A.—2.

President Cleveland to insist that the condition of affairs in Samoa be restored to what it was at the time of the Conference between Great Britain, Germany, and the United States, which was held in Washington in 1887; and that he further aid in securing the settlement of the present difficulties in Samoa under a responsible and independent native Government, and also take steps to protect the rights of the United States and American citizens in Samoa. Baltimore, 29th January. A report of an interview with Mr. Bayard, the Secretary of State, upon the Samoan question is published to-day by the Baltimore Sun, in a despatch from Washington. He said that Germany had given no casus belli. The United States flag had not been insulted, nor had American property been destroyed. The whole question was, "Should the Government of the United States assert the independence of Samoa by force, if need were, against German aggression? " As this involved the question of peace or war, the determination of which resided with Congress, the whole subject had been referred to the Legislature, the President not feeling authorised to take further steps which might precipitate hostilities. Only that day he (Mr. Bayard) had received a communication from Count Arco-Valley, the German Minister in Washington, expressing a sincere desire to come to a settlement satisfactory to the United States. Germany had expressly disclaimed any intention of giving offence to the United States. The flag burnt in Samoa was not the flag of the American Consulate, but one flying in a little village which the Germans shelled, and which subsequently took fire. The flag had not been hoisted in assertion of any American rights. All acts of Germany which were inconsistent with her professions had grown out of petty political intrigues among the native chiefs and rivalry between foreigners for influence and commercial supremacy. Mr. Bayard further said he had no authority to make a vigorous protest against Germany's treatment of Malietoa, who was not an American citizen. American rights had been in no way invaded. The Germans were confronted in Samoa with pretty much the same situation as was America in Hayti. They claimed that the Samoans had broken treaty engagements, as had the Haytians, and that they had the right to punish them. During the recent troubles in connection with the seizure of the Haytian Republic, the French representative in Hayti had interfered for the purpose of securing the confiscation of the steamer. Mr. Bayard thereupon communicated with the French Government, which promptly disavowed its agent's conduct.

[Extract from the Times, Thursday, 31st January, 1889.1 The Samoan Question. Philadelphia, 30th January. The Samoan question was discussed by the Senate yesterday for some time in secret session. The doors having been opened, Senator Sherman said he wished to make his views public. The first thing to be done was for the United States Government to assert its power in the occupancy and possession of Pagopago Bay. That ought to be done immediately. It did not need war to protect a nation's rights. The mere assertion of these rights insured due regard for them. The expenditure of money there, the storing of coal there, the coaling of vessels there —all these things were assertions of power far more influential than protocols and diplomatic correspondence. "I am willing," he added, " to vote the money named, placing it at the discretion of President Cleveland or General Harrison. I have no doubt that the power thus given to send agents and ships there will produce a prompt solution of this small controversy." Senator Morgan (Democrat) said that the action of the German Government partook of the character of a discourtesy. Washington, 29th January. The Senate this evening discussed in open session the amendment to the Diplomatic Appropriation Bill. Senator Sherman said that it was manifest that the rebellion of Tamasese was organized by the German Consul at Apia and another German named Weber. He alluded to the arrival of the German fleet at Samoa some time in 1886, and of an insulting letter from the Admiral in command to King Malietoa, in which he addressed him as head chief instead of as King. It was after this that the United States Consul, without authority, raised the American flag at Malietoa's request over the public buildings in Apia. The Consul had no right to claim a protectorate, and while Mr. Bayard and the British and German Ministers were seeking for information Germany deposed Malietoa and placed Tamasese on the throne. This, said Mr. Sherman, was the worst feature of the case, because negotiations were then proceeding for restoring the status quo. There were at the present time indications that Great Britain was coinciding with German policy. He could not justify Germany. Prince Bismarck asserted the principle of equal rights for each of the three Governments, but insisted, as a matter of policy, that it would be best to place the custody of the islands under Germany, who had the largest property and interest there. In his opinion, nothing could justify a breach of the peace until all means tending to an amicable settlement had been exhausted, and America should next employ her best offices to settle the difficulties among the Samoans. 30th January. The Senate to-day had again under consideration the amendments to the Diplomatic Appropriation Bill concerning Samoa. Senator Dolph (Oregon) said that the treaty of November, 1884, between Germany and Samoa would, if executed, give Germany the entire control of the islands. He was in favour of President Cleveland's insisting upon the restoration of the status quo, and making a notification that the United States would not permit the islands to pass under the control of a foreign Power. The Monroe doctrine, said the Senator, should be applied to Samoa. Mr. Morgan (Alabama) concurred with Mr. Dolph, adding that Germany only, abandoned the treaty of 1884 under pressure from the other Powers. Mr. Eegan (Texas) considered that Germany's assumption of the absolute control in Samoa was a violation of her professions. He thought that the amendments were too feeble to answer the 3—A. 2.

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