congress, which will soon act. The exiled Samoan King Malietoa is at Jaliut-on-Bonkam, an island of the Marshall group. He was taken there on the 25th November on the German war-ship " Olga." He is guarded by German soldiers to prevent intercourse with the whites. The American Consul has vainly endeavoured to converse with him. Berlin, 26th January. The semi-official North German Gazette to-day publishes advices from San Francisco stating that the Chamber of Commerce there constituted the most active element of opposition to Germany's policy in Samoa, and that the anti-German feeling was heightened by Mr. Sewell, the United States Consul-General in Samoa. There was no question of a conflict between Germany and the United States, but only with Mr. Sewell and the American officials in Samoa, who were anxious to bring about complications..

[Extract from the Times, Tuesday, 29th January, 1889.] The Samoan Question. Philadelphia, 28th January. The Senators who have been visiting General Harrison, while not disclosing his views on the Samoan question, intimate that there will be no yielding by his Administration, but that, though the matter looks serious now, he will make a settlement satisfactory to the country. They call attention to the efforts put forth to build the new American navy. Twenty-two vessels are being constructed, and five double-turret monitors are being rebuilt. In all, nearly forty millions will be spent in improving the navy. American public opinion is now crystallized against what is regarded as the German project to steal Samoa.

[Extract from the Times, Wednesday, 30th January, 1889.] The Samoan Question. Philadelphia, 29th January. The][ Senate has approved all the items in the Diplomatic Bill proposed in connection with Samoan affairs. Mr. James G. Blame, who expects to be General Harrison's Secretary of State, is in Washington. It is reported that he outlines in conversation with the Senators a decidedly vigorous policy on the Samoan difficulty for the new Administration. Mr. Secretary Bayard, in the course of a recent interview, said : " The question for Americans to consider is whether we shall continue to maintain neutrality as between Mataafa and the Germans, or assume the role of a belligerent towards Germany on behalf of one of the two claimants for the throne. Thus far Germany hass given us absolutely no cause for war. The American flag burnt in Samoa had not been hoisted in assertion of American rights." Washington, 29th January. In the House of Eepresentatives to-day Mr. Morrow introduced a joint resolution requesting

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President Cleveland to insist that the condition of affairs in Samoa be restored to what it was at the time of the Conference between Great Britain, Germany, and the United States, which was held in Washington in 1887; and that he further aid in securing the settlement of the present difficulties in Samoa under a responsible and independent native Government, and also take steps to protect the rights of the United States and American citizens in Samoa. Baltimore, 29th January. A report of an interview with Mr. Bayard, the Secretary of State, upon the Samoan question is published to-day by the Baltimore Sun, in a despatch from Washington. He said that Germany had given no casus belli. The United States flag had not been insulted, nor had American property been destroyed. The whole question was, "Should the Government of the United States assert the independence of Samoa by force, if need were, against German aggression? " As this involved the question of peace or war, the determination of which resided with Congress, the whole subject had been referred to the Legislature, the President not feeling authorised to take further steps which might precipitate hostilities. Only that day he (Mr. Bayard) had received a communication from Count Arco-Valley, the German Minister in Washington, expressing a sincere desire to come to a settlement satisfactory to the United States. Germany had expressly disclaimed any intention of giving offence to the United States. The flag burnt in Samoa was not the flag of the American Consulate, but one flying in a little village which the Germans shelled, and which subsequently took fire. The flag had not been hoisted in assertion of any American rights. All acts of Germany which were inconsistent with her professions had grown out of petty political intrigues among the native chiefs and rivalry between foreigners for influence and commercial supremacy. Mr. Bayard further said he had no authority to make a vigorous protest against Germany's treatment of Malietoa, who was not an American citizen. American rights had been in no way invaded. The Germans were confronted in Samoa with pretty much the same situation as was America in Hayti. They claimed that the Samoans had broken treaty engagements, as had the Haytians, and that they had the right to punish them. During the recent troubles in connection with the seizure of the Haytian Republic, the French representative in Hayti had interfered for the purpose of securing the confiscation of the steamer. Mr. Bayard thereupon communicated with the French Government, which promptly disavowed its agent's conduct.

[Extract from the Times, Thursday, 31st January, 1889.1 The Samoan Question. Philadelphia, 30th January. The Samoan question was discussed by the Senate yesterday for some time in secret session. The doors having been opened, Senator Sherman said he wished to make his views public. The first thing to be done was for the United States Government to assert its power in the occupancy and possession of Pagopago Bay. That ought to be done immediately. It did not need war to protect a nation's rights. The mere assertion of these rights insured due regard for them. The expenditure of money there, the storing of coal there, the coaling of vessels there —all these things were assertions of power far more influential than protocols and diplomatic correspondence. "I am willing," he added, " to vote the money named, placing it at the discretion of President Cleveland or General Harrison. I have no doubt that the power thus given to send agents and ships there will produce a prompt solution of this small controversy." Senator Morgan (Democrat) said that the action of the German Government partook of the character of a discourtesy. Washington, 29th January. The Senate this evening discussed in open session the amendment to the Diplomatic Appropriation Bill. Senator Sherman said that it was manifest that the rebellion of Tamasese was organized by the German Consul at Apia and another German named Weber. He alluded to the arrival of the German fleet at Samoa some time in 1886, and of an insulting letter from the Admiral in command to King Malietoa, in which he addressed him as head chief instead of as King. It was after this that the United States Consul, without authority, raised the American flag at Malietoa's request over the public buildings in Apia. The Consul had no right to claim a protectorate, and while Mr. Bayard and the British and German Ministers were seeking for information Germany deposed Malietoa and placed Tamasese on the throne. This, said Mr. Sherman, was the worst feature of the case, because negotiations were then proceeding for restoring the status quo. There were at the present time indications that Great Britain was coinciding with German policy. He could not justify Germany. Prince Bismarck asserted the principle of equal rights for each of the three Governments, but insisted, as a matter of policy, that it would be best to place the custody of the islands under Germany, who had the largest property and interest there. In his opinion, nothing could justify a breach of the peace until all means tending to an amicable settlement had been exhausted, and America should next employ her best offices to settle the difficulties among the Samoans. 30th January. The Senate to-day had again under consideration the amendments to the Diplomatic Appropriation Bill concerning Samoa. Senator Dolph (Oregon) said that the treaty of November, 1884, between Germany and Samoa would, if executed, give Germany the entire control of the islands. He was in favour of President Cleveland's insisting upon the restoration of the status quo, and making a notification that the United States would not permit the islands to pass under the control of a foreign Power. The Monroe doctrine, said the Senator, should be applied to Samoa. Mr. Morgan (Alabama) concurred with Mr. Dolph, adding that Germany only, abandoned the treaty of 1884 under pressure from the other Powers. Mr. Eegan (Texas) considered that Germany's assumption of the absolute control in Samoa was a violation of her professions. He thought that the amendments were too feeble to answer the 3—A. 2.

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purpose. "If we mean anything," he urged, "let us signify it by our action. If we believe we have rights which have been violated, we should assert them as becomes a great nation. I would give the President the power to determine what our rights are, and power to assert them in a way not to be mistaken." New York, 30th January. The correspondence between Prince Bismarck and Mr. Bayard in reference to the events in Samoa has been published. The German Imperial Chancellor charges the American Consul with Inciting the natives to create disturbances, while Mr. Bayard makes similar charges against the German officials.

[Extract from the Times, Friday, Ist February, 1889.] The Samoan Question. Philadelphia, 31st January. President Cleveland has sent to Congress more correspondence on Samoan affairs. In his message Mr. Cleveland says that last Monday the German Minister, Count Arco-Valley, informed the Secretary of State that a proposition from Germany to the United States for a Conference on the subject of Samoa had left Berlin by mail on Saturday last and would soon arrive. On being asked whether this meant a renewal of the joint Conference between Germany, England, and the United States, suspended in July, 1887, or a consideration of Samoan affairs ab ovo, the German Minister professed his inability to answer till the letter arrived. The Senate continues to discuss the Samoan question, and the Senators of both parties show irritation at German aggression. Later. The Senate has passed all the amendments to the Diplomatic Bill, including a vote of money for the enforcement of American rights in Samoa. Auckland, 31st January. Intelligence has been brought here to-day from Samoa by the steamer " Wainui" that the German authorities have declared war in the name of the Emperor against Mataafa, the chief proclaimed King by the partisans of the ex-King Malietoa in opposition to Tamasese, the German nominee. The Germans have notified their intention of searching all vessels for contraband of war, and have suppressed the Samoan Times. A passenger by the " Wainui," who visited Mataafa's camp, was arrested, but afterwards released in compliance with the demand of the British Consul. Before the declaration of war the German Consul visited Mataafa, but the interview was without result. A Proclamation has been issued placing the police in Apia under German control. Mataafa occupies an entrenched position. His forces now number six thousand, and a large number of Samoans are flocking to his standard. No further fighting had taken place up to the time of the " Wainui's " departure. On the arrival at Samoa of the steamer " Eichmond," from Auckland, the Germans placed three officials on board to search the vessel.

[Extract from the Times, Saturday, 2nd February, 1889.] The Australasian Federal Council. Hobart, Ist February. The Australasian Federal Council to-day adopted an address to the Queen praying that the Council might be furnished with copies of the treaties relating to affairs in the Pacific, and also, in view of the present anxiety concerning the Samoan question, urging the importance of maintaining existing treaties. The Governor was requestsd to cable the address to London.

[Extract from tho Times, Saturday, 2nd February, 1889.] The Samoan Question. Philadelphia, Ist February. The Senate has passed the Diplomatic Appropriation Bill, which includes all the Samoan votes for the Pagopago coaling-station, &c. It will become law within a few days. Mr. Blacklock, American Consul in Samoa, informs the Secretary of State that war has been declared against Mataafa, and martial law proclaimed, by the German Consul at Apia. The Cabinet has had a long session on Samoan affairs, but the decision arrived at has not transpired. The Navy Department is hurrying forward the completion of the steel cruiser " Charleston "at San Francisco. The vessel will be ready for sea in thirty days. Later. The President this afternoon sent to Congress more Samoan correspondence, showing that the German Government, yielding to Secretary Bayard's representations, has exempted foreigners from the operation of martial law in Samoa, and has directed the German Consul at Apia to relinquish his control of the administration of those islands. The Senate has passed a resolution instructing the Foreign Affairs Committee "to inquire into Samoan affairs; reporting what measures are necessary and proper to protect the interests of American citizens therein, and to discharge any obligations of the United States to the people of those islands in the maintenance of their local Government from the interference of any foreign Power, aiid to secure the just rights and interests of the United States in the future control and government of those islands." The House will, on the first opportunity, pass the resolution already prepared, directing the President to take such steps —forcibly if it be deemed expedient—as are necessary and proper to protect and maintain the honour, dignity, and interests of the United States and its citizens, wherever dispersed, against the acts of the Emperor of Germany or his forces. Berlin, Ist February. This evening's North German Gazette publishes a foreign mmvmnique on the News Agency . statement from Auckland to the effect that the Germans had declared war against Mataafa. But

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for various reasons, telegraphic and other, the semi-official writer cannot consider this intelligence as altogether trustworthy. At any rate, he reasons, it is not probable that war in an internationallaw sense has been declared in Samoa by the Germans, or their Consul or commanding officer— first, because neither of these officials was ever instructed to do so, and, secondly, because the German Empire has no adversary in Samoa against whom war could be declared. The only conceivable person there against whom war could properly be declared is the sovereign of the country, King Tamasese, Germany's friend, while his opponent, Mataafa, has never been recognised by Germany as the ruler of Samoa. A declaration of war, therefore, against him would imply that he was regarded as a sovereign. But this does not, it is added, preclude the possibility that the German forces now in Samoa were compelled to take measures of defence or reprisal against the party of Mataafa, and thus de facto to produce a state of war —which, however, could neither have the importance nor the consequences of an international quarrel. A case somewhat analogous to that in Samoa occurred when, during the Carlist war, German ships approached the. Spanish coast with intent to seize some Carlists as an act of reprisal for their shooting of a German officer named Schmidt, who was acting as a newspaper correspondent. But it never could have occurred to the recognised Spanish Government to regard this act as a declaration of war against itself. Similarly, it is possible, speaking in the absence of all positive intelligence, that the German forces in Samoa have been compelled to act in self-defence against Mataafa's party; but this is far from being a declaration of war in the sense implied by the Australian telegram referred to. So reasons the semi-official writer. Auckland, Ist February. Further accounts received here of the situation in Samoa state that the number of Tamasese's supporters is reduced to eight hundred men. The British and American Consuls declined to recognise the right of the Germans to establish martial law. It is reported that the German authorities are willing to recognise Mataafa as king provided that he consents to rule under German control. Washington, Ist February. Mr. Bayard, Secretary of State, has been officially informed of the declaration of war by the Germans against the Samoan King Mataafa. The news has caused quite a commotion among the members of the House of Representatives, and much indignation is expressed at the announcement that the Germans intend searching all vessels arriving at Samoa for contraband of war. The United States Consul at Apia telegraphed to Mr. Bayard, the Auckland date being the 31st ultimo, that the German Consul had declared Germany to be at war with Samoa, which would thenceforth be under martial law. Accordingly Mr. Bayard telegraphed yesterday to Mr. Pendleton, the United States Minister in Berlin, reciting the foregoing despatch from Apia, and instructing him to say to the German Government that the Government of the United States assumed that the German officials in Samoa would be instructed to refrain carefully from interference with American citizens and property, since no declaration of martial law could extend the German jurisdiction so as to include control over Americans in Samoa. Such pretension could not be recognised or conceded by the United States. On the same day Mr. Bayard wrote to Count ArcoValley, stating the facts reported to him, and adding: "Germany, of course, will abide by the agreement with America and England with regard to Samoa, and will pay due regard in all her official instructions to the rights of those Powers established by treaty. Mr. Pendleton has therefore been instructed to make known that the United States assume the German officials in Samoa to be instructed to abstain scrupulously from all interference with American citizens and their property in Samoa, and that no increase or expansion of German jurisdiction over American citizens or their property would be caused by the German declaration of martial law; nor would such jurisdiction be recognised or conceded by the United States." Count Arco-Valley, under instructions from Prince Bismarck, subsequently sent the following communication to Mr. Bayard: "As a state of war has been declared against Mataafa, the commander of the German squadron issued a proclamation by which foreigners established in Samoa were subjected to martial law. International law would to a certain extent not prevent such a measure ; but, as Prince Bismarck is of opinion that our military authority has gone too far in this instance, the military commander has received telegraphic orders to withdraw the part of his proclamation concerning foreigners. In negotiating with Mataafa our (the German) Consul in Samoa asked that the administration of Samoa might be temporarily handed over to him, which demand not being in conformity with our previous promise regarding the neutrality and independence of Samoa, Dr. Knappe, the Consul, has been ordered by telegram to withdraw immediately from his command of the administration of the islands." The members of the Naval Committee of the House resent Germany's assumption of the right ot search of American vessels, and recall the fact that such an assumption by Great Britain led to the war of 1812, and that the United States were compelled to retreat from such a position in the case of the steamer " Trent " in the Civil War. Berlin, Ist February. The Samoan question is dealt with by the Kolnische Zcitung in the following terms: " Germany must restore her authority in Samoa, which was grievously shaken by events in December, and make an example of the misdoers. This military side of the procedure is determined and unalterable, and it can only occasion complications with America if the Parliament of that country decides to stay the hand of Germany and to give official support to Mataafa's band. On the other hand, the diplomatic side of the question does not bear the complexion of war-fury.- In the nineteenth century no battle will be fought over the Samoan Islands. The proposals of the German Government for the settlement of the dispute which are now on the way to Washington will convince the Americans that it is Germany's endeavour to deal justly by all duly-established interests."

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rExtract from the Times, Monday, 4th February, 1889.J The Samoan Question. Philadelphia, 2nd February. The correspondence on Samoan affairs sent to Congress yesterday afternoon may be thus briefly summarised* 1. Secretary Bayard on the 31st January instructed the American Minister at Berlin— Mr. Pendleton —to inform the German Government that advices from Apia stated that the German Consul there had declared Germany to be at war with Mataafa, and Samoa to be under martial law. Mr. Bayard informs Minister Pendleton that the German Minister at this capital, under instructions from Prince Bismarck, had already acquainted this Government of the declaration of war by Germany against Mataafa, and had accompanied the notification with a statement that Germany would, of course, abide by the agreements with America and England touching Samoa, and preserve in all circumstances the rights of this Government, established by treaty. But, in view of advice from Apia, Mr. Bayard instructed Mr. Pendleton to say that this Government assumed that the German officials in Samoa would be instructed carefully to refrain from interference with American citizens and property there, since no declaration of martial law r could extend German jurisdiction. so as to include the control of Americans in Samoa, and such a pretension could not be recognised or conceded by this Government. On the same day Mr. Bayard sent a similar note to the German Minister in Washington. This Minister, Count Arco-Valley, under instructions from the PrinceChancellor on the Ist February, first informed Mr. Bayard that, as a state of war was declared against Mataafa, the commander of the German squadron had issued a proclamation by which foreigners established in Samoa were subjected to martial law. " International law," he added, " would to a certain extent not prevent such a measure ; but, as Prince Bismarck is of opinion that our military authority has gone too far in this instance, the military commander has received telegraphic orders to withdraw the part of the proclamation concerning foreigners. In negotiating with Mataafa our Consul at Samoa has asked that the administration of the islands of Samoa might be temporarily handed over to him ; which demand not being in conformity with our previous promise regarding the neutrality and independence of Samoa, Dr. Knappe has been ordered by telegram to withdraw immediately from his command." The President also transmits copies of the papers ceding Pagopago Harbour to the United States, on the sth August, 1878. Prince Bismarck's instructions above quoted are regarded as indicative of the desire of the German Government to treat the United States with all due courtesy consistent with their Samoan interests. The Chancellor took action immediately on receiving Mr. Pendleton's despatch. The Secretary of State to-day received a telegram from Melbourne stating that the Australasian Federal Council had adopted an address to the Crown referring with deep anxiety to recent events in Samoa, approving the treaties guaranteeing Samoan independence, and expressing an opinion that foreign dominion in Samoa endangered the safety of Australasia. 3rd February. The Navy Department is arranging for the despatch of large quantities of anthracite coal to Pagopago Bay, Samoa, thus establishing a coaling-station for American ships. Messrs. Benjamin Packard and C. Chapman have been chartered to carry 5,000 tons, and other charters will follow. Berlin, 3rd February. Prince Bismarck's concessions to the Government of Washington with respect to Samoa are on the whole approved by the Press, though the National Zeitung thinks that the knowledge of this disavowal of the acts of German officials in the Pacific would have come with a better grace from the German Government itself, not from that of the United States. For the rest, remarks the National Zeitung, defiant speeches in America will just as little provoke Germany to take any unwarrantable step as keep her from maintaining her just rights. Berlin, 2nd February. The announcement from Washington that Prince Bismarck has given orders for the exemption of foreigners from the operation of martial law in Samoa, and instructed the German Consul to withdraw from the control of the administration, has evoked from the Press very general expressions of surprise, not unmixed in some cases with satisfaction. While giving a qualified approval to the Chancellor's action, the Vossische Zeitung remarks that proceedings of this sort are not calculated to strengthen the German local authority in the present strained state of affairs in the Samoan Islands. The Government journals recognise the propriety of respecting the rights and interests of foreigners, but insist on the necessity of adopting reprisals for the attack on the Germans by Mataafa's adherents on the 28th December last. Washington, 2nd February. Mr. Bayard, Secretary of State, explains that Prince Bismarck's communication announcing his instructions to the German naval commander and to the German Consul in Samoa anticipated his own telegram to Mr. Pendleton, the American Minister in Berlin, and therefore Prince Bismarck's despatch was not a reply to his (Mr. Bayard's) telegram, but an anticipation of it. The House of Eepresentatives to-day adopted the amendment to the Naval Appropriation Bill appropriating the sum of $100,000 for the permanent establishment and maintenance of a coal-station at Pagopago.

[Extract from the Times, Tuesday, sth February, 1889.] The Samoan Question. Philadelphia, 4th February. The Secretary of State has received from Prince Bismarck a proposal that a Conference on Samoan affairs should be held at Berlin, .renewing the Conference held at Washington in 1887. Berlin, 4th February. A Foreign Office communique to the North German Gazette of this evening says : " According to some Press telegrams from Washington, dated the 2nd instant, President Cleveland has sent to

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Congress some further correspondence, in which it is pointed out that the Secretary of State, Mr. Bayard, instructed Mr. Pendleton, United States Minister in Berlin, by telegraph on the 31st of January, to make certain declarations to the German Government with regard to American interests in Samoa. Though there may be no need for describing as erroneous the statement as to the instructions of-Mr. Pendleton, still it mast be remarked that the United States Minister has hitherto made no communication of the kind alleged to the German Government. Owing to the regrettable state of his health, Mr. Pendleton has not visited the Foreign Office here for months, and since resuming his duties a few weeks ago he has made no sort of official communication from his Government relative to Samoa." New York, 4th February. The United States war-vessel " Mohican " will leave San Francisco to-morrow for Panama, and will probably proceed thence to Samoa. Berlin, 4th February. The National Zeitung this evening observes : " America obtained the right to establish a coaling-station from Malietoa, but has not taken advantage of it within the specified time. The establishment of a station would appear to be an American protest against German annexation."

[Extract from the Times, Thursday, 7th February, 1880. } The Samoan Question. Philadelphia, 6th February. American feeling on the Samoan question has calmed down since Prince Bismarck's changed policy was announced, the prevalent belief being that the proposed Berlin Conference will lead to a satisfactory settlement. The Government, however, continues to make arrangements for the occupation of Pagopago Bay as a coaling-station. Later. Mr. Secretary Bayard has informed the German Minister that this Government accepts the proposal for a resumption at Berlin of the Samoan Conference begun at Washington in 1887. Berlin, 6th February. A full account, written from the German point of view, of late events in Samoa is furnished in a letter, bearing the signature of Otto Sierich, published to-day by the Hamburger Correspondent. This communication, which is dated Apia, 31st December, discusses the circumstances which led to the fight between the German naval force and the Samoans, and explains that the object of the German authorities at the time was to have an end put to the existing state of lawlessness, which had become unbearable. It was therefore resolved to make an attempt to induce Mataafa by persuasion, or, failing that, by forcible measures, to lay down his arms, pledges being at the same time given that the troops of Tamasese should do the same. It was in pursuance of this policy that a landing-party of about a hundred and fifty men was disembarked from the German men-of-war. The German force was speedily attacked, by the advice and under the leadership of the American Klein, who himself opened the fighting. The number of the assailants was about one thousand, and they were finally forced by the fire of the " Eber " and " Adler " to beat a retreat. The whole fight took place on German private property. Upwards of three hundred natives were killed on one side and the other. Herr Sierich urges as most necessary that the consular authorities should be empowered to hinder the incessant importation of arms by American and English firms for the use of the insurgents, and he mentions in particular that the United States man-of-war " Nipsic" supplied the rebels with a large quantity of ammunition through Captain Leary, of the " Adams." In conclusion he remarks that all the measures hitherto taken by the German Consul to stop the sale of munitions of war to the natives have proved futile.

[Extract from the Times, Thursday, 31st January, 1889.] The Feench Pacific Isles. Paris, 30th January. It is semi-officially stated that Lord Salisbury has assured M. Waddington, the French Ambassador, that England never thought of annexing the Tubuai Isles, to which the claim of France has been recognised since 1847, or Eivaroe Isle, to which the claim of France has been recognised since 1861. England has no intention of annexing the two other islands of the archipelago. Lord Salisbury added that if some natives of these islands showed an intention of making an appeal to England, the Government of the Queen would pay no attention to them.

No. 9. The Premier, Victoria, to the Pkemiee, New Zealand. Sir, — Premier's Office, Melbourne, 14th February, 1889. With reference to your telegram of the 29th ultimo, addressed to me at Hobart, stating, in reply to mine of the previous day, that an expression of opinion by the Federal Council relative to the maintenance of the independence of Samoa would be desirable, I have now the honour to inform you that a Select Committee was appointed by the Council to prepare an address to Her Majesty with reference to affairs in the Pacific. The Committee brought up an address accordingly, asking that the Council might be furnished with copies of all treaties and with other information affecting the islands of the Pacific, expressing anxiety at the course of events in Samoa, and urging the maintenance of such treaties as now exist, and, if necessary, of additional treaties being concluded, guaranteeing the independence of the Samoan and Tongan groups, as recommended by the Eoyal Commission which reported upon the Western Pacific Orders-in-Council in 1884. It also expressed the adhesion of the Council to the

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resolution of the Intercolonial Convention held at Sydney in December, 1883—viz., "That further acquisition of dominion in the Western Pacific south of the equator by any foreign Power would be highly detrimental to the safety and well-being of the British possessions in Australasia, and injurious to the interests of the Empire." This adcfres3 was unanimously adopted, and, at the request of the Council, was telegraphed to the Eight Honourable the Secretary of State for the Colonies by His Excellency the Governor of Tasmania. I have, &c, The Hon. Major Sir H. A. Atkinson, K.C.M.G., &c, I). Gillies, Premier. Premier of New Zealand, Wellington.

No. 10. The Premier, New Zealand, to the Premier, Victoria. Sir, — Premier's Office, Wellington, 14th February, 1889. I have the. honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter No. 868/89, of the 14th instant, informing me of the action taken by the Federal Council sitting at Hobart in reference to Samoa. I have, &c., H. A. Atkinsok.

No. 11. The Agext-General to the Premier. Sir, — 7, Westminster Chambers, London, S.W., 23rd February, 1889. The Queen's Speech on opening the Imperial Parliament contained an announcement that Her Majesty has consented to take part in a Conference with Germany and the United States at Berlin upon the affairs of Samoa, in continuation of that which was recently assembled at Washington. I enclose extracts from speeches in both Houses referring to the Conference, and also a further series of extracts from the Times relating to Samoa. A white-book has just been presented to the German Parliament, and papers have also been presented to Congress by the Government of the United States. I have sent to Berlin and Washington for these, and will forward them to you as soon as they reach me. I have, &c, The Hon. the Premier, Wellington. F. D. Bell.

Enclosures. [Extract from the Times, Friday, 22nd February, 1889.] House of Lords, Thursday, 21st February. The fourth session of the twelfth Parliament of Her Majesty was opened this afternoon by Eoyal Commission. The Eoyal Commissioners were the Lord Chancellor, Viscount Cranbrook, the Earl of Kintore, the Earl of Lathom, and Viscount Cross. The Lord Chancellor read the Speech from the Throne, which was in the following terms: " ... I have consented to take part in a Conference with Germany and the United States at Berlin upon the affairs of Samoa, in continuation of that which was recently assembled at Washington." .... Lord Penrhyn, in seconding the Address, remarked, .... It was to be hoped that the Conference which was to be held at Berlin on the affairs of Samoa would succeed in putting an end amicably to the difficulty, and would bring about a solution of the question which would be acceptable to their Lordships Earl Granville : . . . . We should also be glad to obtain further information with regard to recent incidents with regard to Samoa between Germany and the United States. I have no doubt a Conference is a wise thing, and that the duty of this country is to act in the most friendly way towards Germany and the United States, with a due regard to our own interests in the matter The Marquis of Salisbury : . . . . With respect to Samoa, I hope to lay papers on the table immediately. I think it will be more convenient to defer any discussion of matters affecting those islands until those papers are before your Lordships. There was, as the noble earl observed, a Conference on the subject at Washington. The Conference was not broken up, but it was adjourned in consequence of a difference of opinion. It will now be renewed, and the deliberations will be taken up again at the point where they were left. The difficulty is really this : A native Government by itself will not stand. The effort to sustain any Government by a kind of tripartite device of the three co-equal Powers has broken down by the fact that the three co-equal Powers seldom agreed, and the consequence is that there is more friction in the conduct of such Government than when left alone. An effort was made to reconcile the demands of public order with the various rights possessed by the three Powers. We have not arrived at a solution yet which has given satisfaction to all the Powers ; but I hope we shall do so. It is a matter as to which our great object is to restore peace and to enable trade and commerce to be conducted satisfactorily. We have no political claim on the island, and the idea which I saw stated in some of the American newspapers that England is guilty of the thought of seizing, in part or in whole, Samoa, has about as much support as those stories with respect to the noble earl's sporting tendencies in training bloodhounds—(laughter)—or that other report in a foreign newspaper with respect to the sporting

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tastes of a noble lord whom I do not see present —that the Duke of Argyll was on the point of going to the south of France with his well-known pack of beagles to hunt wolves.—(Laughter.) . . . .

[Extract from the Times, Friday, 22nd February, 1889.] House of Commons, Thursday, 21st Febhuaby! Mb. Shaw Stewabt proposed the Address in answer to the Message from the Throne. . . It having been announced that this country was about to join in a Conference with Germany and the United States at Berlin on the affairs of Samoa, it would not be right to refer to them; but he was sure he only expressed the sentiments of every member of the House when he hoped that Conference would be attended with happy results, and that the affairs at Samoa would be placed on a harmonious and satisfactory footing. Our relations with foreign countries were, humanly speaking, safe in the hands of the Marquis of Salisbury—(cheers)—to whose prudence and foresight the country owed, in a very great degree, our present relations with other countries.—(Cheers.) . . . . Mr. Gladstone, who was received with cheers, said I pass —because I do not think that that portion of the Speech calls for special attention—to the question of Samoa. I must then observe upon an omission in the Speech which I greatly regret, because the question of Samoa is evidently one which, either on this occasion or on further or earlier occasions, calls for some clear and detailed explanation. The proceedings have not altogether been of a very simple character. There was some time ago a Commission appointed to sit, and which I believe was actually sitting, at Washington for the adjustment of the relations of the three Powers which have an especial interest in the affairs of Samoa. That Commission sitting at Washington w Tas brought to a close for reasons which Ido not know to have been explained to Parliament. Time has elapsed, and now we are told, without reference to or explanation of foregoing circumstances, that another Commission or Conference is about to sit at Berlin for the purpose of reversing the decision taken with regard to the ■Conference at Washington—l beg pardon for having used the word " commission " in lieu of the word " conference " —for the purpose of reversing that decision, and for promoting in Conference the settlement of this question. What I certainly hoped, and what I still hope may happen, is that an engagement will be given by the Government that the papers will be laid before us with reasonable promptitude. Ido not wish to invite lengthened discussion on this matter at the present time, and I do not think that we can profitably engage in it until we have the papers in our hands Mr. W. H. Smith: . .. . With regard to Samoa, the right honourable gentleman regretted that no promise had been made of papers for the information of this House. The right honourable gentleman was hardly accurate in suggesting that Her Majesty's Government are responsible for the suspension of the Conference which sat at Washington. The Conference is to be renewed at Berlin, and papers are in course of preparation, and will be presented to the House ; but it would not be proper that Her Majesty's Government, pending the proceedings of that Conference, should express any strong opinion as to the course which has been pursued in Samoa. We have, however, the assurance of the German Government that they do not recede from the engagement which they gave to respect the rights of the English and Americans in Samoa, and we have complete confidence that the German Government will abide by their promises, and carry them out Sir J. Fergusson said Something had been said about the state of affairs in Samoa. Papers were about to be presented on the subject which would give the proceedings at the Conference at Washington, and, as that Conference was shortly to reassemble, the House would not desire to go largely into the state of affairs at Samoa. But here, as with reference to Zanzibar, it was right that he should point out that, while the two Governments of Germany and England acted independently of each other as regarded the action of the separate Governments, they had an understanding with the German Government as to the best means of exercising European influence over the native Government of that, country in the time coming. It was manifest from the internal troubles which had existed for so many years in Samoa that the Government could not stand alone, and Her Majesty's Government expressed the opinion at the Conference at Washington that it was better that one Power should exercise influence there rather than three Governments acting through their representatives, which had failed to produce any satisfactory result. They had had no difference with the United States on the matter, but they took a different view at Washington; consequently the Conference did not result then in any settlement; but the Government of the United States had discussed the matter with the German Government in the most friendly and frank manner, and he hoped that when the Conference reassembled it would be with the prospect of coming to a satisfactory conclusion Mr. Bryce said, .... If this was the feeling with regard to Zanzibar, it was much more intensified in the case of Samoa. He would defy any honourable member to study the history of the last two or three years in Samoa without perceiving that the English Government had played a rather ignoble and subservient part there. In a debate which had taken place in June or July last on the question it had been shown, and had not been denied by the Government, that the Germans had treated Malietoa with considerable severity, and that Her Majesty's Government had not remonstrated. The remonstrance against this treatment had at last proceeded, not from the English Government, but from the United States, and he confessed to a feeling of regret that it had been left to the American Government to vindicate the rights of the people of Samoa, and to remonstrate against the somewhat high-handed action of the German Government. The United, States were determined to see that the interests of their subjects and what they considered to be their influence were placed on an equal footing with the influence to be exercised by Germany. He hoped it was not too late for Her Majesty's Government to take the United States into their confidence, and to act as frankly with them as they had done with Germany Mr. Bryce showed a disposition to complain that this country had not resisted German high-handedness in Samoa, and had more or less acquiesced in it at Zanzibar

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[Extract from the Times, Saturday, 23rd February, 1889.] House of Commons, Feiday, 22nd Febeuaky. On the motion for the adjourned debate on the Address, .... Mr. W. Redmond asked for information»from the Under-Secretary for the Colonies as to the representation made by the Federal Council of Australia to the Imperial Government in regard to the Samoan question. The Australian Colonies wiere affected by that question more nearly than the people of the United States, of Germany, or of this country, and they had a strong feeling that they ought to be directly consulted in reference to the matter. Samoa excited a very great deal of interest and some jealousy in Australia, and the piratical action of the Germans in Samoa had aroused much feeling. Another question which the Australian people felt very keenly was that of Chinese immigration, and it would have been more satisfactory had the Government devoted some paragraph in the Speech from the Throne to the interests of Australia. Would it be possible in the Conference that was to be held on Samoan affairs for Australia to be directly represented as well as the United States, Great Britain, and Germany, and, if not, would the Government take into consideration the representations made by the Australian people on the question, so that the British representative might be in a position to speak for the colonies as well as the Mother-country ? . . . .

[Extract from the Times, Saturday, 9th February, 1889.j The Samoan Question. Philadelphia, Bth February. The President has sent to Congress the Samoan correspondence, including Prince Bismarck's proposal to continue at Berlin the former Conference on the subject. In accepting this proposal Mr* Secretary Bayard requested a truce, and that the German officials in Samoa might be directed to cease belligerent operations pending the decision of the Conference. The Senate's Committee has largely increased the votes for new cruisers in the Naval Supply Bill. Four more vessels are to be provided, costing $4,300,000, and large votes are added for their armament and machinery.

[Extract fvom the Times, Monday, 11th February, 1889.] The Samoan Question. Philadelphia, 9th February The correspondence between Prince Bismarck and Mr. Bayard on the Samoan question transmitted to Congress includes the Prince's letter suggesting a renewal at Berlin of the former Conference. The Chancellor states that a similar invitation has been sent to England. The letter proceeds : " I am also directed to declare that the supposition that Germany would not feel satisfied with a neutral position in the Samoan Islands is unfounded. As we have already declared in the last Conference of 1887, it is our intention to put in question neither the independence of the island group nor the equal rights of the treaty Powers. We simply desire to create a condition which offers permanent security for bringing to an end the bloodshed and decapitation, and which grants permanent safety to the commercial interests of the three treaty Powers in Samoa." Mr. Bayard, in his reply, sent to the German Minister at Washington, accepts the invitation to a renewal of the Conference, adding: " In view of the late deplorable scenes of bloodshed which have been exhibited on Samoan soil, entailing a deeply regrettable loss to Germany, it appears essential that truce should be forthwith proclaimed, and that further armed action should be arrested. The contention of arms by such a scanty band as the Samoans against the vast armament of Germany has, of course, but one result assured in advance, and would be manifestly futile. There is no feature of equality in such a struggle. As the assurance of Prince Bismarck, that the pacification of the Samoan group and the occupation of a neutral position are his only objects, is as frankly accepted by the United States as it is tendered by Germany, it is suggested, in furtherance of the desired result of the Conference, that instructions to suspend belligerent action and await the action of such Conference should at once be telegraphed to their respective officers in Samoa by the three treaty-making Powers. Except as the conditions may be changed by the fair election of a King by the natives, it is deemed essential that Samoan affairs should remain in statuqtio pending the Conference." Washington, 9th February. The Conference Committee of the Senate and the House of Representatives on the Diplomatic Appropriation Bill has accepted the Senate's amendment to that Bill providing for the appropriation of $500,000 for the maintenance of American rights in Samoa, and has allowed the $100,000 voted at the same time for the establishment of a naval station at Pagopago to go into the Naval Bill. Berlin, 9th February. The Kreuz Zeitung states that the Samoa Conference will commence next week, and that the United States will be represented by Mr. Coleman, the Secretary of the American Legation here.

[Extract from the Times, Tuesday, 12th February, 1889.1 The Samoan Conference. Berlin, 11th February. It is now believed that the meeting of the Conference on the Samoan question to be held here between the representatives of England, Germany, and the United States will be delayed for some weeks, as a Special Commissioner is expected from Washington.

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[Extract from the Times, Friday, 15th February, 1889.] News from Samoa. Auckland, 14th February. FubthelTadvices, dated the sth instant, are to hand from Samoa. The position of affairs there is unchanged. There has been no further fighting, and both Tamasese and Mataafa remain in their strongholds. The British Consul has issued a notice to British subjects that they must not supply arms to the natives, but must maintain strict neutrality. Her Majesty's ship " Calliope " has replaced the " Eoyalist "in Samoan waters. The German and American men-of-war remain. Herr Brandeis, the German who has throughout taken a leading part on behalf of Tamasese, has been recalled to Berlin.

[Extract from the Times, Saturday, 16th February, 1889.] The Samoan Question. Philadelphia, 15th February. Eepoets received from Washington state that the present Administration will not act further in the Samoan affair, but will leave the appointment of an American representative at the Berlin Conference to General Harrison. Berlin, 15th February. A Washington telegram having stated that Mr. Bayard stipulated as a condition of his Government accepting Prince Bismarck's proposal of a Samoan Conference in Berlin that Germany should first telegraph orders to suspend all warlike operations in Samoa, a communique from the Foreign Office here characterizes this statement as an invention, with the addition that Mr. Bayard only expressed a wish on the subject. Berlin, 15th February. A white-book on the affairs of Samoa is about to be presented to the Eeichstag. It comprises forty-four documents, and covers a period from the Bth December, 1886, to the sth February, 1889. Of the papers relating to more recent events there are to be noted a report from the German Consul in Apia, dated the 24th February, 1888, describing endeavours made by the Americans and Englishmen in Samoa to provoke conflicts ; a despatch from the same official, dated 9th September, 1888, treating of the revolt of Mataafa and the support given to that chief by Captain Leary; and the Consul's account of the attack upon the German landing-party on the 18th December. Next comes a telegram from Count Herbert Bismarck sent in duplicate on the 7th January of this year to the German Minister in Washington and the Ambassador in London, directing them to inform Mr. Bayard and the Marquis of Salisbury respectively of the attack on the German force, and to make a complaint of the participation of the American Klein in the fighting. Their Excellencies were further instructed to declare that Germany adhered to her treaties with the United States and Great Britain, and would respect the rights founded thereon, and they were to appeal to both Governments to co-operate actively with Germany in re-establishing tranquillity in Samoa. On the Bth January Count Bismarck telegraphed to the Consul in Apia that on account of the agreement with America and Great Britain an annexation of Samoa by Germany was out of the question ; and on the 13th of the same month the German Secretary of State sent a despatch to the German representatives in London and Washington, stating that the object of the military measures to be undertaken against Mataafa and his partisans was to punish the murders of the German soldiers and to secure German subjects in the possession of their property. The last document in point of date in the white-book is a despatch of the sth instant to Admiral yon der Goltz, the chief of the Admiralty, from Count Herbert Bismarck, in which the latter explains that Germany is not at war with Samoa as understood by international law, but regards Tamasese as the rightful ruler, and Mataafa as a rebel, against whom and his followers retaliation must be enforced. Any one who stands by them or promotes conflict between them and the Germans must take the consequences. Count Bismarck concludes by declaring that nothing is changed in the legal position of foreign subjects in Samoa. The book ends with a long report from the Consul in Apia, dated 4th January, to which are added thirteen appendices dealing with all the events from the 4th December, 1888, to date. From these it appears that on the 19th December Mataafa in a humble letter sought to open negotiations with the German Consul, but he would not deliver himself up, although pledges were given that his life should be spared. Subsequently he promised in a letter to surrender in the presence of the British and United States Consuls; but the German Consul declined to entertain the offer.

[Extract from the Times, Monday, 18th February, 1889.] Geemany and Samoa. Berlin, 17th February. The German white-book on Samoan affairs, of which a sufficient summary has already appeared in the Times, has created, on the whole, an excellent impression here, and is universally regarded as another brilliant testimonial to the diplomatic sagacity, moderation, and uprightness of the Imperial Chancellor. In face of the ample material contained in this white-book, it is not for a moment doubted here that any of the difficulties of the situation at Samoa will be effectually disposed of by the Conference on the subject, which will now, it is hoped, not be long in meeting here in Berlin. It is seen that no serious misunderstanding between Germany and the United States can possibly result from the question in vi%w of the former Power's clear determination, as eyidenced by the white-book, to respect its treaty engagements, and not seek to alter the status quo in Samoa to its political advantage. Indeed, the essence of the white-book may be found in an exchange of telegrams between the German Consul at Apia (Herr Knappe) and Count H. Bismarck, which passed, be it noted, on either side under the natural influence of the irritation caused by the disaster of the 4—A. 2.

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18th December to the German landing-party in Samoa. "If annexation were possible," telegraphed the Consul, " peace, I think, might be restored with the force we now have here at our disposal." To which Count Herbert Bismarck replied on the Bth of January : " Annexation altogether impossible on aceffunt of our agreement with America and England; but we must revenge ourselves on the insurgents, who, by their attack on us, have brought about a state of war, and in this sense we have made-intimation both in Washington and London." Otherwise the white-book affords ample proof that it was Prince Bismarck's constant and persistent aim to restrain the excessive zeal of his agents in the Pacific, and to make them act with caution and consideration for the rights of others. Thus we find him writing a long and learned reply to a telegraphic question from the senior naval officer on the Australian station whether it was permissible in certain circumstances to arrest foreigners on alien vessels. " I therefore think," said the Chancellor, in the course of his discussion of this question, "that the English and American Consuls are justified in claiming continued jurisdiction over their countrymen, so long as the latter do not by word or deed make common cause with our assailants." This is only one of several instances where the Chancellor took occasion to^ remind his subordinates in the Pacific that the limits of Germany's agreement with England and the United States must on no account be overstepped ; and public appreciation here of his moderation and integrity in this respect is all the more w rarm and unreserved when it is seen, according tothe evidence of the white-book, to what degree he must have been provoked by the anti-German intrigues and conduct of the Americans in Samoa, especially of Klein. But there is now every prospect that the Samoan difficulty will soon be got rid of in an amicable and satisfactory manner. Berlin, 17th February. The Imperial Government is stated to be prepared to come to an understanding concerning Samoan affairs on the basis of the proposal made by the United States at the Washington Conference, that Germany, England, and the United States should exercise a joint control over the Samoan Government through their representatives at Apia.

[Extract from the Times, Thursday, 21st February, 1889.] The Samoan Question. Berlin, 20th February. Accobdino- to a late telegram, Klein, the American (a man of German origin, to judge by his name),, whom the Germans accused of making common cause with their enemies in Samoa, and endeavoured to get hold of, has succeeded in making his escape to San Francisco. The Germans in Samoa were furious at this, all the more as Klein was made out by them to have been the chief instigator of the native insurrection which ended so disastrously for a German landing-party on the 18th of December last. According to information evidently derived from an official source here, it is the intention of the German Government to demand from the United States Government the exemplary punishment of Klein now that he is again within American jurisdiction. It is the German contention that the lately-published white-book on Samoa contains positive evidence clear enough to convict Klein of repeated acts of overt hostility to the Germans and their naval forces in Samoa, and for this active partisanship with their foes on the part of an American subject they demand that he should be made an example of by his Government. But this satisfaction is not likely to be granted soreadily by the authorities at Washington. Last evening again Prince Bismarck drove to the Schloss, and had another lengthy conference with the Emperor.

Gehmany's Colonial Policy. Berlin, 20th February. A ceetain significance is given to an article in the Vossische Zcitung on the possible dangers of a colonial policy, by its reproduction in the semi-official Norddeutsche Zeitung of this evening. The article acknowledges the propriety and justice of Prince Bismarck's action in reference to the Germaii Consul in Samoa, but raises the question whether a future director of the foreign affairs of Germany will always have the resolution to utter a note of warning and stay the clamour and pressure of those who should protect the interests of the Empire on the other side of the ocean when they go too far. Further, it is asked, will an internal remedy be possible without damaging the prestige of Germany? Every mistake which those officials commit may become a source of numberless complications. " Therefore," says the Vossische in conclusion, "we note with apprehension that men are employed in these positions who have hitherto shown themselves little capable of assimilating the ideas of the Imperial Chancellor, and have drawn upon themselves such exemplary correction."

[Extract from the Times, Friday, 22nd February, 1889.] The Samoan Question. Berlin, 21st February. The North German Gazette, to-day reproduces a detailed account of the proceedings of the Foreign Belations Committee of the United States Senate relative to the Samoan question. The semi-official organ expresses its special appreciation of what it describes as the judicious and very circumspect attitude observed by Senator Sherman in the matter, and draws attention to the fact that Mr. Bayard has contributed in no small degree to the appeasement of the public mind in America by the statements which he made in a recent interview with a newspaper reporter. New York, 21st February. The Government is loading a vessel at this pori with coal for Samoa.

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[Extract from the Times, Saturday, 23rd February, 1889.] The Samoan Question. Berlin, 22nd February. It is a ft»t, as it would appear, that the German training squadron, which was lately cruising off the coast of Spain, has suddenly been ordered to Port Said, and one journal professes to have it on good authority that this step is connected not so much with the Bast African as with the Samoan question. The squadron, it is added, would remain at Port Said pending the development of the latter question, and sail for the Pacific in the event of the American Government proving too exacting or unreasonable. But this explanation had meanwhile best be received with caution, for several reasons. New York, 22nd February. The United States storeship " Monongahela " has left San Francisco for Samoa.

■Extract from the Times, Monday, 25th February, 1889.] The Samoan Question. Berlin, 24th February. The National Zeitung says it has received confirmation of the statement that the German training squadron, which was lately ordered to Port Said, has now been despatched to Samoa. But even if this be true the fact need not be interpreted in a very serious sense. At a parliamentary dinner which he gave on Friday evening Prince Bismarck said he regarded it as an utter impossibility that this Samoan question should have the effect of interrupting those friendly relations between the two great nations, Germany and the United States, which had existed for a century. The geographical situation of the Samoan Islands and the imperfection of their telegraphic communication with Europe rendered it impossible for him to be responsible for all the acts of his agents in the Pacific; but both parties to the dispute were animated by the best spirit, and there was no doubt that Germany's commercial interests would not materially suffer. In connection with the Samoan question the Chancellor came to talk of the monarchical principle, remarking that, as proved among other things by the story of the Caroline Islands incident, a policy dependent on popular currents was much more difficult than one conducted by a sovereign. The latter could withdraw without danger, and even recede a few steps, while this was quite impossible in the other case. Even a lost battle need not of itself shake the position of a monarch. The German training squadron above referred to is composed of four ironclad cruiser-frigates, the " Stosch " (flagship), 16 guns; the "Charlotte," 20 guns; the " Moltke," 16 guns; and the ■" Olga," 10 guns. When this squadron reaches Apia, which it ought to do in about six weeks, the German naval force there, now comprising 17 guns and 420 men, will aggregate 85 guns and about 2,000 men. Berlin, 23rd February. Prince Bismarck entertained the President and Vice-Presidents and a large number of other members of the Lower House of the Diet at dinner last night. After the dinner, when coffee was being served to the guests, the Imperial Chancellor is represented to have complained of the heavy labours created for him by what he termed the so-called colonies, and appeared to ascribe the blame for no inconsiderable portion of his difficulties to the proceedings of the colonial officials, inasmuch as they frequently acted without the requisite knowledge of circumstances, and especially did not know how to treat the natives. Prince Bismarck is further described as declaring that it was impossible for Germany to let trivial disputes introduce any discordant element in her relations with the great friendly Powers, as the slightest disturbance of the harmony prevailing between the Imperial Government and foreign States might have the most prejudicial effects on German commercial and business relations. 24th February. Following the example of the semi-official NoTddeutsche, which reproduced the article in the Vossische Zeitung on the white-book on Samoan affairs, the Post to-day publishes an article on the same subject which appeared in the Liberal Weser Zeitung, with the remark that in many respects the views therein expressed are correct. The article in question rejects the supposition that the Government had come to terms with America in the Samoan question owing to Germany's position with regard to France, and continues as follows : " Not only under the present but under no conditions would the German Government have risked a rupture with the United States for such a bagatelle. The white-book shows that wherever the steps taken by the German officials were repudiated it was because they had acted contrary to international law. The criticisms incurred by the white-book in the Press were almost exclusively directed against the excess of zeal displayed by some of the German representatives in Samoa, who appeared in a certain measure to be wanting in that statesmanlike discretion which was necessary for dealing with the situation. Like a red thread the endeavour winds its way through the reports from Samoa, to make annexation or a protectorate on the part of Germany appear necessary. The white-book also throws a new light on the sanguinary conflict of the 18th December. It appears that the German Consul only resolved to endeavour to induce Mataafa to disarm on a communication from Captain Brandeis, Tamasese's adviser, to the effect that Tamasese, feeling convinced that no help was to be expected from Germany, intended to enter into negotiations with Mataafa. The Consul had already received instructions from Berlin to lend his support to such negotiations in the event of Tamasese being unable to hold his ground without intervention. The so-called attack of the 18th December might accordingly have been avoided if the Consul had taken his instructions for non-intervention more literally than he did. Whether Mataafa's people fought under the leadership of an American or not is of no consequence, as the United States Government cannot very well be made responsible for the action of individuals. The German Consul, however, by "liis action undoubtedly burdens his Government with such responsibility. The contrast between the attitudcof the German Consul and the Government, as shown in the white-book, is therefore ea-sily explained."

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The Kolnische Zeitung, on the other hand, makes a violent attack on the Freisinnig Press, and repeats its demand for the punishment or extradition of Klein as a common criminal. The Norddeut&che Zeittmg to-day publishes a map of the Island of Upolu, a study of which, it declares, leaTes no doubt of the preponderance of German interests in Samoan territory.

[Extract from the Times, Tuesday,": 26th February, 1889.J Geemany and Samoa. Mb. Laied Clowes writes: " Your Berlin correspondent is in error in stating that the German training squadron, which is said to have been ordered to reinforce the German naval division at, Samoa, is composed of four ironclad cruiser-frigates, the 'Stosch' (flagship), 16 guns; the ' Charlotte,' 20 guns; the ' Moltke,'l6 guns; and the ' Olga,'lo guns. Not one of the vessels named is ironclad, and the actual constitution of the squadron is as follows : ' Stosch ' (flag of Rear-Admiral Hollmann), 16 guns, 2,856 tons, 403 men; ' Charlotte,' 18 guns, 3,360 tons, 426 men; ' Moltke,' 16 guns, 2,856 tons, 403 men ; and ' Gneisenau,' 16 guns, 2,856 tons, 403 men. The four ships are composite cruising frigates, the main armaments of which consist of 3-J- and 4-ton Gin. guns. The ' Olga,' 12 guns, 2,169 tons, 267 men, is a composite cruising corvette, at present attached to what is known as the cruising squadron. In company with the sloop ' Adler,' 4 guns, 884 tons, 128 men, and the gunboat ' Eber,' 3 guns, 570 tons, 87 men, she is already in Samoan waters. The German naval force at Apia therefore now comprises, not, as your correspondent says, 17 guns and 420 men, but 19 guns and 482 men. When it has been reinforced it will comprise 85 guns and 2,117 men. The strength of the reinforced American squadron in the same waters will be four ships, ' Nipsic,' ' Adams,' ' Mohican,' and ' Vandalia,' with, in all, 32 guns and 641 men. The number of men fit for service on board the German ships at Apia was reduced by about fifty in the engagement of the 18th December ; but men to take the places of the killed and wounded left Bremerhaven in January on board the North German Lloyd steamer ' Niirnberg.' "

[Extract from the Times, Thursday, 28th February, 1889.] The Samoan Question. Berlin, 27th February. Advices from Washington have reached the German Government to the effect that there is no prospect whatever of the United States complying with its demand for the prosecution and punishment of Klein for alleged participation in the late Samoan acts of hostility against the Germans. The Emperor has ordered the distribution of a variety of decorations among the officers and men of the German warships " Olga," "Adler," and "Eber," which took part in the engagement in Samoa, for their " faultless " conduct on that occasion. According to a letter from Wilhelmshaven, there is now no doubt that the German training squadron, lately ordered to Port Said, is ultimately destined for Samoa to help in chastising Mataafa, and reducing him and his partisans to order.

[Extract from the Times, Monday, 4th March, 1889.J The Samoan Question. Kiel, 3rd March. A eumoue is current in naval circles here that a conflict has occurred off the Samoan coast between an American war-vessel and the German corvette " Olga." The American vessel is alleged to have fired the first shot. Berlin, 2nd March. Herr Stiibel, formerly German Consul-General at Copenhagen, has started to-day for Samoa,, to replace Herr Knappe, who has been recalled from the post of Consul at that station. New York, 2nd March. Captain Leary, commander of the United States despatch-vessel "Adams," at present stationed in Samoan waters, has been ordered home, but merely in the ordinary service routine. "Washington, 3rd March. Mr. Bayard, the Secretary of State, has no knowledge of any encounter between a United States and a German man-of-war in Samoan waters, and considers it improbable that any such collision has taken place.

[Extract from the Times, Tuesday, sth March, 1889.J The Samoan Question. Auckland, 4th March. The steamer " Alameda," which has arrived here from Samoa, brings intelligence that the German Consul endeavoured to induce Mataafa to lay down his arms. This, however, the latter declined to do, but agreed to a temporary suspension of hostilities, at the same time promising to prevent raids by his people upon the German settlers. Berlin, 4th March. Nothing is known in official quarters in confirmation of the report current at Kiel yesterday that a conflict had occurred off the Samoan coast between an American war-vessel and the German corvette " Olga." In answer to Mr. H. Vincent, Sir J. Fergusson said proposals for a British annexation of Samoa were made by chiefs of that group in 1877, 1883, 1884, and 1888, and were declined at those various periods on the ground that their acceptance would be impolitic, and in the latter instances that foreign interests in the islands and our relations with other Powers precluded Her Majesty's Government from annexing the group. The Governments of Australia and New Zealand have in

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1873 and 1884 advocated the annexation. I must add that there has been no time at which Her Majesty's Government have failed to secure the independence of these islands: reciprocal assurances to that effect were given by Her Majesty's Government and the German Government, and the islands Jrnve not, in fact, been seized by any foreign Power.

[Extract from the Times, Thursday, 7th March, 1889.] The Samoan Question. Berlin, 6th March. With reference to the recent statement that King Mataafa had promised to the German Consul in Samoa to suspend all hostilities until the Conference at Berlin had finished its labours, it is semiofficially explained that no report of negotiations on the subject has yet reached Berlin.

[Extract from the Times, Friday, Bth March, 1889.] Samoa. In answer to Mr. W. M'Arthur, Sir J. Fergusson said, —W Te have no information of the conclusion of a truce between the German Consul in Samoa and the chief Mataafa. We have heard that the ex-King Malietoa has been conveyed to the Marshall Islands. Pier Majesty's Government have never asked the German Government that Malietoa should be well treated while detained by them. We have no reason to doubt his fair treatment; but we have no special right to interfere on hisbehalf. We have heard indirectly that while in Germany he received very handsome entertainment.

[Extract from the Times, Monday, 11th March, 1889.] Recent German Doings in Samoa. Sir, — Yacht " Casco," Hawaiian Islands, 10th February. News from Polynesia is apt to come piecemeal, and thus fail of its effect, the first step being forgotten before the second comes to hand. For this reason I should like to be allowed to recapitulate a little of the past before I go on to illustrate the present extraordinary state of affairs in the Samoan Islands. It is quite true that this group was largely opened up by German enterprise, and that the port of Apia is much the creation of the Godeffroys. So far the German case extends ; no farther. Apia was governed till lately by a tripartite municipality, the American, English, and German Consuls, and one other representative of each of the three nations, making up the body. To both America and Germany a harbour had been ceded. England, I believe, had no harbour, but that her position was quite equal to that of her neighbours one fact eloquently displays : Malietoa—then King of Samoa, now a prisoner on the Marshall Islands—offered to accept the supremacy of England. Unhappily for himself, his offer was refused, Her Majesty's Government declaring, I am told, that they would prefer to see him independent. As he now wanders the territory of his island prison, under the guns of an Imperial war-ship, his independence (if it still exists) must be confined entirely to his bosom. Such was the former equal and pacific state of the three nations at Apia. It would be curious to tell at length by what steps of encroachment on the one side and weakness on the other the present reign of terror has been brought about; but my time before the mail departs is very short, your space is limited, and in such a history much must be only matter of conjecture. Briefly and roughly, then, there came a sudden change in the attitude of Germany. Another treaty was proposed to Malietoa and refused, the cause of the rebel Tamasese was invented or espoused, Malietoa was seized and deported, Tamasese installed, the tripartite municipality dissolved, the German Consul seated autocratically in its place, and the Hawaiian Embassy (sent by a Power of the same race to moderate among Samoans) dismissed with threats and insults. In the course of these events villages have been shelled, the German flag has been at least once substituted for the English, and the Stars and Stripes (only the other day) were burnt at Matafatatele. On the day of the chase after Malietoa the houses of both English and Americans were violently entered by the Germans. Since the dissolution of the municipality English and Americans have paid their taxes into the hands of their own Consuls, where they accumulate, and the German representative, unrecognised and unsupported, rules single in Apia. I have had through my hands a file of consular proclamations, the most singular reading—a state of war declared, all other authority but that of the German representative suspended, punishment (and the punishment of death in particular) liberally threatened. It is enough to make a man rub his eyes when he reads Colonel de Goetlogon's protest and the high-handed rejoinder posted alongside of it the next day by Dr. Knappe. Who is Dr. Knappe, thus to make peace and war, deal in life and death, and close with a buffet the mouth of English Consuls? By what process known to diplomacy has he risen from his one-sixth part of municipal authority to be the Bismarck of a Polynesian island ? And what spell has been cast on the Cabinets of Washington and St. James's that Mr. Blacklock should have been so long left unsupported, and that Colonel de Coetlogon must bow his head under a public buffet ? I have not said much of the Samoans. I despair, in so short a space, to interest English readers in their wrongs. With the mass of people at Home they will pass for some sort of cannibal islanders, with whom faith were superfluous, upon whom kindness might be partly' thrown away. And, indeed, I recognise with gladness that (except as regards the captivity of Malietoa) the Samoans have had throughout the honours of the game. Tamasese, the German 'puppet, has had everywhere the under hand; almost none, except those of his own clan, have ever supported his cause, and even these begin now to desert him. "This is no Samoan war," said one of them, as he transferred his followers and services to the new Malietoa, Mataafa; "this is a German war."

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Mataafa, if he be cut off from Apia and the sea, lies inexpugnable in the foothills immediately behind with five thousand warriors at his back. And, beyond titles to a great deal of land, which they extorted in exchange for rifles and ammunition from the partisans of Tamasese, of all this bloodshed and bullying the Germans hold no profit. I have it by last advices that Dr. Knappe has approached the King privately with fair speeches, assuring him that the state of war, bom-bardments,-and other evils of the day, are not at all directed at Samoans, but against the English and Americans, and that when these are extruded peace shall again smile on a German island. It can never be proved, but it is highly possible he may have said so ; and, whether he said it or not, there is a sense in which the thing is true. Violence has not been found to succeed with the Samoans ; with the two Anglo-Saxon Powers it has been found to work like a charm. I conclude with two instances —one American, one English : —First: Mr. Klein, an American journalist, was on the beach with Malietoa's men on the night of the recent German defeat. Seeing the boats approach in the darkness, Mr. Klein hailed them and warned them of the Samoan ambush, and by this innocent and humane step made public the fact of his presence. Where much else is contested so much appears to be admitted (and, indeed, claimed) upon both sides. Mr. Klein is now accused of firing on the Germans and of advising the Samoans to fire, both of which he denies. He is accused, after the fight, of succouring only the wounded of Malietoa's party :he himself declares that he helped both; and, at any rate, the offence appears a novel one, and the accusation threatens to introduce fresh dangers into Eed Cross work. He was on the beach that night in the exercise of his profession. If he was with Malietoa's men, which is the real gist of his offence, we who are not Germans may surely ask, Why not ? On what ground is Malietoa a rebel ? The Germans have not conquered Samoa that I ever heard of: they are there on treaty like their neighbours, and Dr. Knappe himself (in the eyes of justice) is no more than the one-sixth part of the Town Council of Apia. Lastly, Mr. Klein's innocence stands very clearly proven by the openness with which he declared his presence. For all that, this gentleman lay for a considerable time, watched day and night by German sailors, a prisoner in the American consulate. Even after he had succeeded in running the gauntlet of the German guards and making his escape in a canoe to the American war-ship " Nipsic " he was imperiously rcdemanded from under his own flag, and it is probable his extradition is being already called for at Washington. Secondly : An English artist had gone into the bush sketching. I believe he had been to Malietoa's camp, so that his guilt stands on somewhat the same ground as Mr. Klein's. He was forcibly seized on board the British packet "Eichmond," carried half-dressed on board the "Adler," and detained there, in spite of all protest, until an English war-ship had been cleared for action. This is of notoriety, and only one case (although a strong one) of many. Is it what the English people understand by " the sovereignty of the seas " ? I am, &c, The Editor of the Times. Bobekt Louis Stevenson.

[Extract from the Times, Tuesday, 12th March, 1889.] Samoa. Mb. W. M'Aethub asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he could state to the House the name of the representative of this country appointed to the Conference on Samoa shortly to be held at Berlin. Sir J. Fergusson: As the date of the Conference has not yet been fixed, no appointment has been made.

The Eeported Naval Action at Samoa. Mk. W. Eedmond asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether any news had reached the Government as to a conflict between German and American war-ships at Samoa. Sir J. Fergusson: Her Majesty's Government have received no such information, and the report in question is entirely discredited.

[Extraot from the Times, Wednesday, 13th March, 1889.] Germany and Samoa. In answer to Dr. Cameron, Sir J. Fergusson said, —I have seen Mr. Stevenson's letter. The statement is substantially correct; but I should add that the German Government have spontaneously disavowed the action of their Consul-General, and he has since been recalled. The property referred to is probably a house which is in dispute, and is the subject of discussion. We have heard of the removal of British subjects from the " Eichmond " by German armed boats to the " Adler," and their subsequent release on the demand of the British naval commander. We know nothing about his having cleared for action. The German Government were asked for explanations, and replied that the German civil and naval authorities in Samoa have been instructed by telegraph not to subject the foreigners settled in Samoa to martial law, and to refrain from searching foreign ships for contraband of war. Papers are in course of preparation, and will be laid in the course of a few days. '

[Extract from the Times, Thursday, 14th March, 1889.] The Samoan Question. Washington, 13th March. The Star publishes a report of an Interview with Admiral Porter on the subject of affairs in Samoa. The admiral is represented to have spoken as follows : " We are weak on the ocean now, but there is a plan which will meet the emergency—namely, to cripple Germany while we are getting ready. We have surplus revenues enough with the minimum of taxes to carry on a desultory war until we

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are in fighting-trim, and while we are getting ready we can prohibit German manufactures from entering the United States. In the event of Germany attempting a blockade we should find in less than sixty days the British fleet on our coast involved in protecting British trade. France would also ha'fe an interest in the matter." Admiral Porter further expressed the opinion that the Government should purchase all the rifled guns obtainable from France and England with a sum of $50,000,000, adding that in sixty days he could soon set an improvised fleet to the work of destroying German commerce.

[Extract from the Times, Friday, 15th March, 1889.] The Samoan Question. Philadelphia, 14th March. The President has appointed Mr. John A. Kasson, Mr. William Walter Phelps, and Mr. George H. Bates Commissioners at the Samoan Conference in Berlin. Mr. Bates went to Samoa for the State Department in 1886, and is familiar with the German operations there. Auckland, 13th March. Intelligence from Samoa to the sth instant received here states that tranquillity continued in the island. There was no change in the positions of Tamasese and Mataafa. The strength of the latter's force was estimated at six thousand, while Tamasese's troops numbered only seven hundred. A proclamation had been issued by the German authorities withdrawing the decree establishing martial law and abandoning the right of searching vessels. The foreign war-ships remained at Apia. Admiral Kimberley, commanding the United States squadron on the Pacific station, who was recently ordered to proceed in the corvette "Trenton" from Panama to Samoa in order to protect American interests, had not arrived when the mail was despatched.

[Extract from the Times, Saturday, 16th March, 1889.] Germany and Samoa. Berlin, 15th March. Eegabding the Samoa question, the Vossische Zeitung writes : "It is to be regretted that the irritation on the other side of the ocean has reached its present extent, and the bitterness is in a large measure owing to the fault of the German officials. But it lies beyond reasonable expectation that the approaching Conference will lead to any other conviction than that there haB been a great deal of unnecessary heat imported into the dispute."

[Extract from the Times, Monday, 18th March, 1889.] The Samoan Conference. Berlin, 17th March. It is stated that the meeting of the Conference on Samoan affairs will scarcely take place before the beginning of April.

[Extract from the Times, Tuesday, 19th March, 1889.] The Samoan Conference. Berlin, 18th March. The Post states that Count JEL Bismarck, Count Berchem, and Privy Councillor of Legation Krauel are not yet appointed to represent Germany at the approaching Samoan Conference to be held in Berlin, and that the nominations will only be made after the arrival of the foreign representatives. The American representatives will be Mr. John Kasson, Mr. William Phelps, and Mr. George Bates. Sir Edward Malet will represent England, but, as the Governments of Germany and the United States will each have three representatives, it is regarded as probable that a special English representative will be sent to act w Tith Sir Edward. Washington, 18th March. It is believed that the United States delegates to the forthcoming Conference on the affairs of Samoa will be unable to start for Berlin before the middle of next month.

The Samoan Confebence. Me. W. A. M'Aethuk asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he had seen the statement in the Times of Friday, the 15th March, that Messrs. John A. Kasson, William Walter Phelps, and George H. Bates had been appointed Commissioners for the United States to the Conference on Samoan affairs; whether this information was correct; and whether he could now state the names of the Commissioners who would represent this country at the Conference? Sir J. Fergusson : I have seen the statement, but we do not know that these nominations have been confirmed by the Senate, which is necessary. Mr. W. A. M'Arthur said the right honourable gentleman had not answered the last paragraph of the question. Sir J. Fergusson said he had answered the same question several times. The Commissioners were not yet appointed, but the honourable gentleman might rest assured that they would be appointed in good time.

Samoa. De. Cameeon asked the First, Lord of the Admiralty whether any report had yet been received.at. the Admiralty concerning the seizure of Mr. Gilan, a British subject, on board" the British ship " Eichmond" by an armed guard from the German war-ship " Adler " at Samoa? Lord G. Hamilton : A telegraphic report has been received from the Commander-in-chief on the Australian station from New Zealand, dated the 19th February, to the effect that the Germans had proclaimed martial law at Samoa, and claimed the right of search over British ships, and that British subjects (no names given) had been removed from the British ship " Eichmond " by armed

A.—2.

boats from the German ship " Adler." They were subsequently released on the demand of the captain of the " Boyalist." A further telegram on the 21st February states that the captain of the " Calliope," which ship has replaced the " Boyalist," had informed the German authorities at Samoa that he coulS not acknowledge the establishment of martial law, or the jurisdiction or rights so claimed over British subjects or Courts. The claims so advanced were abandoned. No report has been received with reference to the statement quoted in the second part of the question. With regard to the latter part of the question, Captain Hand reports that a cutter belonging to the German ship " Eber " chased a boat containing unarmed natives, and fired upon them as they were escaping into the bush. Captain Hand, of the " Boyalist," was on the beach at the time, and hailed the German boat to call their attention to his being there, and to his being exposed to their fire. On his remonstrating with the captain of the "Eber," that officer expressed his regret at the occurrence which had taken place contrary to the instructions he had given as to firing, and repeated the same to Captain Hand on the following day on board the " Boyalist." He further sent the officer who had committed the breach of orders to Captain Hand to apologize, and to explain that he had acted contrary to his instructions.

[Extract from the Times, Thursday, 21st March, 1889,] Germany and Great Britain in Samoa. It will be remembered that some surprise was caused in England by a statement made by Prince Bismarck in the course of a speech in the Reichstag on the 27th January, to the effect that the Governments of Great Britain and Germany were going hand-in-hand in connection with the Samoa difficulty. It appears from a blue-book on Samoa just issued that almost immediately after the publication of the speech in the English newspapers Lord Salisbury sent the following despatch to Sir E. Malet, British Ambassador at Berlin: "Foreign Office, 29th January, 1889.—Sir, —In speaking to Count Hatzfeldt to-day I referred to the speech delivered by the Chancellor in the Beichstag on Sunday last. I expressed the satisfaction with which I had read the language applied by the Chancellor to the value which he attached to the good understanding between the two Governments. The only comment which it was at all necessary for me to make other than that of entire sympathy and concurrence applied to a remark of his Highness as to the attitude of the two countries with respect to Samoa. His statement that in regard to that matter the Governments of Great Britain and Germany were hand-in-hand might be open to misconstruction. It was entirely correct to say that our views were in agreement as to the arrangement to be put in force for the government of those islands in the future, but in the conflict which existed at present between the German Government and a certain portion of the inhabitants it could not be said that we were going hand-in-hand with Germany. We were maintaining an attitude entirely neutral, and were in no degree concerned in or responsible for the action which the German Government thought it right to take. Count Hatzfeldt expressed himself entirely in accord with me as to the accuracy of the correction, and said that he had no doubt that when the Chancellor used that expression he was speaking of the more permanent arrangement, with respect to which the views of the two Governments were the same. —I am, &c, Salisbury."

[Extract from the Times, Saturday, 23rd March, 1889.] A Samoan White-book. Berlin, 22nd March. Another -white-book on Samoa has to-night been presented to the Beichstag, though it does not seem to contain much of which the substance is not already known. This white-book extends over the period from the 31st January to the 9th March of this year, and concludes with a rescript from Prince Bismarck dated the 9th instant to Dr. Stiibel, the consular successor at Apia of Dr. Knappe, during whose unfortunate tenure of office the Samoan question assumed such an acute and threatening form. This rescript is nothing more nor less than a reproachful disavowal of all the official acts of Dr. Knappe, and was doubtless intended as much for the eyes of the English and American Governments as for those of Dr. Stiibel. Consul-General Knappe had sent Home a voluminous report of his doings up to the 31st January last. "This" (Dr. Knappe's) "repeated statement," remarks the Chancellor, " that he had been commissioned or empowered by the Imperial Government to declare war, or even martial law, was arbitrary, or due to an error difficult to explain It seems to me that his touchiness in the matter of the respect he claimed, together with the letter of Captain Brandeis of the 13th December last, and the presence at Apia of three German ships-of-war, deprived Herr Knappe of that sangfroid which alone could enable him to retain a clear view of the situation and its possible consequences. In his correspondences, too, with his colleagues, he seems to have writtten in a brusque and excited tone, which sometimes even took the form of threats against the other Consuls You are aware that the demands put forward by Consul Knappe when negotiating with Mataafa, that Germany should take over the administration of the islands, including their representation abroad, were unwarrantable, and that he was telegraphed to from here to withdraw them at once. The further statements in his report that all the Samoans would prefer to see the islands annexed to Germany, but that nevertheless there was little hope that the rebels would give way, are partly contradictory and partly lack practical import, as without the assent of England and America the political status of Samoa cannot be aimed at. It is incomprehensible to me how Herr Knappe should again recur to this idea of annexation, seeing that from his experience in the Foreign Office, as well as his instructions, and our recent correspondence with l|im, he must have known that all thoughts of annexing Samoa are in direct contradiction to the policy pursued by me in accordance with the ideas of the Emperor." Such is the way in which Prince Bismarck disavows his agents, and rehabilitates himself in the confidence of the United States, previous to the Samoan Conference, which wiH set everything to rights again. [Approximate Cost of Paper. —Preparation, nil; printing (1,300 copies), £19 14s.]

By Authority: George Didsbuey, Government Printer, Wellington.—lBB9.

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