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1924. NEW ZEALAND.
IMPERIAL CONFERENCE, 1923.
SUMMARY OF PROCEEDINGS. [Presented to the Imperial Parliament by Command of His Majesty, November, 1923.]
Presented to both Houses of the General Assembly of New Zealand by Command of His Excellency.
CONTENTS. PAGE I. —Preliminary Note .. .. .. .. .. .. ~ .. 2 IT- Opening Statements .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 4. 111. —Message to Their Majesties the King and Queen .. .. .. 4 IV. —Message to Japan .. .. .. .. .. .. ,_ .. 5 V.-Death of Mr. Bonar Law .. .. .. .. .. .. 5 VI. —Publicity .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 5 VII. —Colonies, Protectorates, and Mandated Territories .. .. .. 6 VIII.— Foreign Relations .. .. .. .. .. .. ..6 IX.—Negotiation, Signature, and Ratification of Treaties .. .. g X. —United States and "C " Mandates .. .. .. .. .. 9 XL— Condominium in the New Hebrides .. .. .. .. .. 9 XII.-Defence .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ..9 XIII.— Status of High Commissioners .. .. .. .. .. ..11 XIV. Position of Indians in other Parts of the Empire .. .. .. ..11 XV — Contribution of India to the Expenses of the League of Nations .. .. 13 XVI- Nationality Questions .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 13 XVll.—Validity of Marriages between British Subjects and Foreigners .. ..14 XVIII. —Proposed Extension of the Powers of the Imperial War Graves Commission.. 15 XIX. —Address to His Majesty the King, Emperor of India .. .. ..15 XX. —Concluding Resolution .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 16 LIST OF APPENDICES. I.— Opening Speeches. II. —Statement by the Secretary of State for the Colonies as to the Colonies, Protectorates, and Mandated Territories. lII.— Statements by the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs as regards the Turkish Treaty and the Reparations Problem. IV. —Speeches regarding the Work of the League of Nations. V — -Speeches regarding the Position of Indians in other Parts of the Empire. Vl.— Papers regarding Nationality Questions. VII.- Address by His Highness the Maharajah of Alwar on the Dussehra Festival, 19th October. VIII. — Reply from His Majesty the King, Emperor of India, to the Address from the Conference,
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IMPERIAL CONFERENCE, 1923 : SUMMARY OF PROCEEDINGS. I. PRELIMINARY NOTE. The proceedings of the Conference opened at 10 Downing Street on Ist October, 1923, and were continued until Bth November. During that period sixteen plenary meetings took place, which were normally attended by the following : — Great Britain. The Right Hon. Stanley Baldwin, M.P., Prime Minister (Chairman). The Most Hon. the Marquess of Salisbury, K.G., G.C.V.0., C.8., Lord President of the Council. The Most Hon. the Marquess Curzon of Kedleston, K.G., G.C.5.1., G.C.1.E., Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. His Grace the Duke of Devonshire, E.G., G.C.M.G., G.C.V.0., Secretary of State for the Colonies. Canada. The Right Hon. W. L. Mackenzie King, C.M.G., Prime Minister. The Hon. G. P. Graham, Minister of Railways and Canals. The Hon. Sir Lomer Gouin, K.C.M.G., Minister of Justice and Attorney-General. Commonwealth op Australia. The Right Hon. S. M. Bruce, M.C., Prime Minister. Senator the Hon. R. V. Wilson, Honorary Minister in Charge of Departments of Health and Migration. New Zealand. The Right Hon. W. F. Massey, Prime Minister. Union oe South Africa. General the Right Hon. J. C. Smuts, K.C., C.H., Prime Minister. The Hon. H. Burton, K.C., Minister of Finance. The Hon. N. J. de Wet, K.C., Minister of Justice. Irish Free State. Professor John MacNeill, T.D., Minister of Education. Mr. Desmond Fitzgerald, T.D., Minister of External Affairs. Newfoundland . The Hon. W. R. Warren, K.C., Prime Minister. India. The Right Hon. Viscount Peel, G.8.E., Secretary of State for India and Head of the Indian Delegation. Colonel His Highness the Maharajah of Alwar, G.C.1.E., X.C.S.I. Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru, X.C.S.I. Secretariat. Great Britain.Six M. P. A. Hankey, G.C.B. ; Mr. E. J. Harding, C.M.G. Canada'. —Dr. 0. D. Skelton. Commonwealth of Australia. —Sir R. R. Garran, K.C.M.G. New Zealand.—Mr. F. D. Thomson, C.M.G. Union of South Africa. —Captain E. F. C. Lane, C.M.G. Irish Free State.— Mr. P. McGilligan. Newfoundland. —Mr. W. J. Carew. India. —Professor L. F. Rushbrook Williams, C.B.E.
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Other Ministers took part in the proceedings at one or more meetings. These were — Great Britain. The Right Hon. Lord Robert Cecil, K.C., M.P., Lord Privy Seal. The Right Hon. Neville Chamberlain, M.P., Chancellor of the Exchequer. The Right Hon. W. C. Bridgeman, M.P., Secretary of State for Home Affairs. The Right Hon. the Earl of Derby, K.G., G.C.8., G.C.V.0., Secretary of State for War. The Right Hon. Sir Samuel Hoare, Bart., C.M.G., M.P., Secretary of State for Air. The Right Hon. L. S. Amery, M.P., First Lord of the Admiralty. The Right Hon. Sir Philip Lloyd-Greame, K.8.E., M.C., M.P., President of the Board of Trade. The Hon. W. G. Ormsby-Gore, M.P., Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Colonial Office. Irish Free State. Mr. W. T. Cosgrave, T.D., President of the Executive Council. Mr. Kevin O'Higgins, T.D., Vice-President of the Executive Council. General R. Mulcahy, Minister of Defence. Mr. J. C. C. Davidson, C.H., C.8., M.P., Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, and Minister in Charge of Publicity, and Sir J. Masterton Smith, X.C.8., Permanent Under-Secretary of State, Colonial Office, were present at nearly all the sessions of the Conference. The following also attended for the discussion of subjects which particularly concerned their respective Departments : — Great Britain. Admiral of the Fleet Earl Beatty, G.C.8., 0.M., G.C.V.0., D.5.0., First Sea Lord and Chief of Naval Staff, Admiralty. General the Earl of Cavan, K.P., G.C.M.G., G.C.V.0., X.C.8., Chief of the Imperial General Staff, War Office. Air Chief Marshal Sir Hugh M. Trenchard, Bart., X.C.8., D.5.0., Chief of the Air Staff, Air Ministry. The Right Hon. Sir John Anderson, G.C.8., Permanent Under-Secretary of State, Home Office. Mr. R. G. Vansittart, C.M.G., M.V.0., Private Secretary to the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. Mr. A. W. A. Leeper, C.8.E., Assistant Private Secretary to the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. Mr. T. Jones, Principal Assistant Secretary, Cabinet Office. Lieutenant-Colonel C. W. G. Walker, D.5.0., Assistant Secretary, Committee of Imperial Defence. Commander H. R. Moore, D.5.0., R.N., Assistant Secretary, Committee of Imperial Defence. Major L. A. Clemens, 0.8. E., M.C., Assistant Secretary, Committee of Imperial Defence. Major-General Sir Fabian Ware, X.C.V.0., K.8.E., C.8., C.M.G, Vice-Chairman of the Imperial War Graves Commission. Major C. K. Phillips, 0.8. E., Land and Legal Adviser, Imperial War Graves Commission. Canada. Major-General J. H. Macßrien, C.8., C.M.G., D.5.0., Chief of General Staff, Canada. Commodore Walter Hose, C.8.E., R.C.N., Director of Naval Service, Canada. Commonwealth of Australia. Vice-Admiral Sir Allan F. Everett, K.C.M.G., X.C.V.0., C.8., First Naval Member of the Royal Australian Naval Board. Rear-Admiral P. H. Hall-Thompson, C.M.G., First Naval Member Designate of the Royal Australian Naval Board. Brigadier-General T. A. Blaney, C.8., C.M.G., D.5.0., Australian Representative on the Imperial General Staff, War Office.
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New Zealand. Commodore A. G. Hotham, C.M.G., R.N., Naval Adviser to the New Zealand Delegation. Irish Free State. General Scan MacMahon, Chief of Staff, Irish Free State. Major-General J. J. O'Connell, Assistant Chief of Staff, Irish Free State. Mr. 0. Esmonde (acting for Mr. McGilligan). India. Lieutenant-General Sir Alexander Cobbe, V.C., X.C.8., X.C.5.1., D.5.0., Secretary, Military Department, India Office. Lieutenant-Colonel Sir Wolseley Haig, K.C.1.E., C.5.1., C.M.G., C.8.E., Political Secretary to His Highness the Maharajah of Alwar. In addition to the meetings of the full Conference, there were eleven meetings of committees, and. technical discussions on defence questions at the Admiralty and Air Ministry. 11. OPENING STATEMENTS. In opening the proceedings on Ist October Mr. Stanley Baldwin, as Chairman, extended a welcome to the representatives of the Dominions and India, and referred especially to the enlargement which had taken place in the circle of the Imperial Conference by the constitution in 1922 of the Irish Free State. Mr. Baldwin then made a general statement on the Imperial and international situation, in which he reviewed the chief events which had taken place since the Conference of 1921, and outlined briefly the agenda of the Conference and the main problems which would come before it. Speeches were made in reply by the Prime Ministers of Canada, New Zealand, the Union of South Africa, and Newfoundland, by the President of the Executive Council of the Irish Free State, and by the Maharajah of Alwar for India. The cordial greeting extended by Mr. Baldwin to the representatives of the Irish Free State was warmly endorsed by other speakers, and Mr. Cosgrave expressed his deep appreciation of the welcome which he and his colleagues had received. These opening speeches were published in full immediately afterwards.* The Prime Minister of the Commonwealth of Australia was not present at the opening meeting : he was unable to reach London until sth October. 111. MESSAGE TO THEIR MAJESTIES THE KING AND QUEEN. The first official act of the Conference, in accordance with the practice on previous occasions, was to send a message of greeting to Their Majesties the King and Queen. The words of this message were, — " The Prime Ministers and other representatives of the British Empire assembled in Conference, at their first meeting and as their first official act, desire to express their respectful greetings and fidelity to the King, and fervently hope that His Majesty and Her Majesty the Queen may be long spared to strengthen those ties of love and devotion which unite the peoples of the British Commonwealth." His Majesty's gracious reply was read aloud by the Prime Minister of Great Britain at the meeting on sth October, and was in the following terms :— " I sincerely thank the Prime Ministers and other representatives of the British Empire for the generous terms of the message which they have addressed to the Queen and myself on the occasion of the opening of the Imperial Conference. I sincerely trust that their deliberations will lead to a solution of those many and grave problems the settlement of which is so essential to the future welfare and prosperity of the Commonwealth of the British Nations.—George R. 1."
* See Appendix I.
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IV. MESSAGE TO JAPAN. It was also resolved at the first meeting of the Conference to send the following message of sympathy to Japan : — " The Prime Ministers and representatives of Great Britain, the British Dominions, and India assembled at the Imperial Conference desire at their opening session to send to their old and faithful ally, Japan, an expression of their profound sympathy in the terrible calamity by which she has been assailed ; their admiration of the patriotic energy and unconquerable spirit with which the Japanese nation have met the blow ; and their confident expectation that Japan will rapidly recover from a shock that might have overwhelmed any less courageous people, and will pursue, undismayed, the great part that she is destined to fill in the social and economic progress of the world." In reply to this message a note was received from the Japanese Ambassador in London. This note, which was read aloud by the Prime Minister of Great Britain at the meeting on 11th October, was as follows :— " Under instructions from the Japanese Premier, I have the honour to request Your Lordship to convey to the Right Honourable Stanley Baldwin, Prime Minister, and his eminent colleagues on the Imperial Conference, the Japanese Premier's sincere thanks for the touching message of sympathy in the calamity which has befallen Japan. Count Yamamoto desires to assure Mr. Baldwin that the manifestation of cordial sentiment, coming as it did so promptly from the representative statesmen of the British Empire, the old and never-failing ally of Japan, has deeply moved the Japanese nation in their great distress, and will give them encouragement and reassurance in taking up the tremendous task of reconstruction. —I have, &c, Hayashi." V. DEATH OF MR. BONAR LAW. The Right Hon,. A. Bonar Law, Prime Minister of Great Britain from 24th October, 1922, to 21st May, 192,',, died on 31st October. One of his first acts on .assuming office had been to have a message of invitation sent to the Dominions and India,, which resulted in the calling of the Imperial Conference and of the Imperial Economic Conference this year. The following resolution was passed by the Conference at its meeting on the afternoon, of 31st October :— The members of the Imperial Conference have learnt with the most profound regret of the death of the Right Hon. Andrew Bonar Law, at whose invitation, issued on his assuming office last year, the present Conference is now meeting. They desire to express to the members of the late Prime Minister's family their deep sympathy in the irreparable loss which they and the Empire have sustained by his death." VI. PUBLICITY. The Conference gave special attention to the question of publicity for its proceedings. There was general agreement that at meetings ol this nature, where questions of high policy and of the greatest consequence to all parts of the British. Commonwealth are surveyed and dealt with, it was of the first importance that the representatives present should feel able to speak among themselves with the utmost freedom and in a spirit of complete confidence. Hence it was considered essential that nothing should be published without the approval of the Conference as a whole and under its directions. At the same time it was felt that the proceedings of the Conference would cause wide interest among the peoples of the countries represented, and consequently that, as opportunity offered, information regarding its deliberations should be made public. It was decided, to place the general arrangements as to publicity in charge of a, British Minister, and, at the unanimous wish of the Conference, the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, Mr. J. C. C. Davidson, C.H., C.8., M.P., was asked to be present at the meetings and to undertake the necessary work. This procedure, though of an experimental character, turned out to be of much value, and at the conclusion of the meetings the Conference expressed to Mr. Davidson its great indebtedness for his valuable help.
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A discussion also took place, at the instance of the Prime Minister of Canada, as to the desire of the Parliaments of the various parts of the Empire to be afforded the fullest information possible on all matters concerning which negotiations were going on, or discussions taking place, between, the various Governments. It was felt that as many as possible of the communications passing ought to be made available for the use of the Parliaments, and a general understanding was reached as to the principles which should govern, the publication ol correspondence between the Governments. VII. COLONIES, PROTECTORATES, AND MANDATED TERRITORIES. The Secretary of State for the Colonies gave to the Conference, on 3rd. October, a comprehensive review, subsequently published,* of the situation in the colonies, protectorates, and mandated territories. A general discussion followed on various aspects of policy in regard to the development of the colonial Empire and the mandated territories, and great stress was laid by the representatives of the Dominions and India on, the economic importance of these parts of the world, and, in particular, on the value to the Empire as a whole of the great tropical territories in. East and West Africa and in eastern Asia. One question, touched on was the recent arrangement concluded with the Belgian. Government for the rectification, of the Ruanda boundary, and it was made clear that this rectification, still left available a strip of the British mandated territory of Tanganyika west of Lake Victoria, which could be utilized for the construction of a line north and south. The Prime Minister of Newfoundland expressed his interest.in the researches about to be undertaken, in the Antarctic by the late Captain Scott's ship " Discovery." It had already been arranged that any information obtained from these researches should be made available to the Government of the Union of South Africa, and the Duke of Devonshire undertook that the information should be supplied, also to the Newfoundland Government. It should be added that the further developments in. the Middle East, and particularly in Palestine, which occurred during the sittings of the Conference, were placed before it. The Conference took note of these developments. VIII. FOREIGN RELATIONS. The discussions on. foreign, relations were commenced on sth October, by the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, who gave to the Conference a review of the general, situation in every part of the world, and the most frank exposition, first, of the main problems which have confronted the Empire during the last two years, and, secondly, of those which seem most likely to arise in the near future. The greater part of what Lord Curzon said was necessarily of a confidential character, since it was his object to supplement the written and telegraphic communications of the past two years by giving orally to the representatives of the Dominions and India the inner history of the period, but it was thought advisable that extracts from those parts of his speech which related to subjects of immediate interest and importance--viz., the situation in. connection with the reparations problem and the Turkish Treaty—should be published forthwith.j This was a departure from the practice at previous Imperial Conferences, when statements made by the Foreign Secretary have been regarded as confidential throughout. Lord Curzon's review was followed by a general discussion on foreign relations, in which Lord Robert Cecil, as British representative on the Council of the League of Nations, all the Dominion Prime Ministers present, the Vice-President of the Executive Council, of the Irish Free State, and the three members of the Indian delegation took part.:j;
* See Appendix 11. t Sco Appendix 111. J For speeches on the work of the League of Nations, see Appendix IV.
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Frequent and detailed examination was given, not only to the main features of the international situation, but to the different aspects of that situation as they developed from day to day. Nor did the Imperial Conference terminate its sittings until each subject had been carefully explored and a common understanding reached upon the main heads of foreign policy. Jt was while the Conference was sitting that the President of the United States renewed the offer of the United States Government to take part in an international conference or inquiry to investigate the European reparations problem, and to report upon the capacity of Germany to make the payments to which she is pledged. The Conference cordially welcomed, and decided to take immediate advantage of, this overture ; and communications were at once entered into with, the Allied Powers to obtain their co-operation. The Conference, after careful consideration of the policy which has been pursued, was of the opinion, that the European situation could only be lilted on to the plane of a possible settlement by the co-operation of the United States of America, and that, if the scheme of common inquiry to be followed by common action were to break down, the results would be inimical both to the peace and to the economic recovery of the world. It felt that in such an event it would be desirable for the British Government to consider very carefully the alternative of summoning a Conference itself in order to examine the financial and the economic problem in its widest aspect. The Conference regarded any policy which would result in breaking up the unity of the German State as inconsistent with the treaty obligations entered into both by Germany and the Powers, and as incompatible with the future discharge by Germany of her necessary obligations. The strongest representations on this subject were accordingly made to the Allied Governments. The Conference considered, the situation in the Near and Middle East, and recorded its satisfaction at the conclusion of peace between the Allies and Turkey. An end had thus been brought to a period of acute political tension, of military anxiety, and financial strain in the eastern parts of Europe ; and more particularly had great relief been given to the sentiments of the Moslem subjects of the British Throne in all parts of the world. Another of the subjects that engaged the attention of the Conference was that of Egypt. The Conference was glad to recognize the great advance that has been made during the last two years towards a pacific settlement of this complex problem, which will safeguard important communications between several parts of the Empire. The Conference, so much of whose time had been occupied two years ago with the question of the renewal or termination of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance and with the future regulation of the Pacific, noted with satisfaction the results of the Washington Conference, which had added immensely to the security of the world without disturbing the intimate relations that have for so long existed between the Empire and its former Ally. It recognized with satisfaction the progressive fulfilment of the obligations incurred under the Washington Treaties ; it registered the confident belief that the future relations between the Governments and peoples of the British Empire and Japan will be not less sincere and cordial than when the British and Japanese Governments were bound by written conventions ; and it recorded its profound sympathy with the Japanese Government and people in the terrible catastrophe which has recently befallen them. During the session of the Conference the question of the regulation of the liquor traffic off the American coasts, and of the measures to be taken to avoid a serious conflict either of public opinion or of official action, was seriously debated. The Conference arrived at the conclusion that, while affirming and safeguarding as a cardinal feature of British policy the principle of the three-mile limit, it was yet both desirable and practicable to meet the American request for an extension of the right of search beyond this limit for the above purpose, and negotiations were at once opened with the United States Government for the conclusion of an experimental agreement with this object in view. Finally, the Conference, after listening to a detailed exposition of the work of the League of Nations during the past two years, and more particularly of the recent
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sitting of the Council and the Assembly at Geneva, placed on record its emphatic approval of the action that had been taken by, and the support that had been given to, the representatives of the British Empire on. the latter occasion. There was full accord that the League should be given the unabated, support of all the British members of the League as a valuable instrument of international peace, and as the sole available organ for the harmonious regulation of many international affairs. This Conference is a Conference of representatives of the several Governments of the Empire ; its views and conclusions on foreign policy, as recorded above, are necessarily subject to the action of the Governments and Parliaments of the various portions of the Empire, and it trusts that the results of its deliberations will meet with their approval. IX. NEGOTIATION, SIGNATURE, AND RATIFICATION OF TREATIES. The principles governing the relations of the various parts of the Empire in connection with the negotiation, signature, and ratification of treaties seemed to the Conference to be of the greatest importance. Accordingly it was arranged that the subject should be fully examined by a committee, of which the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs was Chairman. The Secretary of State for the Colonies, the Prime Ministers of Canada, the Commonwealth of Australia, New Zealand, the Union of South Africa, and Newfoundland, the Minister of External Affairs of the Irish Free State, and the Secretary of State for India as head of the Indian Delegation, served on this committee. With the assistance of the Legal Adviser to the Foreign' Office, Sir C. J. B. Hurst, X.C.8., K.C., the following resolution was drawn up and agreed to : — " The Conference recommends for the acceptance of the Governments of the Empire represented that the following procedure should be observed in the negotiation, signature, and ratification of international agreements. " The word ' treaty ' is used in the sense of an agreement which, in accordance with the normal practice of diplomacy, would take the form of a treaty between heads of States, signed by plenipotentiaries provided with full powers issued by the heads of the States, and authorizing the holders to conclude a treaty. "I. "1. Negotiation. — (a.) It is desirable that no treaty should be negotiated by any of the Governments of the Empire without due consideration of its possible effect on other parts of the Empire, or, if circumstances so demand, on the Empire as a whole. " (h.) Before negotiations are opened with the intention of concluding a treaty, steps should be taken to ensure that any of the other Governments of the Empire likely to be interested are informed, so that if any such Government considers that its interests would be affected it may have an opportunity of expressing its views, or, when its interests are intimately involved, of participating in the negotiations. " (c.) In all cases where more than one of the Governments of the Empire participates in the negotiations there should be the fullest possible exchange of views, between those Governments before and during the negotiations. In the case of treaties negotiated at international conferences, where there is a British Empire delegation, on which, in accordance with the now established practice, the Dominions and India are separately represented, such representation should also be utilized to attain this object. " (d.) Steps should, he taken to ensure that those Governments of .the Empire whose representatives are not participating in the negotiations should, during their progress, be kept informed in regard to any points arising in which they may be interested. " 2. Signature. — (a.) Bilateral treaties imposing obligations on one part of the Empire only should be signed, by a representative of the Government of that part. The full power issued to such representative should indicate the part of the Empire in respect of which the obligations are to be undertaken, and the preamble and text of the treaty should be so worded as to make its scope clear.
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" (b.) Where a bilateral treaty imposes obligations on more than one part of the Empire the treaty should be signed by one or more plenipotentiaries on behalf of all the Governments concerned. " (c.) As regards treaties negotiated at international conferences, the existing practice of signature by plenipotentiaries on behalf of all the Governments of the Empire represented at the conference should be continued, and the full powers should be in the form employed at Paris and Washington. " 3. Ratification. —The existing practice in connection with the ratification of treaties should be maintained. "IT. " Apart from treaties made between heads of States, it is not unusual for agreements to be made between Governments. Such agreements, which are usually of a technical or administrative character, are made in the names of the signatory Governments, and signed by representatives of those Governments, who do not act under full powers issued by the heads of the States : they are not ratified by the heads of the States, though in some cases some form of acceptance or confirmation by the Governments concerned is employed. As regards agreements of this nature the existing practice should be continued, but before entering on negotiations the Governments of the Empire should consider whether the interests of any other part of the Empire may be affected, and, if so, steps should be taken to ensure that the Government of such part is informed of the proposed negotiations, in order that it may have an opportunity of expressing its views." The resolution was submitted to the full Conference and unanimously approved. It was thought, however, that it would be of assistance to add a short explanatory statement in connection with Part I (3), setting out the existing procedure in relation to the ratification of treaties. This procedure is as follows : — (a.) The ratification of treaties imposing obligations on one part of the Empire is effected at the instance of the Government of that part. (b.) The ratification of treaties imposing obligations on more than one part of the Empire is effected after consultation between the Governments of those parts of the Empire concerned. It is for each Government to decide whether parliamentary approval or legislation is required before desire for, or concurrence in, ratification is intimated by that Government. X.- THE UNITED STATES AND "C " MANDATES. Certain general questions concerning the territories in South-west Africa and the southern Pacific administered under " C " mandates had been raised by the Government of the United States of America, and the opportunity of the Conference was taken to examine these questions. XL CONDOMINIUM IN THE NEW HEBRIDES. The developments in the New Hebrides since the Conference of 1921 were examined, and the present situation and possibilities of action further discussed by representatives of the British Government in consultation with the Prime Ministers of the Commonwealth of Australia and New Zealand. XII. DEFENCE. The Conference gave special consideration to the question of defence, and the manner in which co-operation and mutual assistance could best be effected after taking into account the political and geographical conditions of the various parts of the Empire. The Lord President of the Council, as Chairman of the Committee of Imperial Defence, opened this part of the work of the Conference by a statement outlining the main problems of defence as they exist to-day. He was followed by the First
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Lord of the Admiralty, the Secretary of State for War, and the Secretary of State for Air, each of whom explained to the Conference the aspects of defence which concerned his special responsibilities. In addition to these statements there was a full and frank interchange of views in, which the standpoints of the various representatives and the circumstances of their countries were made clear. There were also discussions at the Admiralty and Air Ministry at which naval and air defence were dealt with in greater detail. The points involved were explained by the Chiefs of the Naval and Air Staffs respectively, and were further examined. In connection with naval defence one matter of immediate interest came before the Conference- namely, the projected Empire cruise of a squadron of modern warships. The First Lord of the Admiralty explained that the project was that two capital ships, the " Hood " and the " Repulse," together with a small squadron of modern light cruisers, should visit South Africa, Singapore, Australia, and New Zealand, and return by way of British Columbia, the Panama Canal, and eastern Canada. The light cruisers would accompany the battle-cruisers as far as British Columbia, but would return to England by way of the west coast of South America and Cape Horn. The Dominion Prime Ministers expressed their appreciation of this proposal, and assured the Conference that the ships would be most heartily welcomed in their countries. After the whole field of defence had been surveyed, the Conference decided that it would be advisable to record in the following resolutions its conclusions on the chief matters which had been discussed : (1.) The Conference affirms that it is necessary to provide for the adequate defence of the territories and trade of the several countries comprising the British Empire. (2.) In this connection the Conference expressly recognizes that it is for the Parliaments of the several parts of the Empire, upon the recommendations of their respective Governments, to decide the nature and extent of any action which should be taken by them. (3.) Subject to this provision, the Conference suggests the following as guiding principles : — (a.) The primary responsibility of each portion of the Empire represented at the Conference for its own local defence. (/;.) Adequate provision for safeguarding the maritime communications of the several parts of the Empire and the routes and waterways along and through which their armed forces and trade pass. (c.) The provision of naval bases and facilities for repair and fuel so as to ensure the mobility of the fleets. (d.) The desirability of the maintenance of a minimum standard of naval strength—namely, equality with the naval strength of any foreign Power, in accordance with the provisions of the Washington Treaty on Limitation of Armament as approved by Great Britain, all the self-governing Dominions, and India, (c.) The desirability of the development of the Aix Forces in the several countries of the Empire upon such lines as will make it possible, by means of the adoption, a,s far as practicable, of a common system of organization and training, and the use of uniform manuals, patterns of arms, equipment, and stores (with the exception of the type of aircraft), for each part of the Empire as it may determine to co-operate- with other parts with the least possible delay and the greatest efficiency. (4.) In the application of these principles to the several parts of the Empire concerned the Conference takes note of (a.) The deep interest of the Commonwealth of Australia, the Dominion of New Zealand, and India in the provision of a naval base at Singapore, as essential for ensuring the mobility necessary to provide for the security of the territories and trade of the Empire in eastern waters.
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(b.) The necessity for the maintenance of safe passage along the great route to the East through the Mediterranean and the Red Seas. (<?.) The necessity for the maintenance by Great Britain of a home-defence Air Force of sufficient strength to give adequate protection against air attack by the strongest Air Force within striking distance of her shores. (5.) The Conference, while deeply concerned for the paramount importance of providing for the safety and integrity of all parts of the Empire, earnestly desires, so far as is consistent with this consideration, the further limitation of armaments, and trusts that no opportunity may be lost to promote this object. XIII. STATUS OF HIGH COMMISSIONERS. Certain questions were discussed relating to the status of the High Commissioners in Great Britain, particularly in connection with precedence and with exemption, from taxation, Customs duties, &c. The representatives of the British Government undertook to examine the points raised, while explaining that any alteration of the existing rules of precedence would require the approval of His Majesty the King. XIV. POSITION OF INDIANS IN OTHER PARTS OF THE EMPIRE. The position of Indians in other parts of the Empire was reviewed by the Conference in the light of the developments which have taken place since the resolution which formed part of the proceedings at the 1921 Conference. The subject was opened by a general statement from the Secretary of State for India, as head of the Indian delegation. He explained that the intensity of feeling aroused in India by this question was due to the opinion widely held there (which, however, he did not himself share) that the disabilities of Indians were based on distinction of colour and were badges of racial inferiority. This statement was followed by a full presentation of the case on behalf of India by Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru and His Highness the Maharajah of Alwar. It was found possible to publish these speeches, and those made in the course of the discussions by the Prime Minister of Great Britain, the Secretary of State for the Colonies, the Dominion Prime Ministers, and the Minister of External Affairs of the Irish Free State, shortly after the speeches had been delivered.* In this respect the procedure differed from that at the Conference of 1921, when only the resolution adopted was made public. It is unnecessary in the present report to do more than refer to the main proposal made on behalf of the Indian delegation and the views expressed and conclusions reached with regard to it. The Indian proposal was to the effect that the Dominion Governments concerned, and the British Government for the colonies and protectorates, should agree to the appointment of committees to confer with a committee appointed by the Indian Government as to the best and quickest means of giving effect to the resolution of the 1921 Conference. In the case of the Union of South Africa, which was not a party to the 1921 resolution, Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru expressed the hope that the Union Government would agree to the Government of India sending an agent to South Africa who would protect Indian nationals there, who would serve as an intermediary between them and the Union Government, and who would place the Indian Government in full possession of the facts regarding Indian nationals in South Africa. The Conference expressed its high appreciation of the able and moderate manner in which Lord Peel and his colleagues had presented the Indian case. The opinions expressed and the conclusions reached with regard to the above suggestions were, in brief, as follows :--- The Prime Minister of Canada observed that, so far as he knew, Indians now domiciled in Canada did not suffer any legal or political disability in eight out of the nine provinces of Canada ; as regards the ninth province British Columbia —
* See Appendix V.
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he was not aware of any legal disability, and even the political disability that existed, in the matter of the exercise of the franchise does not apply to all Indians, because the federal law relating to the franchise lays it down that any Indian who served with His Majesty's military, naval, or air forces is entitled to the franchise. He explained the present difficulties in conceding the franchise to Indians generally in British Columbia, which are due not to distinction of colour but to economic and complex political considerations, and he reiterated what he had already said to Mr. Sastri on the occasion of the latter's visit to Canada in 1922- namely, that the question whether natives of India resident in Canada should be granted a Dominion, parliamentary franchise on terms and conditions identical with, those which govern the exercise of that right by Canadian citizens generally was necessarily one which Parliament alone could determine, and that the matter would be submitted to Parliament for consideration when the franchise law comes up for revision. Mr. Mackenzie King added that he was somewhat doubtful whether the visit of a committee appointed by the Government of India would make it easier to deal with this problem in Canada, but that, should it be desired to send a committee, the Canadian Government would readily appoint a committee to confer with the committee from India. The Prime Minister of the Commonwealth of Australia explained the principles underlying the present attitude of Australia on this question. He stated that the representatives of every shade of political thought in Australia had shown sympathy with the claim that lawfully domiciled Indians should enjoy full citizen rights, and that he believed that public opinion was ready to welcome, so far as concerned the position of such Indians, any measure conceived in the interests of the Empire as a whole. The Commonwealth had the right to control the admission to its territories of new citizens, and its immigration policy was founded on economic considerations. He felt that, in view of the position which existed in Australia, there was no necessity for a committee, but assured the Indian representatives that he would consult his colleagues on his return to Australia as to what action should be taken in connection with the resolution of the 1921 Conference. The Prime Minister of New Zealand said that the New Zealand Government would welcome the visit.of a committee from India such as had been suggested, should this be desired ; New Zealand practically gave the natives of India now resident in the Dominion the same privileges as were enjoyed by people of the Anglo-Saxon race who were settled there. The Prime Minister of the Union of South Africa intimated that, so far as South Africa was concerned, it was not a question of colour, but that a different principle was involved. He stated that the attitude of thinking men in South Africa was not that the Indian was inferior because of his colour or on any other ground —he might be their superior—but the question had to be considered from the point of view of economic competition. In other words, the white community in South Africa felt that the whole question of the continuance of western civilization. in South Africa was involved. General Smuts could hold out no hope of any further extension of the political rights of Indians in South Africa, and, so far as the Union was concerned, he could not accept Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru's proposal. The Secretary of State for the Colonies, on behalf of the British. Government, cordially accepted the proposal of Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru that there should be full consultation and discussion between the Secretary of State for the Colonies and a committee appointed by the Government of India upon all questions affecting British Indians domiciled in British colonies, protectorates, and mandated territories. At the same time the Duke of Devonshire was careful to explain that, before decisions were taken as a result of discussions with the committee, consultations with the local colonial Governments concerned, and in some cases local inquiry, would be necessary. Further, while welcoming the proposal, the Duke reminded the Conference that the British Government had recently come to certain decisions as to Kenya, which represented in their considered view the very best that could be done in all the circumstances. While he saw no prospect of these decisions being modified, he would give careful attention to such representations as the committee appointed by the Government of India might desire to make to him.
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Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru, while taking note of the above statement of the Duke of Devonshire, desired to make plain that the recent Kenya decision could not be accepted as final by the people of India. The Secretary of State for India, summarizing, as head of the Indian delegation, the results attained, pointed out that the discussion had demonstrated that it was a mistake to suppose that Indians throughout the Empire were given an inferior status, or that such disabilities as might be felt to exist were based on race or colour. XV. CONTRIBUTION OF INDIA TO THE EXPENSES OK THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS. The question of the contribution of India to the expenses of the League of Nations was raised by the representatives of India at the Conference, and was referred to a committee under the chairmanship of the Secretary of State for the Colonies. It was there explained by Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru that India was assessed far higher than any other part of the Empire, except Great Britain. In 1922 Lord Balfour had stated publicly at a meeting of the Assembly that the various parts of the F-mpire represented on the League would settle among themselves the exact amount which each would find. India desired to ascertain whether, in view of this statement, some relief could be afforded by the other parts of the Empire. The members of the committee representing Great Britain and the Dominions, while expressing sympathy with the difficulties of India, explained that their Governments were not able to agree to any variation from the standard of contributions already laid down by the Assembly for 1923 and 1924. In the circumstances, it was, of course, impossible for the committee as a whole to make any recommendation. Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru intimated that India must necessarily reserve the right to raise the question of its contribution at the League Assembly of 1924, and the Secretary of State for India, as head of the Indian delegation, affirmed this attitude when the matter came up before the Conference. The Conference took note of the position. XVI. NATIONALITY QUESTIONS. Certain questions connected with the law of British nationality were brought before the Conference at the instance of the Commonwealth Government, and were referred to a committee under the chairmanship of the Secretary of State for Home Affairs.* These questions were shortly as follows : — (1.) The Grant of Naturalization to Persons resident in Mandated Territories. Apart from certain special cases, there is under the existing law no power to grant an Imperial certificate of naturalization to a person who is not qualified by residence in His Majesty's dominions. The Commonwealth Government proposed an amendment of the law so as to provide for the grant of certificates on the basis of residence in " B " or " C " mandated territories—-i.e., the territories administered under mandates in Africa and the southern Pacific. To this proposal (which accorded with certain recent decisions of the Council of the League of Nations) the British Government added the suggestion that similar provision should be made, generally speaking, in the case of persons resident in British protectorates.! The Committee decided to recommend that the power of granting certificates of Imperial naturalization be extended so as to cover persons resident in " B " and " C " mandated territories and also in protectorates. (2.) The Appointment of Committees of Inquiry in connection with the Revocation of Certificates. A self-governing Dominion which has adopted. Part II of the British Nationality and Status of Aliens Act, 1914, as amended, has power in accordance with, the provisions of section 7of that Act to revoke certificates of naturalization. Provision
* For the memorandum prepared by the Commonwealth Government, see Appendix VI, Part I. f For a joint memorandum on this subject by the Hpme OOiee and the Colonial Office, see Appondix VI, Part IL
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is made in'the Act for investigation of the circumstances, in given instances, by a committee of inquiry, presided over by a person who holds or has held high judicial office. The Commonwealth statute adopting Part II of the Imperial Act laid down a definition of high judicial office which it is now anticipated may cause difficulty in some cases, as persons of the prescribed standing may not be available. The Commonwealth Government accordingly contemplated the adoption of a somewhat wider definition. The committee came to the following conclusion : — ' Having heard the reasons for which the Commonwealth Government is disposed to provide that the presidency over such committees of inquiry may, where convenient, be taken by persons holding judicial office of lower standing than that prescribed at present by the Commonwealth statute, the committee see no objection to a question of machinery of this nature being settled according to local circumstances and needs, if after examination of the experience of the committee of inquiry, and of the practice which has grown up in the United Kingdom, the Commonwealth Government desires to make an alteration." (3.) The Nationality of Married, Women. The Commonwealth Government proposed an amendment of the Imperial nationality law as to the nationality of British-born women married to aliens. Under the present law the national status of the wife follows that of her husband ; a British woman becomes an alien on her marriage to an alien, and there is no power to naturalize her during the continuance of the marriage. The Commonwealth Government have found that the wife's loss of British nationality tends to give rise to hardship in cases where the wife is separated from, or has been deserted by, her husband, and. they accordingly suggested an alteration of the law to cover such cases. This proposal raises wider questions of principle and policy in regard to the national status of married women, which have attracted, considerable attention in recent years both within the British Empire and in certain foreign countries.* A number of arguments for and against maintaining the existing rule that " the wife of a British subject shall be deemed, to be a British subject, and the wife of an alien shall be deemed to be an alien," will be found in the two draft reportsf prepared by members of a Select Committee of both Houses of the British Parliament who examined this question earlier in the year in connection with proposals which had been made for a fundamental alteration in the law. The discussion of this question by the committee of the Conference did not disclose any opinion in favour of altering the existing law as to the nationality of husband and wife ; and the following resolution was passed :— " The committee are of opinion that the principle of the existing law that the nationality of a married woman depends on that of her husband should be maintained. They nevertheless recommend that power should be taken to readmit a woman to British nationality in cases where the married state, though subsisting in law, has to all practical purposes come to an end." The conclusions of the committee were reported to the Conference, and received approval. XVII. VALIDITY OF MARRIAGES BETWEEN BRITISH SUBJECTS AND FOREIGNERS. Another matter suggested by the Commonwealth Government for consideration, by the Conference concerned the law relating to the validity of marriages between British subjects and foreigners. The main difficulty appears to be that such a marriage, although validly contracted, in British law, may nevertheless in certain circumstances be invalid in the law of the foreign country concerned.J The committee, under the chairmanship of the Home Secretary, to whom this question was referred, came to the conclusion that, having examined the
* The subject in its various aspects is dealt with briefly in a memorandum prepared by the Home Office, for which see Appendix VI, Part 111. "|" Published in House of Commons paper 115 of 1928, { For the correspond, ence, see Appendix VI, Part IV.
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action which is being taken by the Foreign Office and the Home Office to carry into effect the Marriage with Foreigners Act, 1906, they had no recommendation to make. The committee's resolution to this effect was laid before the Conference and accepted. XVIII. PROPOSED EXTENSION OF THE POWERS OF THE IMPERIAL WAR GRAVES COMMISSION, During the course of the Conference a proposal was received from the Imperial War Graves Commission that the powers conferred upon the Commission by the charter of 10th May, 1917, and the supplementary charter of 10th August, 1921, should be extended so as to enable the Commission to comply with a request, based on public expediency and economy, that they should undertake the public duty of the future maintenance of such cemeteries and graves as the old military cemetery at Tel el Kebir, the Crimean cemetery at Scutari, which is in the same plot of ground as the Commission's war cemetery, and the older cemeteries in Turkey which could more conveniently be maintained in conjunction with the graves of those who fell in the Great War. This proposal was submitted to the representatives of the Governments concerned, all of whom have indicated their acceptance of the proposed amendment of the charters by the addition of a clause to the following effect: — ' The Commission, if in their absolute discretion they deem it desirable, may, at the request of any Government of any part of our Empire responsible for or desirous of maintaining any place of burial or memorial, whether or not of or relating to such officers or men as may fall within the descriptions contained in our original charter of 10th May, 1917, or our supplementary charter of 10th August, 1921, or of or relating to any other officers, men, or civilians whatever, exercise with regard to such place of burial or memorial aforesaid, and the graves in such place of burial, all or any of their powers as in the said original and supplemental charters were applicable to the said burial-place or memorial and graves, provided that the cost of or incidental to any exercise of the additional powers given by this our charter be provided by the Government making the aforesaid request." Accordingly the necessary steps will be taken forthwith to incorporate a clause on the above lines in a further supplementary charter for submission to His Majesty the King. XIX. ADDRESS TO HIS MAJESTY THE KING, EMPEROR OF INDIA. The following address to His Majesty was moved by the Prime Minister of Great Britain at the concluding meeting of the Conference, and was unanimously adopted.* Mr. Baldwin, as Chairman of the Conference, was asked to submit the address to His Majesty. " To His Majesty the King, Emperor of India. " We, the Prime Ministers and representatives of the British Empire who have been assembled to take counsel together during the past six weeks, desire, before our meetings come to an end, to give expression once again to our affection and respect for Your Majesty and Her Majesty the Queen, and,to reaffirm our fidelity to the Crown. "We have had to face, in the course of the deliberations at both our Conferences, many and serious problems which confront the sister nations and the peoples of the British Commonwealth. We shall count ourselves fortunate if we have been able to contribute towards the solution of these problems even to a small degree. " Yet, as we look back on the years which have passed since the Great War, we are proud to feel that, amid the economic and political convulsions which have shaken the world, the British Empire stands firm, and that its widely scattered peoples remain one in their belief in its ideals and their faith in its destiny. " To the task of promoting that unity, of which the Crown is the emblem, Your Majesties have long devoted your strength and labours. We pray that the consciousness of the devotion of the peoples and the members of your Empire may encourage and uphold you in that task for many years to come."
* For the reply from His Majesty, see Appendix VI i.
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XX. CONCLUDING RESOLUTION. The Conference at its concluding meeting placed on record the following resolution:— " Before the meetings of the Imperial Conference terminate, the Prime Minister of Great Britain and his colleagues desire to express their great pleasure at having been able to welcome n London the Prime Ministers of the Dominions and the other representatives from overseas, and their appreciation of the readiness of other members of the Conference to travel so far in order to take part in its sittings. " On their part the Prime Ministers and representatives of the Dominions and India wish to place on record their thanks, first to the Prime Minister of Great Britain for his conduct of the business of the Conference, and, secondly, both to him and to the other members of the British Government for their constant attention to its work, in spite of the pressure of other duties. ; ' The members of the Conference are unanimous that the hours spent in consultation have been of the greatest value, and will do much to facilitate the work of achieving unity of thought and action on matters of common concern to all parts of the Empire."
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APPENDIX I. OPENING SPEECHES. Ist October, 1923. OPENING SPEECH BY THE PRIME MINISTER OF GREAT BRITAIN. Welcome to Oversea Representatives. Mr. Stanley Baldwin : I have great pleasure in extending to you all a very hearty welcome to Great Britain. General Smuts and Mr. Massey are no strangers to this historic Council Chamber. They took an important part in the deliberations of the last Conference, and indeed in those of all similar meetings held here since .1917. The same is true of Lord Curzon. The rest of us, with the exception of Mr. Burton, are, 1 believe, here for the first time at an. Imperial gathering of representatives of Great Britain, the Dominions, and India. I have at the outset to draw your attention to the enlargement which has taken place in the circle of the Imperial Conference by the constitution last year of the Irish Free State. lam sure you will wish that I should, on behalf of all His Majesty's Governments who have in the past been entitled to attend these meetings, extend to Mr. Cosgrave, as President of the Free State Executive, a.nd to his colleagues, a cordial welcome on joining our counsels. Wo welcome Mr. Mackenzie King, and we shall rely on him to continue the high traditions of his predecessors. Especially shall we be glad to benefit by his knowledge of industrial problems. Mr. Warren is almost as new to his high office as I am to mine, but he is no stranger to this country. Nor is Mr. de Wet, to whom also I extend a cordial greeting. Mr. Bruce is unable to be with us at the opening of our deliberations, but we shall welcome him a few days hence. It is a great pleasure to have with us distinguished representatives of the Indian Empire in the persons of His Highness the Maharajah of Alwar and Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru. His Highness is widely known as an enlightened ruler deeply interested in the educational and material progress of his State —a State which rendered valuable help in men and money during the war. Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru has long been a conspicuous figure in Indian public life, and we recognize in him a brilliant lawyer and wise statesman. German Reparation and Ruhr Occupation. In his review of the state of the world at the opening of the last Conference in the summer of 1021 the British Prime Minister struck, on the whole, a moderately hopeful note. At home he observed a sense of strain and exhaustion after the, prolonged struggle of the war ; there was labour unrest and unemployment, though no actual privation amongst our people. Abroad there was turmoil and tension, but some of the most troublesome and menacing problems of the peace had either been settled or were in a fair way of settlement. One of these was the disarmament of Germany, the other was reparation. The former was in process of being accomplished. The schedule of reparation liabilities drawn up in accordance with the Treaty of Versailles by the Reparation Commission had been forwarded to the German Government on. the sth May, 1921. When Mr. Lloyd George spoke six weeks later it had been accepted by Germany, so that, as he told his colleagues at this table, the two most troublesome problems were either settled or in a very fair way of being adjusted. Nowhere is prophecy more difficult than in politics, and especially in the field of foreign affairs. As is well known, it proved impossible to hold Germany to the fulfilment of her reparation obligations under the scheme evolved in May, 1921. The Allies at various times granted alleviations and postponements, but the German payments grew ever less, until at the end of last year we were faced with the possibility of total default. Definite proposals for a complete and final settlement were made in January last by Mr. Bonar Law. These proposals involved heavy sacrifice by the British taxpayer in the direction of writing off debts for which we hold the unconditional obligations of our Allies. Our proposals would involve the writing-off of the greater part of the Allied obligations, amounting to over twelve hundred millions sterling, and leaving the British taxpayer to face the resulting burden without himself receiving payment. We deeply regret that so generous an offer to effect a final settlement did. not receive more favourable consideration. This difficult problem of reparation was complicated by a difference of opinion amongst the Allies as to the measures to be taken to secure the payment of what was due to them. It need scarcely be emphasized that there was no difference of opinion whatever on the principle that Germany should be made to pay to the utmost limit of her ability. The French and Belgian Governments decided, to seize and exploit the Ruhr Valley, and they claimed that, Germany having been reported in voluntary default by the Reparation Commission, they were entitled to do this under the Treaty of Versailles. His Majesty's Government could not share this view, and were, moreover, convinced that such action could not but prejudice the prospects of the Allies ultimately securing the bulk of reparation. The French and Belgian Governments, however, with the acquiescence, though not very active support,
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of the Italian Government, proceeded to put their plan into execution. His Majesty's Government decided that, being convinced of the inexpediency of such action, they could take no part in the execution of the Franco-Belgian measures. The German Government, refusing to recognize the legality of the occupation, ordered, and organized passive resistance, which has been practised up till now, and has, in its turn, called forth ever stronger measures on the part of the occupying authorities. His Majesty's Government have had no easy task, while remaining in occupation of part of the Rhineland, in carrying out their policy of neither helping nor hindering the action of their Allies, but they dare to hope that they have succeeded in the main in maintaining an attitude of strict neutrality. The Notes which have been exchanged between us and the French Government since the January Conference have more and more revealed an honest divergence of opinion as to the best method of obtaining reparation and of advancing the cause of permanent peace in Europe. That divergence reflects differences of temperament and outlook between the two nations which it would be foolish to ignore, but the last twenty years have shown that they are not incompatible with whole-hearted co-operation in the face of grave danger. We have strained, every nerve to preserve the solidarity of the Allies and especially the entente with France. We have done this believing that any rupture between us might still further postpone the peace which Europe so sorely needs. I am aware that the patience we have shown in trying to preserve good relations with France has laid us open in many quarters to the charges of indecision and weakness. But at least it has borne witness not only to our wish to act, in the words of Disraeli, as " a moderating and mediatorial Power " in the Councils of Europe, but to our ardent desire to preserve our friendship with France. At this moment it seems that we are entering on a new phase with the collapse of German passive resistance, which appeared to be imminent when I met the French Prime Minister in Paris not many days ago. How the new situation will develop I shall not venture to predict, but one thing was clear to us in Paris, and becomes daily clearer : it is only by the closest co-operation and complete confidence of the Allies in each other that we can hope for a settlement of Europe's difficulties. A fuller and more detailed statement of the situation will be made to you by the Foreign Secretary when we come, later on in the week, to the discussion of foreign affairs. The Janina Murders and Occupation of Corfu. Within the last few weeks we have been faced by a sudden crisis in the relations between Greece and Italy, which threatened at one moment to assume serious proportions, but which, I am glad to say, has now been settled. Ido not desire to anticipate what will be said later upon this subject, but I wish in my present speech to call your particular attention to the very useful and, in my opinion, effective part played in this crisis by the League of Nations. lam aware that there are many people who, consider that the League has missed a very obvious opportunity of establishing its prestige in quarters where it has hitherto been either derided or ignored. The temptation to react dramatically and violently to the present crisis is one to which a less statesmanlike body than the League Council might pardonably have succumbed. I consider that the members of the Council deserve the greatest credit for having placed the permanent interests of peace above what might have seemed the immediate interests of the League itself. And in this moderation they have been amply justified : there is no single person possessing real knowledge of the recent crisis or any settled experience of similar crises in the past who does not realize to-day that, had the League not existed and acted as it did, a resort to arms would almost inevitably have taken place, and that, had the Council not shown the wise discretion for which in some quarters they have been assailed, the outcome of the crisis might have been very different. The League by its moderation and common-sense may temporarily have disappointed the expectations of its more ardent and impetuous supporters; but the exhibition of these qualities in very trying circumstances has strengthened its hold, upon the confidence of reasoning men in all countries. I think we have every reason to be satisfied with the part played by our delegations at Geneva in contributing to this happy result. Treaty of Lausanne. Peace with Turkey was signed at Lausanne on the 24th July last, after a conference lasting seven months, with a suspension of sittings from the 2nd February to the 20th April. Various reasons — the delays of the Paris Peace Conference, political changes in Greece, the difficulty of maintaining a united Allied policy, the development of a strong military and nationalist movement in Turkey — compelled us to negotiate a treaty with Turkey on a different basis and of a different nature from those concluded with our other enemies of 1914. The Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs will shortly explain to you in greater detail the genesis of the treaty and its main lines, but I think that after hearing his statement you will agree with me that, broadly speaking, this treaty not only safeguards the, essential interests of the British Empire, without damage to British prestige, but has done something to reconcile those different national and religious interests which have so often troubled this quarter of the world, and may have laid the foundation of a period of comparative tranquillity and economic reconstruction. Debt to United States of America. Thanks largely to a mutual determination to arrive at an agreement, arrangements have been concluded with the Government of the United States of America for the gradual repayment over a long period of the sums we borrowed from that Government to ensure the successful prosecution of the war. It must be remembered that on our debt we were liable, apart from any question of repayment, to pay 5 per cent. —amounting to over 200 million dollars—for interest alone. The funding arrangement has reduced, the burden for interest and repayment combined to 161 million dollars per annum.
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the burden, despite the various provisions intended to assist us in shouldering it, is very heavy*, it aniounts to 7d. ill the pound on income-tax ; it equals three-quarters of our total receipts from that tax before the war. The repayment Of this debt is going to call for all our energies, But we considered that funding the debt was the, (inly possible course consistent with the supreme standard of British cred t; arid that it was an essentia] preliminary to the restoration of the, normal economic life of the, world. The debts of great nations must be recognized if the, foundations of commercial progress are to stand. Imperial Defence. It will be remembered that when the, last Imperial Conference was held in 1921 the chief question with regard to Imperial defence! under consideration was the future of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance Und its bearing on the relations of the British Empire with the United States. Washington Conference. It was during these discussions, which extended over several days, that the invitation from the President of the United States for a conference on disarmament was received. The Conference on Limitation of Armaments assembled in Washington in November, 192 J. Ido not think I exaggerate if I say that the results achieved exceeded our most sanguine anticipations. If these were due in great part to the dramatic proposals with which the United States Government confronted the Conference at its opening meeting, by general admission they were also in no small degree attributable to the skill, tact, and diplomacy of Lord Balfour, ably assisted by the delegates from the Dominions and India. It may not be out of place to remind you that these results included —(1) The treaty for the limitation of naval armament; (2) the quadruple Pacific Treaty ; (3) the nine-Power treaty regarding China ; (4) the nine-Power treaty regarding the Chinese Customs tariff ; (5) the treaty for the protection of the lives of neutrals and non-combatants at sea in time of war, and to prevent the use in war of noxious gases and chemicals ; (6) many supplementary resolutions and declarations. I think we may justifiably claim that these results, which arc; not only a real benefit but also contain a promise in the future for the whole Empire, are in no small measure due, first, to the lastImperial Conference, which, was so largely concerned in initiating the Washington Conference, and, second, to the British Empire Delegation, which co-operated so successfully with the United States and other Governments in bringing it to fruition. The ratification of the quadruple Pacific Treaty has now been completed, and. thereupon the agreement concluded between Great Britain and Japan in 1911 automatically terminates. We have all been deeply moved by the news of the recent earthquake in the East, and I am sure you will wish me to express our profound sympathy with, our faithful Ally in the terrible calamity which has befallen her and our recognition of the brave spirit in which she has met it. Air Defence. The other chief questions of Imperial defence which have been dealt with in the interval since the last Conference will be reviewed later by the Lord President of the, Council. Problems of Empire defence will necessarily occupy a considerable share of our deliberations. It will be within your knowledge that we decided with great reluctance to add to our defensive Air Forces. When announcing this increase in our programme to Parliament, I said, and I should like to repeat here, that, in conformity with our obligation under the Covenant of the League of Nations, His Majesty's Government would gladly co-operate with other Governments in limiting the strength of air armaments on lines similar to the. Treaty of Washington in the case of the Navy, and any such arrangement, it is needless to say. would govern our policy of air expansion. Unemployment. The impoverishment of the world consequent on the ravages of the war has been immensely aggravated and prolonged by the unsettloinent of Europe which 1 have described. Contraction of trade in Europe is felt throughout the world, in India, in Canada, in Australia, in South Africa, on all of whom the European market reacts. All countries of the world are burdened by debt, by taxation, by budget difficulties, by exchange fluctuations. We here at home, as a great trading and exporting country, feel the result with especial severity. Since the summer of 1921 there has, on the whole, been some improvement in the state of employment in this country ; but unfortunately the numbers unemployed remain still very large, and the depression in trade which revealed itself in tins autumn of 1920 has not passed away. In the, spring and early summer of the present year there, were signs of an early revival of trade. Unhappily the improvement then promised and partly realized has suffered a, check. Recently the figures of unemployed have taken an upward turn, and it is to be feared that this increase will continue during the coming winter months. We have, roughly, a million and a quarter out of work, as compared with a little over a million and a half when the last Conference met. Inter-Imperial Trade. The, efforts of the Government to cope with this situation have been and will continue to be directed on three main lines. In the first place, relief works of a useful and practical kind, and costing many millions, are set in operation with Treasury assistance through local authorities and otherwise ; secondly, provision on an unprecedented scale is made through the national unemployment insurance scheme for those in the insured trades who are unavoidably unemployed ; and, thirdly, every practicable step is taken to stimulate and encourage the revival of trade at home, with the Dominions. India, and the colonies, and with foreign countries.
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An agenda for the Conference has been prepared, and it embraces a number of topics in addition to foreign affairs and defence which it is desirable we should examine together, but 1 think you will agree that one of the most important items on it is this question of inter-Imperial trade. The whole subject will be gone into by the Economic Conference, under the chairmanship of my friend the President of the Board of Trade, and we shall have, before us here some of the major questions which are involved. I am confident that we shall be able to devise measures which will be to out' mutual advantage, by way of redistributing the population, improving transport and means of communication, and generally increasing the facilities for the growth of trade within the Empire. The economic condition of Europe makes it essential that we, should turn Our eyes elsewhere. The resources of our Empire are boundless, and the need for rapid development is clamant. I trust that we shall not separate before we have agreed upon the first steps to be taken tO create in a not-too-distant future an ample supply of those raw materials on which the trade of the, world depends. Population necessarily follows such extension., and that in its turn leads to a general expansion of business, from which alone can come an improvement in the material condition of the people. India. Upon the peculiar problems presented by India I do not now propose to dwell, however briefly. Doubtless they will be authoritatively interpreted to us, as occasion arises, by the members of the Indian delegation. But it does seem to me important to remember that this great country stands at the moment in special need of all the sympathetic understanding we can give her. She is engaged, under British guidance, in the, stupendous task of educating one-fifth of the human race to the burdens and privileges of responsible government; and the period of transition between the old traditional regime and the emergence of self-governing institutions must necessarily be both delicate and difficult. Moreover, her relationship with other component elements in the, British Commonwealth presents a problem at once complex and critical, for in it are, involved the contact of civilizations, so varied in history and tradition, and the future harmony of East and West. lam convinced that we may look with confidence for the co-operation not merely of the peoples of India themselves, but also, in so far as may lie in their power, of the Dominion Governments. Closing Survey. Contemplating Europe as we do to-day and comparing what we see with what we hoped for three or four years ago, we can find little to encourage us in our labours. The size of armies and the money spent on munitions arc greater than in 191.4. Economic solidarity is rent asunder. Is it not amazing that after an exhausting world-wide, war all efforts should not be directed, to reconstruction, to the building-up of the wealth spent in war and waste, and to the recreation of the economic machinery which war has put out of joint 1 ■ The ordy consolations I can draw in a situation so charged with unrest are to recall the history of the past, and to reflect on the unity of our own Empire and the deep and universal desire of our people for peace. All the great European wars have been followed by a recrudescence of militarism, and the nations have taken far more years to recover from the shock of war than the years which separate us from the Treaty of Versailles. It took France a couple of centuries to recover' from the Hundred Years' War ; a long and dreary period followed the Thirty Years' War, in Germany, The years which followed Waterloo were among the darkest in our national history. After the, Congress of Vienna there, was no organized demand for schemes of disarmament. Compared with a century ago, we have, at least within limits, a League of Nations, and no one can have studied the transactions of its Assembly at Geneva without becoming aware, of a growing international moral sense, and a determination to confront the problems of the reduction of armaments, difficult as they must bo. What can be achieved by international co-operation and reconstruction on sound economic lines is shown in the case, of Austria, where nine Governments have joined to guarantee! a loan. No one who knew Austria eighteen months ago would recognize the new spirit which now prevails there. Compared with a century ago, there is a powerful friend of peace in the United States. In this room on this occasion it is natural that we should be most conscious of that League of Nations in whose name we are assembled—the British Commonwealth—that system of States spread all over the world, far greater, as General Smuts once truly said, than any Empire which has ever existed, " a dynamic system growing, evolving all the time, towards new destinies." The British Empire. The British Empire, whose representatives are assembled here to-day, has often been described as the product of accidents. It is, in fact, the natural and spontaneous product not of its own necessities only, but of those of mankind. Scarcely four centuries have passed since the continents of the world swung like new planets into each other's ken. When Columbus discovered America and Vasco de Gama opened the routes to the East, all nations and kindreds of the earth were presently brought into intimate contact. A few years later a political writer of the sixteenth century remarked, "Henceforth the world is one commonwealth." In a sense his words were prophetic. Our everincreasing control, of natural forces has so knit the nations together that whatever affects one for good or ill alfects them all. They are as organs of one body. But the mastery achieved over physical forces has completely outdistanced the control acquired over human forces. The fact is that our minds learn far more quickly than our characters change ; so the social and political structure of the world has not kept pace with the growth of its knowledge. I am not saying that no progress has been made in. applying moral ideas to political facts. Before, me I see men who together can speak for a world commonwealth containing one-quarter -of mankind. Hie peoples you represent are drawn from all the continents, from all their races, from every kind of human society. Like a network of steel embedded in concrete, this commonwealth holds more than itself together. It held through the greatest cataclysm that has over shaken the foundations of the world. Dissolve those ties and civilization itself would collapse.
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We are often told that self-interest binds the Empire together. A half-truth presented as tin; whole is a dangerous falsehood. I have; likened the. ties which unite us to steel, but steel of the wrong temper may be brittle as glass. The only element which can give a tensile quality to human ties is a sense of duty in men to each other. We, gathered in thin chamber, will strengthen the bonds which unite us so far as we are able to keep in mind the, needs of others than those for whom, we speak. We, stand, here on an equal footing, and no Government present in this chamber can bind the rest. We can act with effect so far as we agree, and no further ; but I weigh my words when 1 say that we shall achieve agreement and so strengthen the bonds which unite us only in so far as each and all of us is seeking how to relieve not only our Owtt difficulties and troubles, but those also of a distracted world. The British Empire cannot live for itself alone. Its strength as a commonwealth, of nations will grow so far as its members unite to bear on their shoulders the burdens of those weaker and less fortunate than themselves. OPENING SPEECH BY THE PRIME MINISTER OF CANADA. Mr. Mackenzie King : Prime Minister and gentlemen : The Prime Minister in his openingremarks made reference to precedents which haves been established at former gatherings. 1 understand that the representative of the senior Dominion has been the first to speak after the Prime Minister of Great Britain. In thesis circumstances, I venture to say just a word or two. Personally I could not but wish that one of the more experienced and older members of the gathering had been the first to address his remarks to this Conference' —my friend Mr, Massoy, or General Smuts, who have, been at similar gatherings in the past; but it may be well that precedents should, be observed and the procedure at former Conferences followed. Welcome to Representatives of Irish Free State. May I thank the Prime Minister very cordially for the heartiness of the welcome which he has extended to us. lam sure wo all join with him in experiencing pleasure at the presence at this gathering of the representatives of the Irish Free State. Coming from the Dominion of Canada, the close association of the, name, of our Dominion with that of the new Irish Free State in the Treaty and Constitution makes it a special pleasure to me to have the privilege of meeting at this table the representatives of that State. Comments on Mr. Baldwin's Speech. Having regard to the short times we expect to occupy this morning, it would scarcely, I think-, be advisable for me in any way to attempt to comment upon this clear, comprehensive review which has boon made by the Prime Minister of the situation in Europe, and the mention made of other parts of the world, except to say that the, information which has been given to us to-day, and particularly the elevated note which has been struck, will, I believe, be welcome not only to members of this gathering, but to the, countries that aro represented here, and, indeed, should be helpful in the wider field of international relations. The subjects that have been, touched on are, of course, among the most important with which the British Empire is concerned, the issues with which they deal and to which they give rise are far-reaching, and it would trot be advisable therefore to attempt to comment in any particular upon any phase, of the questions at this stage. During the sittings of tins Conference J assume ample opportunity will Ins afforded to all of us to make such references and comment as we may think would be necessary and helpful. Value of Imperial Conferences and of Personal Consultation. I feel it a very great privilege to have the opportunity of meeting in this personal way members of tins British Government, the heads of the Governments of the self-governing Dominions, and the representatives of India, to discuss matters, many of which are of common concern. In matters of government the value of persona] contact and association cannot, I think, be overestimated. Seime of this gentlemen present most, in fact—l am having the opportunity of meeting for the first time to-day ; some little acquaintances has been formed by correspondence anel cables, but I think a, personal mooting is worth more than all the cables and correspondence combined. In so far as I have the privilege of speaking for the people of Canada, I would say that at this Conference we have only ones aim and purpose, that, namely, which actuates all of us, of meeting together with a view to being mutually helpful, in doing what we, can towards solving as far as may be possible many of.the great problems which are of concern to us all. I think, as we each speak our mincls clearly with reference to matters in whie-h some of us haves perhaps a special interest and to other matters of general interest, we will firrel that iro problem is incapable of being at lesast in some way appreciably solvesd if the spirit, eif gerod will is present, as it is certain to be in this gathering. Value of Publicity. May I just say this ones word—it is a thought which has e'ome: to me mores forcibly as I have listened to the Primes Minister's, reviesw : Important as it is that those of us who represent Governments, and are members of Governments, should have the information which has been given to us to-day, and should have a common understanding among ourselves, more important I believe it to be that the; Parliaments of the Empire should have equal advantages, as far as may be possible, of the fullest information with respect, to such matters as are of concern to us all ; and not only the- Parliaments, but still more, important, I would say, as far as this can bo attained, the peerpless e>f the various Dominions from which we come. For that reason lam glad of the publicity which it to be given to to-day's proceedings.
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As a common sentiment, a oommon feeling is developed among the peoples e>f tire component parts of the British Empire, the solution of the questions that arises will be found appreciably easier. I can think of no greater service any of us coulel find it possible to render than that perhaps of taking back to our Parliaments, and through our Parliaments transmitting to our people, much of the information which we will gather here, information which will be helpful in interpreting to those whom we represent the difficulties and problems with which, other parts are concerned. Similarly, I feel positive that no contribution can be rendered to this gathering of greater value or of greater per* manent worth than that as representatives we should sock not merely to express our own individual views, but, so far as we can do it, set forth the views of our Parliaments and the views of the peer pies represented in our Parliaments, with reference to the affairs of the Empire, and of the different countries that compose it. Empire stands for Peace. I think, Prime Minister, that throughout the British Dominions there will be very great satisfaction at the emphasis which you have placed upon the desire, which actuates us all hens, not only to furthesr good will and harmonious relations between the different parts of the Empire, in working oirt our own problems, but also to make what contribution we can towards peace and justice in the world. That, I think, is the pride we all feel in the British Empire, that it has stood for peace, justice, and good will among men, and, in so far as we can make a contribution that will be of benefit to mankind, it seems to me that it will come in largest measure through the circumstance that, representing different countries, scattered in different parts of the globe, we nevertheless are all one in our aims and in our purpose, and that the purpose which you have just set forth in such eloquent terms. OPENING SPEECH BY THE PRIME MINISTER OF NEW ZEALAND. Mr. Massey : Prime Minister, 1 do not intend at present to comment upon matters to which you have referred in the very clear and very exhaustive statement which you have just given to the Conference. I say that because I think better and more suitable opportunities will offer later on, and I would just like to express a hope that before this Conference comes to an end we shall be able to do something definite and satisfactory in the way of solving as many as possible of the, problems that haves arisen during the last few years. I just wish to join with you, Primes Minister, and with the Prime Minister of Canada, Mr. Mackenzie King, in the welcome which you have extended to each and every one of the new members who have appeareel at the Conference table to-day for the first time. I have no doubt they will be able to do good work, and as one of the older members I can say for myself, and I knerw General Smuts will join with me, we shall be very pleasesd to haves their assistance in the many matters that are certain to be brought before us during the next six weeks or two months. OPENING SPEECH BY THE PRIME MINISTER OF THE UNION OF SOUTH AFRICA. Welcome to Representatives of Irish Free State. General Smuts .- Prime Minister, I join with my colleagues here in esxpressing with what great interest we have listened to you. I also join with them in welcoming our friends from Ireland to this Conference. You have painted a very dark picture; of the present state of affairs in Europe, and yet the presence of the Free State here goes to show what the spirit of good will can effect. Two years ago, when we had our last Imperial Conference, the state of affairs in Ireland was about as black as anything which exists in Europe to-day; but the difficulties were resolutely grappled with, and as a result we have the Irish Free State represented here at this great Conference, sitting at this Board of our Commonwealth and collaborating with us on the problems which face us all. A case like this is to me a proof that nothing is really as bad as it looks, nor perhaps is Europe as bad as it looks. I join most heartily and most sincerely in welcoming our friend President Cosgrave here to-day. He will find in this Conferences, lam sure, sympathy and support from all of us. The difficulties which Ireland has passed through, and will continue to pass through, are elifficultics which are not peculiar to her. He will find that many of those questions which confront Ireland are common to the wholes Empire. Here he will find help and assistance', and sympathy in the consideration of his own problems, and he will find that this Conference, this High Court of our great Commonwealth, is the best forum for the discussion of his problems. lam also glad that Mr. Massey has been able to come. I know he has had to face great difficulties in coming. However, he has triumphed, as he always does, and I hopes that, now we shall have a full Conference, we shall bo able to de> really gooel work, and that a real advance will be registered on this occasion. Situation in Europe. This is a most important anel solemn occasion in the, history of our great Commonwealth. The picture which the Prime Minister has painted to us to-day in his able and interesting speech is a very black one. The world is undoubtedly in a bad way. Instead of the peoples drawing together as we hoped they would after the war the tendencies are the other way —the passions which the war has let loose are still rampant everywhere, and if ever there was a time when a helping hand was needed by the; world, anel Europe especially, it is now. Our Commonwealth is still there; it has stood many a storm ; it has laid down many a great precedent in this history of the worlel ; anel the present situation in Europe more than any previous one calls for a great uniteel effort on its part. I trust it will really pull its weight and make a great contribution to the solution of the eiuestions which are confronting the world.
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Washington Conference. You were right, Prime Minister, in pointing out what was achieved with regard to the Washington Conference. There is no doubt that the inception of this Washington Conference was brought about in this chamber. It originated here in our eleliberations, and owing to the, subsequent great initiative of the- Government of the United States. That Conference marked greater advance for peace than any other Conference which has been held after the war. In that way the last Imperial Conference became vesry fruitful. I hope that this Conference will be as fruitful, and even more fruitful, in the contributions which it will makes towards a settlement of the questions which are now distracting the world. With regard to the Empire questions to which you have referred, I am sure that in one way and another they are all capable of solutions. At least, we can, as Mr. King has said, make an aelvance towarels their solution. Tires spirit of good will and friendship in which we meet here makes every question soluble. We can register an advances even if we cannot arrives at definite solutions. In saying this, I. do not wish to enter into a discussion of details; we will do that as the Conference progresses. Mr. Baldwin : Yes, on Friday. Power of the Empire. General Smuts : Yes, Friday. I await the statements of the Foreign Secretary anel other gentlemen who are going to address us. But let me say this here anel now : I have the feeling that our Commonwealth is a very great and powerful one. The British Empire can exert a force such as possibly no other agency on earth to-day to pull the world together ; anel I am anxious, so far as it can be done with good will and firmness, that whatever influence there is in this Empire, this greatest machine on earth, should be used to the full in order to assist the settlement of Europe. We have no reason to speak with bated breath. For centuries this country has, on every critical occasion in the history of Europe, spoken with the voice of authority, and the other nations have always in the end had to listen to that voice. My feeling and my desire is that on a unique occasion like this, without using threats or vierlent language, and in a spirit of complete good will, we should once more do what has been done before and speak with a voice that will be listened to in the affairs of the world. lam not going into details now, because we shall come to them later in the course of the week. Janina Murders and Occupation of Corfu : Position of League of Nations. You have made reference to the League, and I agree with what you have said. At the same time, 1 think there is much misunderstanding as to what happened quite recently at Geneva. I haves the tooling that the League has strengthened its position. The League has, in the face of what threatened to be a very grave crisis in Europe, acted with moderation and wiselom. But the general view is that the crisis in southern Europe has constituted a check for the League. The impression is that the League in a first-class crisis has not pulled its weight and has been inefficient, and whatever gooei work there was was done by other agencies. It is most important to clear ixp the position and remove this erroneous impression. I hope Lord Robert Cecil, when he comes back, will be able to explain to this Conference what has really happened. It would be lamentable that the impression should gather that the League has been pushed aside. Our object should be to strengthen the League anel support it in every way ; there is nothing else to do. If there were some other agency holding the nations together and working for peace, I would back that up. It is not a question of any particular form. So far wis have, clevised one form and one form only for holding the nations together in a brotherhooel e>f peace. As tires real nature and interest of the British Empire is peace, I think we should support the League to the full, and strengthen her hands as far as possible, and acid whatever weight wo can to her counsels. I hope the misunelerstandirrg which exists at present will be cleared up, and that people will recognize that the League has really come with credit out of the Italian business. Debt to United States. As regards the American debt, I have expressed my cordial agreement with what you have done in funding that elesbt. The British Empire carries out its contracts. At the same, time, I fear that, unless there is a real recovery of the world, unless you can succeed in re-establishing the trade and commerce, of the world, you may find that you have undertaken an intolerable burden for this country. What you have done should therefore be followed up with equal decision in a great attempt to restores the trade conditions of Europe ; othesrwise you may find that what you have undertaken is perhaps more than this nation can bear. Some people seem to regard their debts very lightly nowadays. I am. glad that the British Government has been consistent. At the beginning of the war in 1914 it insisted on the fulfilment of international obligations. It staked the existence of the whole. Empire on that. Similarly, after the war, you said, "We shall honour our bond and pay." That is right and proper as a policy, but, at the same time, I think it would be almost an intolerable burden to this people unless you can really have peace in the world. Need for Peace in Europe. Our duty, therefore, not only to the world, but to this people who are going to carry this obligation, is to move heaven and earth in having peace re-established in Europe. Some people think that Europe does not concern us ; that it is mere, philanthropy or medellesomeness to concern ourselves with her affairs ; that we should leave Europe alone in her present stress, That attitude seems to me
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quite hopeless. You cannot have even the possibility of paying your American debt unless you can restore peaceful conditions in Europe. We can go far to extend Empires trade, and I hope that everything will be done to do so. Without any revolutionary departure from the settled fiscal policy of this country, I think a great deal can bo (tone to foster inter-Empires trade, and I hope that this Conference will register a very great advance in that direction. But it will naturally take many years before the British Empire could take the place of Europe in your trade. In the meantime you will have to carry all your burdens ; you haves to carry the present internal burdens, and alser to carry the wesight of this intolerable external debt. It is clear to me you will not be able to do it unless peaceful conditions ares restored in Europe. Ido not want to say any more, Prime Minister. I only wish that this Conference will be successful —that it will achieves not only tires erbjects it has in view with regard to the Empire, but also with regard to that larger and more difficult situation which confronts us in Europe. It is not only you who wish to re-establish trade —we in the outer Empire want to do the same. We also had our markets in Europe, and. they are largely gone. Therefore, even if there were no higher nrotive than mere self-interest, we should still try our very best to establish conditions of peace and quiet in Europe. But there is much more. Deeper human motives appeal to us. The same motives that carried us into the war continue to guide us in the peace. It is quite impossible, for us te> elisinterest enirselves in the awful conditions whiedi exist all round us as a result of the war. We shall require much patience, and. it may be that it will take much longer than we thought possible to have the world restored to normal conditions. Let us exercise patience, but at the same time lot us really pull our weight. There is a rapid worsening of conditions all over Europe. It may be that this will still continue for years and become an irremediable set-back to Western civilization. Even at this moment fundamental changes ares taking place in Europe which will largely affect the future status and relations of the nations. I. only hope that it may bes possible to stay the, rot before things have gone too far. OPENING SPEECH BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE EXECUTIVE COUNCIL, IRISH FREE STATE. Acknowledges Welcome extended to Representatives of Irish Free State. Mr. Cosgrave: Prime Minister, I wish, to express my very real appreciation of the welcome you have extended to us, ami of the pleasing references you have made to emr inclusion in this Conference. I also appreciate very highly the cordial welcome extended to us by Mr. King, Mr. Massey, and Genera] Smuts, aird the great interest in Ireland shown by General Smuts in his speech. He is perhaps the best able to appreciate, the difficulties through which we haves passeel, as he, also gave ready and most valuable assistance to bring about the position, which leads to our presence here, to-day. Position of Free State. In your statement, sir, you haves referred to problems which, both in size and number, overshadow our own immediate difficulties, and it gives us hope that, besides settling our own affairs, wo may give some assistance in the solution of problems affecting the wheile world. We come to this Conference in good faith, with an earnest desire to render what assistance we can in the solution of ihe problems to be faced, and to carry out with good faith and good will our part of that undertaking which you on your sides haves faithfully honoured in the past, realizing that it is only in the, exercise of these great attributes that it is possibles for us to reach the desired end. This business is new to us, and it is not possible lor us to express opinions upon the many great anel important matters which have been mentioned in your speech. The troubles anel difficulties of our present situation and the circumstances surrounding it make my immediate association, with the Conference less than I woulel wish. You, Prime Minister, will appreciate that, and I am. sure His Grace the Duke of Devonshire will elo so also. I woulel say it is a very real pleasure for me to be here and to have witnessed such a cordial and. whole-hearted reception. We realize our responsibilities, and we are prepared to take over and shoulder the burdens, which are common burdens. I was very much gratified with the concluding paragraphs of the Primes Minister's speech, and with the statement made by General Smuts'that the real objective of this Conference is to further the cause of peace. OPENING SPEECH BY THE PRIME MINISTER OF NEWFOUNDLAND. Welcome to Representatives of Irish Free State. Mr. Warren : Prime Minister and gentlemen, 1 just desire to thank ye>u, sir, for the very cordial welcome that I have received. Perhaps, as representing Britain's first-born, it might come well from me to congratulates the newest Dominion, the Free State, and to assure Mr. Cosgrave, on behalf of Newfoundland, that he has many of his countrymen there who have the greatest sympathy for him, and they all sincerely hopes that he may be successful in the task Ires has undertaken. Position of Newfoundland. I should like to say, sir, that the fact that I am here at all is a sign of what Great Britain has always stood for. I represent a small community, but wis have never besen impelled, coerced, not even, as far as I know, asked, to merge our political independence into that of a larger Dominion. We have been allowed to plough our own furrow, and we have, every confidence that we shall bes allowed to do so in the future. Perhaps after I have attended as many Conferences as my friend on my right, Mr. Massey, I may be able to speak with more confidence than Ido this morning. I have to thank him for hip reference to us. We all know that among Dominion Prime Ministers he is the
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father of us all, and, sitting as I do so close to him, I hope that I may learn from him how to acquire a title to Prime-Ministership by prescription. There are a vast number of people looking to this Conference and looking to us to show some results. I feel sure that we are all imbued with one idea, and that is to elo everything we can to achieve the results which are expected, of us, and I am sure that we are all ready to make any sacrifice that may lead to those results. OPENING SPEECH BY HIS HIGHNESS THE MAHARAJAH OF ALWAR, ON BEHALF OF THE INDIAN DELEGATION. Lord Peel: Prime Minister, I will ask my colleague, His Highness the Maharajah of Alwar, to res ply tor the Indian delegation. The Maharajah of Alwar : Prime Minister of Great Britain, your Lordships and gentlemen, I come to-day as the nominated representative of the Princes of India. You know that they rule over one-third of the Indian Empire, and most of them are connected by treaties and engagements with the Britisli Crown ; but they are perhaps best known for their united loyalty and attachment to the Throne. To-day, however, I am privileged to speak in the name of the three hundred millions of peoples of my country. I speak on behalf of one of the oldest civilizations within the Empire, but who in the race of self-government haves still much leeway to make. In the name of India, I thank you, Prime Minister, for the very felicitous terms in which you have extended your welcome to us on behalf of the British Cabinet. I thank you, and through you those on whose behalf you speak, for the expressions of good will for my country. I thank you all, friends, for the hopes that have been, expressed that the Conference may achieve harmonious results. I can only say that I sincerely share that hope myself, and, in conclusion, I trust that it will be permissible for me to thank the Prime Minister for the kind remarks he has made about myself and my State. T appreciate them particularly as I take them to be compliments paid to my Order, through mo as their representative. I will only speak about one word more. On such air occasion as this I ask myself, What is to be our attitude ? Surely it is on this factor that the ultimate results of our Conference will mainly depend. The answer I receive to my question is in unhesitating terms. Surely, is not this Conference composed of brother delegates from the sister Dominions ? We assemble round the hub of the Empire as members of the family of nations, all united in one cause—namely, the uplift of the British Empire ; all cemented together by one foree —namely, the British Crown. Gentlemen, the recent Great War has left behind its aftermath, to which the Prime Minister lias given very lucid expression. Wounds and sores are still festering in many parts of the world. With a little sacrifice, with a littles toleration, with a little understanding, all this world can, I believe —and firmly so —still be maelo a playground for God's children. With a little willingness to give—-and it does not require much willingness to take— mountains can. certainly be converted into molehills. On the completion erf this Conference, I ask myself, Would we rather say that we were able to achieve and gain this or that for our individual country, or that we were in the privileged position of being able to subscribe, however little or great it was, for the unity of the British Empire 1 It will be a proud moment indeed if we can subscribe to the latter sentiments eventually. Ido not mean to say that there will not be questions during our discussion and deliberations on which there may bes differences of opinion, or on which it will be our responsibility to seek gain for our individual territories and nationalities. But in carrying out that responsibility all we have to remember is that we have something greater to look to than our own country—namely, the British Empire ; and. that there is something even greater than the British Empire-namely, humanity. Why is it, then, that we wish to subscribe our little quota to make that British. Empires, which is already great, if possible esven greater ? It is because we like to believe that it will be with every individual component part working out its own destiny in mutual harmony with others, and even with all our different nationalities, creeds, castes, and religions existing--that the British Empire is going to fulfil its great object of leading humanity, not only towards peace, not only towards right understanding, but ultimately towards the great Divinity of which, after all, each one of us is but an a.ctive spark. That at least is my idea for the attitude at our Conference ; to fulfil it shall be my endeavour.
APPENDIX 11. STATEMENT BY THE SECRETARY OF STATE FOR THE COLONIES AS TO THE COLONIES, PROTECTORATES, AND MANDATED TERRITORIES. 3rd October, 1923. The Duke of Devonshire : I understand that it is the general wish of the Conference that, as Secretary of State for the Colonies, I should give a brief account of the manner in which the responsibilities esntrusted to the Colonial Office for the colonies and protectorates have been discharged during
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0 the two years which have passed since the Conference last met. Although the destinies of these great dependencies of the Crown are the immediate responsibility and trust of the British Government, it woulel be wrong if it were to be supposed that the moral and material progress and development of these large areas were not of increasing importance to all the partners of the British Empire, and it is the constant aim. and endeavour of the Colonial Office to foster the interest of the oversea Dominions in these groat territories and so to stimulate inter-Imperial trade. I do not propose to attempt to deal in any detail with the economic aspects of the Colonial Empire. These aspects, important as they are, come more properly within the purview of the Economic Conference, on which the special interests of the colonies and protectorates will be representee! and advocated by the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Mr. Ormsby-Gore, who will have associated with him Sir James Stevenson and Sir Gilbert Grindle, aided by an Advisory Committee composed erf persons possessed of special and practical expesrienco of the industrial life of the several colonies and groups of colonies concerned. Economic Depression slowly lifting. Tn the statement which my predecessor, Mr. Churchill, made to the Conference of 1921 about the colonies and protectorates, he referred to tires creeping paralysis which had overtaken almost all their industries after the artificial prosperity of tires war period. They still suffer under the general depression of trade, but I think I may say that, taken as a whole, the colonies are "pulling through." The financial position of some of the smaller colonies is a constant source of anxiety to their Governments and to us, but there are indications that the larger tropical areas for which we are responsible are recovering. Much, however, remains to be done before the trade of the colonies can be said to be in a satisfactory position, and it is to trade within the Empire that we must look to regain at least part of the ground that has been lost during recent years. Proposals will be placed before the Economic Conference with the object of increasing inter-Imperial trade with our tropical possessions and of fostering their development. But action by Governments alone, however beneficial if rightly directed, is not in itself sufficient, anel needs to be aided and reinforced by private capital and private enterprise ; and this all-important aspect of the question is being explored by an. expert committee under the chairmanship of Lord Ronaldshay, the late Governor of Bengal. British Empire Exhibition. It may not be thought inappropriate if I refesr in. passing to the British Empire Exhibition, with which I am associated in an unofficial capacity as chairman of its Council. In common with the Dominion Governments, the Colonial Governments are taking a considerable share in promoting the success of the Exhibition, and my anticipations will be elisappointed if the, Exhibition does not achieve the results expected of it and if it does not open the eyes of the worlel to the tremendous material resources contained within the ambit of the British Empire. I am looking forward to meeting members of the Conference at Wembley next Saturday, when they will be enabled to see for themselves the scale and scope of this groat enterprise. Extent of Colonial Empire. With this brief preface I now propose to touch upon certain aspects of the progress which has taken place in the political and inelustrial life of the colonies since last their affairs were under review at a meeting of the; Governments of the Empire. Tires British Colonial Empire, with its two million square miles and a population of fifty millions, distributed in every quarter of the globe, presents a panorama of ever-varying interest and romance ; and I must emphasize what was said by my predecessor two years ago, that it is impossible in the time at our disposal to attempt to do justice to this theme. West Indies. I will turn first to the oldest group of British colonies —the West Indies. The visit to the West Indies and, British Guiana in 1922 of the former Parliamentary UnderSecretary of State (Mr. Edward Wood), who was accompanied by Mr. Ormsby-Gore, gave an impetus to the movement in progress there, as in other parts of the Empire, for constitutional development. At the same time it enabled the Secretary of States to deal with West Inelian problems with the aid of thes sure knowledge which comes from personal touch with the representatives of every shade of opinion, on the spot. I feel confident that I carry the members of this Conferenco with me when I say that the written and cabled word is no substitute for direct personal contact. It is the fixed policy of the Colonial Office to follow the precedent so successfully established anel to take every opportunity of repeating in other parts of the Colonial Empire similar official visits. I have already invited Mr. Ormsby-Gore to pay a visit to the British West African colonies this forthcoming winter, and I hope that he will be leaving in the middle of December. As a result of Mr. Wood's visit constitutional reforms are in the course of being carried out in Jamaica, Trinidad, Grenada, St. Vincent, St. Lucia, and Dominica. The economic position of the West Indian colonies is far from satisfactory. It has been necessary for several Colonial Governments to come to the assistance of their staple industries in order to enable them to tide over a period of grave depression. Both thes sugar and the cocoa industries have experienced great difficulties, and the oil industry of Trinidad, from, whiesh so much was hoped, has not hitherto come up to the expectations that were formed in regard to it,
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Telegraphic Communication with West Indies. Telegraphic communication between and with the Wesst Indies has given rise to dissatisfaction for some time past, both in those colonies and, I believe, in Canada. The question was discussed at tires Conferences held at Ottawa in 1920, but at that time the existing contract with the West India and Panama Telegraph Company had still some years to run and no immediate solution of the problem was possible. We have recently put before the Canadian Government and the West Indian Governments concerned a scheme for an all-British cable from Turks Islands to Barbados, with subsidiary connections by cable and wireless telegraphy to the other colonies. This scheme, which is based on the continued co-operation of the Government of the Dominion and of the Colonial Governments with His Majesty's Government, has now been accepted in principle by all the contributory Governments, and I hope that it will be carried out during the coming year. This scheme will afford an opportunity for an even wider measure of inter-Imperial co-operation than the, existing arrangement for joint contributions to the West India and Panama Cable Company's subsidy. The proposed cable is to be laid and maintained by, or on bahalf of, all the Governments concerned, and as it is impossible for them to undertake directly an enterprise of this natures, we propose, if the Dominion Governments represented on the Board see no objection, to ask the Pacific Cable, Board to undertake the management of the cables and wireless stations which will be, maintained under the scheme. We do not, of course, suggest that the Board should undertake any financial responsibility in the matter. All we ask is that they will extend to this now all-British, route the skilled management and control which has been so successful in maintaining the all-British route across the Pacific. If our proposals are accepted, as I sincerely trust they will be, this new development of the activities of the Pacific Cable Board will form an interesting example of a Board constituted for one inter-Imperial purpose being subsequently employed for another kindred inter-Imperial purpose, and will show in practice how co-operation between British Ac I ministrations once started in any sphere tends inevitably to grow. We could ask for no happier augury of the outcome of the first Economic Conference. Agricultural College. Another Imperial development which emanates from the Wesst Indies is thes recent changes in the scope and title of what was formerly known as the West Indian Agricultural College. At a meeting held at the Colonial Office this summer under my chairmanship it was unanimously agreed that the scope of the college should be Empire-wide, but it was felt that the prospect of obtaining the necessary funds woulel be; gravely impaired if the college retained a title suggesting that it was merely a local institution. It was therefore recommended that the titles should be changed to the " Imperial College erf Tropical Agriculture," and our airrr is that it should provide for the needs of all tropical dependencies by becoming the chief centre of agricultural research and staff training. British Guiana. British Guiana in particular presents a special problem, Our only colony on thes mainland of South America is rich in mineral and forest resources. In area it is as large as Groat Britain, but it has a population of only three hundred thousand. It is to be hoped that immigration, without which the colony cannot be developed, may be resumed. West and East Africa. I now turn to Africa. The British West and East African colonies berth in area and population provide our greatest opportunity and the widest scope for sustained development. In those larges tropica] territories the; improvement of communications and the advancement of education are the foundation of moral and material progress, New railway-construction is now steadily proceeding in Nigeria, Gold Coast, and Kenya, while important harbour-works are being carried out at Takoradi in West Africa (Gold Coast), and at Kilindini in East Africa (Kenya). It is also hoped that the last link in the connection by railway of Lake Nyasa with the coast at Beira will soon be undertaken. Kenya and Uganda. In Kenya political questions have recently overshadowed all others. It has been no easy task to provide an equitable adjustment of the several interests concerned in the political future of the colony, but, after very careful consideration, the British Government has taken certain decisions, which have been made public, and which I need not here repeat. I sincerely trust that the settlement which we have made will enable all its inhabitants to devote their utmost energy to the development of the great resources of the territory in which they live. In thes administration of Kenya, as in other African colonies anel protectorates, we regard ourselves as exercising a trust on behalf of the African population. Whatever measures we take must be considered in their relation to that paramount duty. We propose to continue the general policy of moral, economic, and intellectual development erf the African. Within the limits of their finances the East African Governments will continue, sides by side with the great work of the missions, to do all that is possible for the advancement of the Natives. Considerable progress has already been made, arid the Uganda Railway Administration is now paying special attention to the training of Natives for mechanical work on the railways. It is confidently anticipated that in time: mechanical work of this kind, and the ordinary clerical work of Government, will be carried out by Africans. Tanganyika Territory. In East Africa wes administer, under a mandate issued by the League of Nations last year, a territory larger than any colony, that of Tanganyika. The country's prosperity depends mainly upon
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agriculture, and it has suffered from the general trade depression, besides having much leeway to make up owing to the wreckage caused by the war. Progress is, however, being mades, though revival is necessarily slow. Revenue is steadily increasing, and the relations between the Native population and the Government are excellent. It has been found possibles to make a considerable reduction in the military garrison. The system of administration which has been adopted is to support and supervise, with the least possible interference, the established Native authority. It is recognized that, except to a very limited extent, the country is not suitable for European settlement, and this has been recently affirmed by the adoption of a land law modelled closely on one which has stood the test of time in the Northern Provinces of Nigeria. " Compulsory servitude," which is the same thing as slavery, has been abolished without any of the social disturbance that was dreaded in some quarters, and, I may add, without expense. This was a step which our German predecessors hael never ventured to take. We are now able to spend more money orr Native education-though not so much as I would wishand also on agriculture, thanks to the liberal assistance afforded by the Empire Cotton-growing Corporation, who regard the Territory as a promising fiesld for development. Rhodesia. In Rhodesia important constitutional changes are now taking place. As explained by Air. Churchill, the position when the last Conference was held in 1921 was that a delegation from Southern Rhodesia was dues to arrive shortly in this country to discuss the terms of the future constitution. As thes result of this visit, draft letters patent providing for the constitution erf responsible Government were prepared with a viesw to submission to the electors in Southern Rhodesia. Subsequently discussions wore also held in South Africa between the Union Government and representatives from Southern Rhodesia regarding the alternative policy of entry into the Union. Following on these discussions, a referendum, was hole) in October of last year on the question whether the Territory favoured entry into the Union or the grant of responsible government. The referendum having resulted in a vote in favour of the latter alternative, the new Constitution has accordingly now been completed, and came into force this week, on the Ist October. Difficult questions which had arisen with regard to the unalienated lands, and the rights of the British South Africa Company on the termination of their administration, have now been satisfactorily settled by means of agreements which have been arrived at with the company and the elected members of the present Legislative Council of Southern Rhodesia. The settlement with the company involves a substantia] contribution, from Imperial funds in addition to the amount for which tires new Administration will make itself responsible. This settlement should be of material assistance to the new Government in the discharge of its responsible task. Under the new Constitution certain powers with regard to Natives administration ares reserved to the High Commissioner for South Africa, but irr other respects thes people of Southern Rhodesia will have a full control of their Government and. administration. In Northern Rhodessia, under the agreement made with the British South Africa Company, the British Government will relieve the com parry of the administration on the, 31st March, 1924, so that on that date the whole of the administrative side of the company's great work in Rhodesia will come to an end. I turn now to the East. Ceylon. In Ceylon the new Constitution granted in 1920, under which the unofficial element irr this Legislature is givesn a majority, has justifieel the hopes of its advocates, and has workeel successfully for three years, although some further modifications of the Constitution arc now under consideration. Ceylon's tea and copra trade is flourishing, and there has recently been a substantial improvement in the position of the rubber industry as the result of the measures for the restriction of output undertaken jointly by the rubber-growing colonies. Malaya. I am glad to report that the economic depression in Malaya, especially in the two main exports of tin and rubber, would seem to lies passing. The revenue, has improved, and the financial stringency, which was especially severe in the case of the Federated Malay States, is ter serine extent relieved. A large loan of £10,000,000, of which £9,000,000 have already been issued on the London market, has enabled the administration to bo carried on. and important public works to be proceeded with. The loan has been entirely applied to Federated Malay States purposes, but in order that it might be a trustee security it was found necessary that it should bes issued by the colony of the Straits Settlements, which has relent it to the Federated Malay States. Thes esolony itself has come through a severe period of adversity without having to borrow for its own purposes. Hong Kong. The disturbed condition of the neighbouring Chinese province, erf Kwang Tung and of China, generally has naturally had a bad effect on the trade of Hong Kong as a distributing centres lor South China, but in spite of this the trades returns tor last year werulel haves shown a considerable increase on those of the.previous- year had it not, been for a very serious strike of Chinese labourers, which paralysed the pent for several weeks in the spring of 1922. A large scheme is under contemplation at present lor an extensive reclamation undertaking, designed to increase the facilities of what is already, from the point, of view of tonnage entered and cleared, the biggest port in the work). Of all parts erf the Empires, llerng Kong has probably come through the recent acute period of traeles depression with the least loss and suffering. This is dues to the fact that, as the entrepot of South China, she profits from every branch of the huge and varied export trade of China, as well as from
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its European imports. It is also true' that political unrest in China has diverted much wealth and capital to the neighbouring British oolony, in which thes merchants anel well-to-do classes erf Chinese have implicit confidence. Fiji. Fiji has suffered from the loss of the Australian market for its principal export products -namely, sugar anel fruit. But, thanks to New Zealand, which now takes the bulk of the sugar crop, these islands, which are of great importance, to our Imperial position in the Pacific, have passed the worst. I have recently learned with interest that there is an expectation of important new developments in trades and shipping communications between Canada and Fiji, which cannot but bes of mutual benefit to both. The demand for labour in Fiji exceeds this present supply, but this impetus erf the new Canadian trade may attract both capital and labour to the South Pacific group. Falkland Islands and Antarctic. It may interest the Conference to know that the late Captain Scertt's Antarctic ship, the' " Discovery,", has beeir purchased on behalf erf the Government of the Falkland Islands for employment mainly in research into whaling in the dependencies of the colony, whiesh include South Georgia, the South Shetlanels and Graham Land, the South Orkneys, and the South Sandwich Islands. In these dependencies the Empire possesses a whaling-field which in recent years has been more proeluctive than all the rest of the world combined. Existing scientific knowledge of the, numbers and habits erf the whales is inadequate ; and we are anxious to devise a system of control of the industry whiesh will prevent the practical extermination which has taken place in other whaling-areas. The expedition will also afford opportunities for adding to scientific knowleelge in many othesr directions. Evidence that the investigations are also of interest ter the Dominions is afforded by thes opinion expressed by the Government of the Union of South Africa that the eslferrts which are contemplated in regard to the study of whaling oil South Africa will gain immensely from the operations of the " Discovery." Middle East. This concludes what I have to say to-day about the colonies anil protectorates, but my survey would be; incomplete without serine special reference to developments in the Middle East. The supervision of this area, which includes lrae| and Palestine, was assumed by the Colonial Office in the spring erf 1921. In the statement made ter thes Conference by Mr. Churchill in 1921 a general outlines was given of the Middle Eastern policy of the late Government, which was directed towards reducing expenditure both in Iraq and Palestine. This policy has been steadily pursued both by the late Government anel. the present Government, and the result is that the total expenditure, this year on these two countries falling on the British Exchequer is estimated at £8,548,000, as against the actual expenditure of £26,695,364 for the year 1921- 22. Iraq. To take Iraq first: On the 23rd June, 1921, the day after Mr. Churchill made his statement, the Emir Feisal, third son of the King erf the Hojaz, arrived at Basrah as a candidate for the throne erf I rag. He was well receiveel by the people, anel. on the 11th July the Council erf State passed a unanimous resolution eleclaring him King of the country, provided that his Government should be a constitutional, representative, and democratic Government, limited by law. Sir Percy Cox, who was then High Commissioner, took steps to obtain a confirmation of this resolutiem by means of a reforenelum, of which the results were known on the 19th August. In an electorate of about one million the Votes for King Feisal represented a proportion of 96 per cent., and he was accordingly recognized as King of Iraej by His Majesty's Government. The next step was to place our relations with him on a proper footing. Our position as mandatory was regulated by the terms of the draft mandate (though that document had not then, and has not yet, been formally approved by the League of Nations) ; but it was felt that a stage had been reached, with the establishment erf constitutional monarchy in Iraq, when some more appropriate instrument was required as between ourselves and the mandated State. Accordingly a, communication was made in November, 1921, to the Council of the League of Nations, informing them that the British Government had been led by political developments in Iraq to the conclusion that their obligations vis-a-vis the League could be most effectively discharged if the principles on which they rested were embodied in a treaty to be concluded between His Britannic Majesty and the King of Iraq. This treaty would serve merely to regulate the relations between the mandatory and the Iraq Government, and was not intended as a substitute for the mandate, which, woulel remain the operative document defining the obligations incurred by His Majesty's Government towards the; League of Nations, Negotiations with King Feisal wesre opened at the same time. After somewhat lengthy discussions a treaty of alliance was eventually signed on the 10th October, 1922. You will notes the date, which was just before Mr. Lloyel George's Government went out of office. The treaty provided for the conclusion of a number of subsidiary agreements in which the precise degree of obligation undertaken by His Majesty's Government was to be defined. It was originally to remain in force for twenty years, but the; present (fovernment, after a most careful review erf the; whole question of policy in Iraq, arrived at the conclusion that this period was toer long. On the 30th April, 1923, a protocol was signeel at Baghelad, provieling that the treaty should terminate upon lra<| becoming a member of the League erf Nations, and in any case not later than four years from the
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ratification of peaoe between Great Britain and Turkey. It was further stipulated that nothing should prevent a fresh agreement being concluded with a. view to regulating the subsequent relations between the high contracting parties, and that negotiations for that object should be entered into between them before the expiration of the above period. The present position is that the elections for the, Constituent Assembly in Iraq, wherse approval is necessary before the treaty and protocol are ratified, commenced em the 12th July. Thes electoral procedure is a cumbrous ernes, with an elaborate machinery of primary and secondary elections based upon the Turkish system. It is not expected that the Assembly will be in session much before the esuil of the, year. It is hoped that before its first meeting the various subsidiary agreements now under negotiation with the Iraq Government will have been provisionally concluded. Future of Mosul Vilayet. There is one important point with regard to which the future; of Iraq is still unsettled. Yeru may remember that, during the; first Lausanne, Conference, an acute controversy arose over the future of the Mosul Vilayet. The Vilayet has been aelministered as part of Iraq since the end of the war. On economic and racial grounds the case for its inclusion in the Iraq State is exceedingly strong. Nevertheless, the Turks, though their arguments were entirely refuted by Lord Curzon, held tenaesierusly to their claim that the Vilayet should be restored to Turkey. If was finally agreed that a decision on the boundary question should be held over for the moment; that a period of nine months should be fixed (as from the date of the ratification erf the Treaty of Peace with Turkey) during which the frontier between Turkey and Iraq was to be laiel down by " friendly arrangement " between the British and Turkish Governments ; and that, failing such agreement within the period specified, the matter should be referred to the Council erf the League of Nations. This arrangement was embodied in Articles 3of tire; treaty as eventually sighed at Lausanne on the 24th July last. We hopes to start negotiations with the Turks at a very early elate. General Situation. Although this question is still enitstanding, it may, I think, be claimed that the policy initiated by the late Government, and adopted, with the modifications explained above, by the, present Government, has, on the whole, succeeded beyond expectation. Relations between the British representative at Baghdad and the Arab Government are good. Our hope is that, within the maximum perierd of four years, we shall have, discharged in full our obligations to thes Iraq State. We also hope that we shall have; established such strong ties of friendship with the Government and people erf the, country that they will be glad to make fresh arrangements with us, at the termination erf the mandatory period, in which our special position, as the Power mainly instrumental in achieving Arab liberation, will be freely recognized. That is our confident hope. If it is realized, Iraq may yet constitute a stable factor in- the East. I. do not wish, however, to take too sanguine a view of the present situation. There are many difficulties still before us. The Iraq Constituent Assembly has still ter bes electee!. It is impossible to preelict with any certainty what will be, its general attitude, and complexion. Its first task will be to ratify the, treaty concluded by King Feisal, and the subsidiary agreements which I have already mentioned : also to emact the organic law which the Mandatory is required under the terms of the draft mandate to frame for submission to the Council erf the League of Nations. Until these stages have passed it is difficult to speak will full confidence. Tribute to Sir Percy Cox. I should not like ter close, this part, of my statement without paying a tribute to Sir Percy Cerxwho recently retired fremr the lligh-Commissionership for Iraq. He possessed a knowledge; and experience of Middle Eastern affairs that can only be described as unique. They were built up on a, quarter of a century's arduous anei successful work in the Persian Gulf region, where ho acquired an influence that can never have been surpassed. We have been very fortunate in having been able ter count on the assistance of this distinguished public servant in dealing with our Middle; Eastern difficulties. He was succeeded last month by Sir Henry Dobbs, an Indian Civil servant with a distinguished record, who had served previously in Iraq. Palestine. With regard to Palestine, there is'one direction in which the situation has greatly improved since Mr. Churchill spoke, in June, 1921. The garrison has been largely reduced and the cost correspondingly diminished. The actual charge to the British Exchequer in respect of Palestine, was £2,024,000 in .1922-23. The estimate, for 1923-24 is £1,500,000, while we have undertaken to redueie the figure to £1,000,000 in 1924-25. The figure; of £1,500,000 is, of esourse, included in the; amount which I mentioned above as the total estimated esxpenditure in Iraq anel Palestine for this year. Beyond 1924-25 wo have not given any explicit undertaking, but we hope that the progressive reduction of expenditure will go steadily on until the figure has been reduced ter very small dimensions indeed. But our success in this direction must depend on the economic development of the Country, whiesh in its turn depends upon political stability. I wish 1 could report ter you that there has been a substantial improvement in the local political situation during the last two years. In one senses it would be true. Since the Jaffa outbreak in the early part of 1921, which Mr. Churchill mentioned in his speech, there has been no serious disturbance of the public peace, We have, now got a very efficient gendarmerie in Palestine whiesh could be trustee! to deal promptly with any emergency that might arise. But political unrest is by no means a thing of the past. A solution of the Jew-Arab controversy has still to be found. Perhaps 1 may be allowed very briefly to sketch the events of the last two years.
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Zionist Policy. You are aware that our policy in Palestine is based upon the Balfour declaration of November, 1917, by which we, undertook to promote the establishment, of a national home for the Jews, subject to the condition that the civil and religious rights of the rest of the population were not to be prejudiced. We have been doing our best to honour both parts of that declaration. Our High Commissioner, Sir Herbert Samuel, has displayed not only administrative abilities of the highest order, but also the strictest impartiality, in dealing with the conflicting interests of the inhabitants of Palestine. A Jew himself, he has never been accused of showing undue favour to the Jews. On the contrary, his high sense of justice is recognized and applauded in every quarter. Nevertheless, opposition to the so-called Zionist policy has continued. It came; to a head in May, 1921, when the Jaffa outbreak took place. In the following June the late Government published a definition of what was meant by the " national home," with a view to allaying Arab apprehensions. The Arab spokesmen were not satisfied, and decided to send a delegation to London to place their case before the Government. The delegation stayed in London for nearly a year, but in spite of much discussion is was not found possible to come to terms with them.. What did happen was that a fresh statement of policy was issued in June, 1922, which made important advances towards meeting the Arab views. The statement was officially accepted by the Zionists, but not by the Arab delegation, who returned to Palestine after its publication. The now policy included the establishment of a Legislative Council on a partially elected basis. The elections for this Council were fixed for the early part of this year. Owing to Arab abstentions, an insufficient number of secondary electors were returned, and the project of setting up a Legislative Council had to be suspended. The Arab politicians have, in fact, adopted an attitude of non-co-operation with, the Government. They have received a good deal of encouragement from various quarters, both in England and elsewhere. We shall, of course, continue to carry out our obligations : there can be no doubt whatever on that point. But the present unrest is undoubtedly doing harm, and we should be glad to see it brought to an end without delay. The matter is engaging our active attention. Transjordania. Perhaps I ought to add a word about Trans-Jordan. To this region, though it is covered by our mandate for Palestine, the, Zionist policy does not apply. We have there an administration under an. Arab ruler, assisted by a British adviser, The ruler is the Emir Abdullah, a brother of King Feisal of Iraej and a son of the King of the Hejaz. On the whole the experiment has worked well, though the position is not altogether free from anxiety. Conclusion. That is all that I wish to lay before the Conference this morning. I shall be very glad to supply further information on any point connected with the colonies and protectorates, or with the Middle East, in which any member of the Conference may be interested, and I need not say that wo shall welcome any advice or counsel which may be forthcoming from any of the delegates in the handling of the large and complex responsibilities which devolve upon the Colonial Office.
APPENDIX 111. STATEMENTS BY THE SECRETARY OF STATE FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS AS REGARDS THE TURKISH TREATY AND THE REPARATIONS PROBLEM. sth October, 1923. I. TURKISH TREATY. Lord Curzon : Two years ago, when I spoke here about the position in Anatolia, where the Turkish and Greek armies were ranged opposite to each other, hostilities between them had just recommenced. The fighting began with a preliminary success, but ended in an early check, to the Greeks. My object throughout, for I acted as representative of His Majesty's Government in the many Allied conversations and conferences that took place, was to bring these ill-judged and ill-fated hostilities to a close. They could do no good to either party. They were desolating one of the fairest regions in Asia. The Greeks were unlikely to win, and, even if they did win, had neither the men nor the resources to maintain an advanced position in Asia Minor. The Turks would probably triumph in the long-run, but only at a heavy e;ost. Throughout 1921 and. 1922, theresfore, my time was largely consumed at conferences in London and in Paris in the attempt to bring about Allied intervention, and to persuade both parties to place their case in our hands. I was a firm, believer in united action — i.e., in Allied action. His Majesty's Government at no stage had a policy as distinct from the Allies, and to this policy We loyally and unswervingly adhered. But my task was not rendered easier by the notorious agreement
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concluded in October, 1921, between a French agent and the Angora Turks, known as the FranklinBouillon Agreement, which undoubtedly led the Turks to think that the French Government was unreservedly on their side, and which greatly encouraged their pretensions. All our efforts to bring about negotiations, or mediation, or an armistice, failed. Finally, the Turkish Army, imbued with a revived national ardour, well led; and taking advantage of the increasing weakness and demoralization of the Greeks, made a sustained advance and practically drove the Hellenic forces out of Asia Minor. This was followed by dramatic events. There was a revolution in Greece, which resulted in the enforced abdication of King Constantine. The victorious Turkish Army, elated by its successes, conscious of Allied disunion, and resolved to push forward even at the cost of a war with Great Britain, practically destroyed Smyrna, and advanced towards the straits, then held by Allied forces, 'flies French, withdrew their troops to the European shore, being resolved in no circumstances to become involved in hostilities with the Turks. Great Britain alone saved, the situation and prevented the invasion of Europe by rushing a powerful force—military, naval, and air—to the Dardanelles and to Constantinople. But it was by a hair's breadth only that the; renewal of war was avoided. Presently I found myself again in Paris, engaged once more in the attempt to build up Allied unity and to erbtain, even at the eleventh hour, a pacific solution. The Muelania Armistice followed in October, 1922, and the stage for the peace negotiations was set. Just, however, as the Greek defeat had cost Constantine his throne, so the victory of Angora cost the Sultan his kaliphate. He was deposed by Angora, and fled to Malta, and his successor, appointed by the Grand National Assembly, was permitted only to enjoy a purely religious authority. On the 20th November the first Lausanne Conference began, and there I met the representatives of France, Italy, Japan, Roumania, Jugo-Slavia, and Greece. Thither came the Turks, with whom, we were to negotiate the treaty, and the Bulgarians and others when their interests were involved. Thither the Americans sent observers. There, for the purpose of discussing the future status of the straits, in which they were vitally interested, Russian representatives also were admitted. There we, sat, for eleven weary weeks, engaged in daily, and often in nightly, negotiations. At the end of that time we were on the brink of concluding a treaty —indeed, the pen and ink were ready and the draft was lying on the table ready for signature—when at the last moment difficulties about the financial, economic, and capitulatory clauses of the draft treaty arose —features in which the French and Italian, but particularly the former, were more actively concerned than ourselves, but in respect erf which I stood unflinchingly by my colleagues ; and the Turks, calculating, in view of the many concessions that had been made to meet them, that they had only to hold out to obtain even more, declined, to sign. I had no doubt myself that in the long-run, after some more palavering and after extracting some further concessions from, the fatigue and war-weariness of the Allies, they would come to terms, and this view I expressed confidently on my return to England in February of the present year. The discussions were resumed at Lausanne in April, and lasted for another three months, our chief representative on this occasion being Sir Horace Rumbold, the British High Commissioner at Constantinople. There were many anxious moments then as before, and the process of haggling was continued with pertinaoity and at a length that recalled, the palmiest days of Oriental diplomacy in the past. Finally, a treaty was signed on the 24th July last, which has since been ratified both by Turkey and Greece, and only awaits ratification at the hands of the Great Powers as soon as their Parliaments have reassembled. Since then, it having been decided by the terms of the agreement that the Allied forces, which have remained in occupation of Constantinople ever since the war, should evacuate within a period of six weeks—which period terminated two days ago —the British troops, ably commanded by Sir Charles Harington, who has shown the most conspicuous tact and self-restraint in very trying circumstances, have withdrawn. Our Turkish entanglement is now at an end, and it rests with the Turkish. Government, having re-entered into possession of thoir capital, to demonstrate what use they can make of their recovered position. I have seen the treaty thus concluded severely criticized, as a rule by those whose motives in making the attack are not free from suspicion. Undoubtedly, the treaty is not such a treaty as could, have been concluded in 1.919, had the Allied Powers at Paris devoted to the Turkish problem one-fiftieth part of the attention that they bestowed—l might almost say, squandered —upon problems and peoples of vastly inferior importance. It is not such a treaty as was concluded and signed, though not subsequently ratified, at Sevres in August, 1920. It is not such a treaty as might have been signed at Lausanne had the Powers at all points maintained the united front which they displayed on some. But I should like to explain how and why it was that it was the best treaty that could be, obtained in the; eiircumstances. In the first place, I would remind the Conference that when I went out to Lausanne in November last it was not generally believed that a treaty could be concluded at all. Such was the temper of the Turks, elated by their overwhelming defeat of the Greeks, profoundly suspicious of Allied and notably erf British intentions, and convinced that their arms were unconquerable, that the majority of my colleagues here cemdoled with my mission and expecteel very soon to see me back again. Secondly, the principal problems, whether of the straits or the islands, or the frontiers, or the capitulations, or finance, seemed almost insoluble, unless the Allies were prepared to dictate their terms at the point of the bayonet. Such had been the case with all the previous post-war treaties. These had in each case boesn drawn up by the victorious Powers, sitting, so to speak, on the seat of judgment, in the absence of the culprit, and imposing what penalty err what settlement they chose. Only when the terms had been drawn up was the beaten enemy admitted to be told his sentence and to make the conventional protest of the doomed man. Such, ineleed, was the environment in which the original Treaty of Sevres was drawn up and signed, though never ratified, by the Turkish representatives, Far otherwise was it at Lausanne,
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There the Turks sat at the table on a footing erf e;quality with all the other Powers. Every article of the treaty had to be debated with and explained to them. Agreement hael to be achieved, not by brandishing the big stick, but by discussion, persuasion, and compromise;. The Turks knew very wed that the; Allies had no stomach few further fighting. The Allies were never certain how far the genuine desire erf the leading Turks for peace would control the unruly Nationalist and Extremist elements, who had a quite exaggerated estimate of their strength. What, then, did the treaty achieve ? Territorially it lopped off from the Turkish State the wherle of Syria, of Palestine, anel of what is now called Iraq. Turkey ceased, to have any hold or power over Arabia. Her possessions wesre confined ter thes Anatolian plains and highlands from which the Ottoman Turks originally came, anil to the narrow European territories erf her former Empire up to the confines erf Bulgaria on the ones hand and Greece on the other. She recovered Eastern Thrace and two or three erf the islands, but beyond the River M.aritza, except for the tiny enclave of Karagach, she, was not permitted to go. But I draw special attention to the arrangement about the freedom erf thes straits—that great international safeguard for which thousands of brave British and Dominion soldiers fought and died. When 1 went out to Lausanne, I doubt if any one thought that we could secure more than the freedom of commercial passage. I came away with an arrangement by which free access from the _.gean to the Black Sea, for foreign warships and aircraft, as wesll as merchant .ships, subject to a reasonable limitation of numbers, was guaranteed ter the States of the world. The Black Sea ceased ipso facto to be a Russian preserve. Demilitarized, and unfortified zones were created on both sides of the Dardanelles and the, Bosphorus. Turkey was given an international guarantee for the safety of her capital anel the territories rerund the straits, and was allowed to maintain a garrison at Constantinople. Who can doubt that this was a solution eminently favourable to those British Imperial interests which I was sent to Lausanne to guarel ? In the course of the discussion about the straits, to which Russia had been admitted—though at that time she indignantly refused to sign the Convention —I was fiercely criticized by advanced organs at home for alienating the Power whose acquiescence in any future reglemenl of the straits was essential, anel was charged with sowing the seeds of future war. My concluding remarks at Lausanne, when the Powers, with the single exception of Russia, had signifieet their adhesion to the Straits Convention, were as follows : — " M. Chicherin has announced ter us that Russia will have no voice and take no part in this Convention. The responsibility for that rests on the Russian Government, anel even if it be their present decision I hope the time may come, perhaps not in the distant future, when, on reconsidering the matter, they may find it in their own as well as in the public interest to give the signature which they refuse to-day." Those worels were prophetic. Five months later the Russians, quietly and without saying much about it, affixed their name to the very Straits Convention which they had repudiated and denounced, anel which is now therefore a part of the; accepted law of Europe. But I have newer receiveel a word erf apology or vindication from the critics whir wore; so certain six months ago of my sanguinary and sinister intentions. In the course of the discussions at Lausanne, remembering all that my countrymen and fellowsubjeotS throughout the Empire had suffered at Gallipoli, 1 irrsisted upon the handing over, the proper maintenance, and the, safoguareling of the sacreel soil on the Gallipoli Peninsula, which had been stained with their blood, and where their bodies lay. When the Turks realized that I would, break up the Conference, sooner than cede this point they gave way. Wo laboured hard at Lausanne to secure'! for the minorities, particularly the Greek and Armenian minorities in the future Turkish State, a protection even in excess of that guaranteed to them by the minority clauses of the' European treaties which we adopted and confirmed in ours. I cannot say (hat in this I was successful. The records will show the nature of the fight that I put up for these unhappy peoples. But the Turks, in their passion for a self-sufficing and self-centred national existence, were resolved upon purging their State erf all alien elements —a policy which, in my view, was grossly mistaken, which has been atteneled by incidents of great cruelty and hardship, and which as time passes, they will often have occasion to repent. I. did, however, obtain this much: that Turkey undertook ter apply for membership of the League of Nations after the ratification of peace ; and. at the hands of that tribunal the afflicted minorities will receive such protection as it may be in the power erf Europe to afford. A troublesome question arose about the future possession of the Mosul Vilayet on the northern border erf the Iraq State. Ter that province the Turks put, forward what, I conceived to be quite untenable, claims, whiesh I was called upon vigorously to contest. The dispute ended in an agreement ter refer tins matter to amicable discussion between Turkey and ourselves during the period erf nine months after the evacuation of Turkish territory by the Allied forces. If we cannot come to an agreement, the matter will then go to the; League of Nations. The; financial and economic clauses erf the treaty, which concerned France much more than ourselves, esneied in considerable concessions to Turkish pertinacity, as eliel those parts of the treaty which related to the conditions under which foreigners will in future reside and traele in Turkey. 1 ehr not pretend to be satisfied with those conditions. But in my view the chief sufferers will not be tins foreign.communities so much as the Turks themselves, who will soon learn from experience the extent to which even arr emancipated Turkish State is dependent upon the resources and assistance of the foreigner. At Lausanne Turkey was consumed, with jealousy for her own sovereignty, which
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none of us had any desire to impugn ; and when the alternative was presented, as it frequently was, of ceding a point, which though important was not vital, or of breaking up the Conference and reverting to a state of war, diplomacy was, I think, rightly reluctant to adopt the latter alternative. Perhaps from the British point of view the most satisfactory result of the protracted discussion and the final agreement was the resumption of friendly relations between ourselves and a people with whom we had. many connections in the past, and who went to war with us, not we with them. A seconel result, which I do not think will be, disputed by a single foreign delegation at Lausanne, has been that the Power which emerged from the proceedings with the, largest access of prestige; in Turkey was our own. This prestige, coupled with the strong financial position of Great Britain, should enable this country to play such part in the financial and economic reconstruction erf Turkey as the stability of the future Turkish Government may justify anel our own interests demand. If, then, we; survey the whole field, I think that the final restoration of peaces in the Near East, where, our troops have now been engaged for exactly nine weary and costly years, the freedom of the straits, the liberation of the entire block of Arab countries, the enhanced prestige of Great Britain in Turkey, together with the appeasement in. all Moslem countries which is already following the reconciliation between Turkey and ourselves, are results sufficient to justify our labours at Lausanne, and to silence the nert always disinterested anel frequently ungenerous critics who have derided our handling of a problem which they were powerless to compose themselves. But 1 repeat that the destiny of Turkey lies with Turkey herself far more than with any one else. The future which she has planned for herself, whether she becomes a republic or not, whether she rules from Angora or Constantinople, will be mainly of her own creation. A very heavy task in the disbandmont of her forces, the reorganization of her Civii Service, the husbanding of her economic resources, the resuscitation of her industrial and commercial, life, lies before her. I think that she will experience great disillusionment and many disappointments, and that some erf thes fruits which she; claims to have garnered will turn out to be Deaei Sea apples in her mouth. But in making what will be a great experiment she starts with a complete absence of resentment em our part, ami with the sincere expression of our good will. 11. REPARATIONS PROBLEM. I proceed to deal with the Franco-German, or, as I. should prefer to call it, the European problem ; for it is one that concerns not two or three States alerne;, but the whole of those; Powers that were engagcel in the war, and to wherra reparations were allotted, and not least among them, the British Empire. His Majesty's Government have consistently held the view that the final settlement could only be achieved, by common action and common consent, and. that the dispute is not, merely a military or political conflict between contiguous States. I cannot in thes small, space of time available; ter mo narrate in detail all that has happened since we last met at this table in June, 1921. At that date the German Government had just yielded to an. Allietl ultimatum which covered a scheelule of payments for the discharge of the reparation debt, as well as undertakings by the German Government for the early execution erf the military disarmament and other clauses of the treaty. The Reparation Commission, who had under the; treaty boon charged with the task of fixing the reparation debt, had estimated it at £6,600,000,000 —a total which has since in some quarters assumoel an almost sacrosanct character, but which in reality bore no relation to what Germany could pay, but was arrived at by lumping together the demands of the various claimant Powers. This total, which is well known to be a quite impossible sum, and which no sane person has ever expected that Germany would be able, ter pay in full, can only be altered by the consent of all the Powers. For a time in 1921, the; ultimatum having been accepted by Germany, and the policy of Dr. Wirth's Government being the fulfilment of the Treaty, payments were regularly made. But the situation in Germany was unstable ; the mark began the first elownward movement of its finally catastrophic descent; German industry anel high finance were stubborn anel hostile; assassination found its first victim in Erzberger-- to be followed at a later date by Rathen.au. Before the end erf the year Germany made her first application for a reduction of the payments duo in 1922. This request was discusseei at Cannes in January, 1922, and certain concessions were made —more were then asked for—involving the grant to Germany of a more complete moratorium for the rest of 1922 and for the whole of 1923, 1924. This was the situation when the Allied Premiers met in London in August, 1922, to consider the request. M. Poinearc declared that if there was to be a further moratorium lie must have productive pledges — i.e., the yield, of certain taxes and industrial undertakings, as well as the forests and mines in the Rhineland and the Ruhr. These proposals wore declared ter bo financially and economically unsound by the majority of the expert committee wher adviseel Mr. Lloyd George in the matter ; anel no decision was arrived, at. In the course, of the autumn Dr. Wirth's difficulties increased ; in November he resigned ; and with his disappearance the polioy of fulfilment, which had been his watchword, receded into the background. Ho was followed, by Dr. Cuno. At the enel of the year, when a decision by the Powers was necessary, since; the next payments were due, a further conference of Allied Prime Ministers was he;ld in London, followed a little later by a renewal of the meeting in Paris. By this time Mr. Lloyd George had ceased to be Prime Minister, and Mr. Bonar Law had taken his place. Now it was that the Ruhr, which had been in the background of all the French plans and proposals for two years, emerged into prominence as the sole French specific —the Ruhr to be occupied, preferably by the Allies, if not, then by France and such of her Allies as would go in with her, France's object in the move being to obtain immediate payment of the £1,300,000,000 which she, claimed, plus whatever sum might be reepired to [ray off her debts
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to Great Britain and the United States. Put in another way, France would agree to no reduction of the total of the German reparation debt save as a set-off against the cancellation of her war debts to Great Britain and America. The British view, on the other hand, was that Germany was incapable of making Jargo immediate; payments ; that the occupation of the Ruhr was not the right way in which to secure such payment; that by reducing the capacity of Germany to pay, owing to the loss of her most important, industrial and. economic centre, payment would be indefinitely postponed, and further exasperation and probably at a later date internal disruption in Germany would bo produced ; and that grave economic lerss would thus be entailed, not merely on the occupying Powers, but on Europe, viewed as an economic unit, in general. Mr. Bonar Law therefore declined to join in the; occupation, and proposed an alternative plan, for the reduction of the total debt to £2,500,000,000 with an accompanying issue of bonds, a moratorium for a short period of years, and the institution, of a elrastic control over German finance. Further, if this proposal were accepted., he made the, offer, startling though unrecognized in its generosity, to cancel the French, and. Italian war debtsto us in 1010. The French refused, and on the 11th January the Franco-Belgo-Italian occupation of tires Ruhr began. It cannot, I think, bo denied, that the sanguine expectations with which it was entered upon have been largely falsified by the results. An extensive and prolonged military occupation was far from being contemplated, and, indeed, as soon as it appeared inevitable, the Italians retired from the, scene. The sustained obstinacy and fury of passive resistance were not foreseen. The anticipated payments, whether in deliveries of coat and coke or in. reparation payments, wore presently shown to be not forthcoming. Meanwhile, as the net yield of the Franco-Belgian occupation became increasingly disappointing, so the treatment of the inhabitants by the Franco-Belgian authorities became increasingly severe. Thus there grew up a sort of deadlock, or, if the metaphor be varied, a condition of embittered stalemate between the rival forces. The Germans took the view that tires occupation was in direct violation of the Treaty. They refused all voluntary reparation payments to France and Belgium, and they threw every possible obstacle in the way of the industrial exploitation, of the region. The work of the military disarmament of Germany, provided for by the Peace Treaty, also came to a standstill. In the meantime Mr. Bonar Law, in a generous anxiety not to frustrate by British action the success of a policy in the practical application of which he rlisbelievcd, but the principle underlying which—viz., the desire and necessity to obtain reparations—was equally accepted by ourselves, while wishing the French good fortune in their undertaking, took up an attitude, of strict neutrality. That attitude we have maintained throughout the summer, retaining our army of occupation in the area the; custody of which had been assigned to us by the Treaty, endeavouring to hold the scales between the rival parties, and hoping to bring them to an ultimate arrangement. The fact that we learned from our Law Officers, after Mr. Bonar Law's return from Paris, that the occupation was not, in their opinion, justified by the terms of the treaty, thus confirming the wisdom of the British attitude, was never concealed by us from our Allies. On the other hand, public use was not made of it until M. Poincare himself raised the legal issue by basing his case on the alleged illegality of the German act!em in resisting the occupation. I am not here to apportion praise or blame between the various parties in the conflict. Our sentimental sympathy would always have been and was with our olei and trusted ally. We had not the smallest desire to take the, side of Germany, or to let the Germans down easily, or to deprive France of her just due. On the other hand, we also had to consider our due, and, viewing the matter not through the glasses of sentiment, but from, a severely practical angle, we regarded with increasing anxiety the prosecution of a policy that seemed to us to be productive of no good results, and to be leading on to disaster and ruin. In the course of the spring the German Government under Dr. Cuuo made a number of rather ill-advised suggestions for compromise, which I need not summarize, because they were in each case inadequate and stillborn. I did not think that their diplomacy in this respect was wise ; and in my various interviews with the German Ambassador I never failed to impress upon him this point of view and to urge that the duty of his Government was threefold : (1) to pay their just debts, (2) to agree to the fixation of the payments by competent authority, (3) to offer specific and. adequate guarantees. Simultaneously His Majesty's Government never wavered in the assertion of their broad and general loyalty to the entente, and more than once indicated to the French Government that, if security rather than, or in addition to, reparations was in their mind, we should at any time be; willing to discuss it. The first definite move, again halting and ill-conceived, was made by Germany in the opening days of May last. It was promptly turned down with scorn by France and Belgium, and met with no approval from us. Then, in response to a suggestion, made by His Majesty's Government, their second offer of the 7th June came. This was more, substantial ; for the German Government now offered to accept the decision, of an impartial international body as to the amount and methods of payment, they proposed certain specific guarantees, and they asked for a conference to work out a definite scheme. Here at least seemed to His Majesty's Government to be both the chance of progress and the material for a reply. Prolonged conversations with our French and Belgium Allies left their views and intentions veiled in some obscurity ; and accordingly we decided, with their knowledge, to draw up the draft of a joint reply, with a view to securing the inestimable advantage of concerted action. By this time the question of passive resistance, which had been continued, with unabated intensity and had baffled all the French expectations, had assumed the first place in the outlook of our Allies, and M. Poincare more than once laid down with uncompromising clearness that not until it was abandoned would he enter into discussions as to the future. For our part, we continued to give advice in a similar sense to the German Government; and in the draft reply which we submitted, its
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abandonment, entailing the gradual resumption of civil administration anel the progressive evacuation of the Ruhr, was put in the forefront of our scheme. In our explanatory letter to the Allies wo further made concrete proposals—viz., for the examination by a body of impartial experts, acting in conjunction with, and if necessary under the orders of, the Reparations Commission, of the, epiestion of German capacity and modes of payment, a similar examination into the question of the proposed guarantees, and the summoning of an Inter-Allied Conference ter bring about a general financial settlement, ido not think, therefore, that it can be said of His Majesty's Government that they were either backward in initiative or barren of suggestion ; and certainly our proposals appeared to us to be characterized both by impartiality and good will. They were unfortunate, however, in receiving an unfavourable, reply from France, and a not much more; favourable; reply from Belgium. These replies have been published to the world, and I need not recapitulate their nature. It is enough ter say that not until passive resistance was definitely abandoned by Germany would our Allies agree to make; any move ; our proposal for an expert inquiry was rejected ; the French anel Belgian claims for repayment were restated in unqualified form. I confess that my colleagues and 1 were greatly disappointed at the result of our sincere but thankless intervention. Once, more we stated our cases in the British Note of the 11th August, a note revised with meticulous care, first by the Cabinet and then by the Prime Minister and myself, and once again we offered as the price of a settlement to cancel the whole of our claims except for the sum of £710,000,000 to meet our debt to the United States Government. Moreover, if we could get a portion of the sum from German reparations, our demands upon our Allies would be proportionately reduceel. The replies of the French and Belgian Gervernments have, been published. They indicated not the faintest advance from the position alreaely taken up. Our capacity for useful intervention was manifestly exhausted. Meanwhile, as time passed, it became; apparent that the German Government could not, even if they desired, persist in the policy of passive resistance; and at length, only a week ago, Ilerr Stresemann, who had succeeded Dr. Cnno a few weeks earlier, decided to surrender. I think myself that this surrender should have been made three months ago, and was unwisely and foolishly postponed. But I have always been told, and I suspect that it is the truth, that no German Government could at that time have survived which made the; surrender. Whether Herr Stresemann, who had the courage and the wisdom to take this step, will survive is uncertain as I speak these words. And now what is the point to which we have come % We do not grudges our Allies the victory —if victory it be. On the contrary we welcome, just as we have ferr long ourselves advised, it. But are we any nearer to settlement ? Will the reparation payments begin to flow in . What is the new form of civil administration or organizatiern that is to be applied to the Ruhr 1 These are; questions which it is vital to put, and vital also to answer. One of the results, at any rate, that we anticipated has already been brought about. For we see, the beginning of that internal disruption which we have all along feared, but which we have been consistently told, to regard as a bogey. And let it be remembered that disruption is not nrerely arr ominous political symptom. It has a portentous economic significance, for it may mean thj_ ultimate elisappearance of the debtor himself. What, therefore, shoulel be the next step ? I have made no concealment erf our view in my conversations with the French Ambassador, and it has the approval of the Prime Minister, who recently . did so much by his visit to Paris to recreate a friendly atmosphere' after the rather heatcel discharge; of the; rival guns. We have repeatedly been assured by the, French Government that, as soon as passive resistance definitely ceased, the time for discussion between the Allies would have conic. So far as I can gather, the German Governmeait arc sincere in their intentions, and have taken the steps required of them. What may be the attitude of the local population in the Ruhr I cannot say. But if the French contention be valid that it is only in obedience to orders from Berlin that they have; hitherto resisted, there should be no difficulty about their conduct now. I woidd merely remark that, while passive resistance has, as we hoped anel desired, been replacesd by passive assistance, it may be too much to expect it to be followed all in a flash by enthusiastic co-operation. The French Government know therefore that wo await and expect the; next proposals from them. The contingency of the cessation of passive resistance must have; lemg been anticipated at the; Quai d'Orsay, and the consequent measures doubtless exist in outline if not in detail. We shall be quite ready to receive and to discuss them in a friendly spirit. Our position at Cologne, in the occupied, area gives us a right to be consulted in any local arrangements that may be proposed, and that position we have no intention to abandon. Our reparation claim, willing as we have been to pare it down in the interests of settlement, renders it impossible that any such settlement could be reached without our co-operation. Our stake in the economic recovery of Europe, which affects us as closely, anel in some respects more; so, than the immediate neighbour of Germany, makes us long for an issue;. Wo have already shown our willingness, by unexampled concessions, ter contribute to it.
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APPENDIX IV. SPEECHES REGARDING THE WORK OF THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS. 11th October, 1923. STATEMENT BY LORD ROBERT CECIL, X..C, M.P., LORD PRIVY SEAL AND BRITISH REPRESENTATIVE ON THE COUNCIL OF THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS. Lord Robert Cecil: Prime Minister, i am in a little physical difficulty, anel I hope the Conference will pardon me if my statement appears to bes inadequate to the importance of the; esause'. I propose, with your permission, to eleal a little generally with the; topic erf the League, and not, merely ter confine myself to the particular issue; of the, Italo-Greek crisis, unless the Conference desires me to do so. 1 do not propose to give you, or attempt to give you, a review of the; history erf the League proceedings during (die last few years, because, in I,he first, place, 1 have so recently joined, the; Government that 1 should not be- qualified to elo it, from the inside point of view, and from every other point of view everybody is equally qualified with myself, because the wholes of the proceedings, as you know, are always published either immediately or at a very short interval after they have taken place. Aims and Position of League. What 1 would like ter try to do. if I may, is to make some kind of estimate of the present position of the League, anel what place it ought to occupy, and doe;s occupy, in the foreign policy of the Empire. And it is necessary, though I should have hoped it would not have been, ter begin by one or two elementary observations, owing to certain criticisms from highly-placed quarters, which have been passed on the; recent proceedings of the; League. It seems necessary ter emphasize ernese; again that, the, League is not a super-State, and it is not there ter give laws to the world ; it is not an Organization which oil her legislates for or administers other countries; nor is it a mere debating society, a collection of more or less eminent, persons who go there ter indulge in futile oratory. I think it may be defined as an international organization to consider and eliscuss and agree upon international action and the settlement e>f international difficulties and disputes. Its method is not, therefore, the method erf coercive government; it is a method erf consent, and its executive instrument is not force, but public opinion. Now, lam sorry to insist, upon what to many of my hearers must be very elementary observations, and 1 only do so because, in connection with this crisis, there was published a very strong criticism of the' League; and the; aestiern of the British representatives, on the, authe.rity of an e.\-Prime Minister, which seemed ter me to show thai there was a considerable misapprehension, even in tire highest quarters, erf what the; League really strives ter do. Object of League is to promerte Agreement among Nations. The' League's business is not to impose; a settlement, even when a controversy is brought before, it: it is to promote agreement. The recent controversy was brought before- the league under Article lb, as I shall show in a minute;, and its business was to get a settlement of the controversy and an agreement, of the parties, anel, if they did not agree, there; was no power under the; Covenant, nor would it have been at all in accordance' with the general principles erf the League, tor the League ter attempt to esnfeireses what the Council of the League; might think was the proper settlement. As everybody, I imagine, in this room knows quite; well, there is only erne occasion in which, under the Covenant, force is to be ii.sed — i.e., under Article lb and the' object erf that is not to enforce any particular settlement or a particular action, but, to prevent, nations from fighting, especially until an erpperrtunity has been given for discussion, anil consideration, and agreement. It is rather important, I think, that that should be realized in. considering the actions erf the League, and not lesast its action in connection with this Italian-Greek crisis. Then; ought to be no doubt about it, because the very weirds of the preamble; describe its objects "To promote international co-operation ami ter achieve international peace; and security." Those are the two objects of the. League, and they are to be accomplished, as I say, by inducing the nations to agree and act together, anel not by any attempt by a group of nations, or by the, majority of the League', ter enforce on any particular nation any particular line erf conduct which is approved. Results already achieved. Now, I would like—l will be as brief as 1 can— just to ask whether this conception —because it is necessary to ask it in view of what has recently been said in some quarters —whether this conception has, in fact, worked out successfully. Lot me just take the first object of the preamble—international co-operation. 1 do not think the severest criticism of the League will deny.it has achioveei an immense amount of co-operation of the most valuable kind and of the most multifarious description. I. only propose to mention —1 eler not propose to discuss or describe; —what it has done, but, when we come to consider the enormous number erf different ways in which it has acted in oreler to promote international co-operation, I think there will be no doubt in the minds of anybody in this room that it has carried out this part erf its duty with very remarkable success*. Takes its humanitarian exertions : the repatriation of hundreds of thousanels erf prisoners of war, the relief erf hundreds of thousands of
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refugees, the organization of a'defence against the epidemics from the east of Europe, achieved with very little expense anil with absolutely complete success. Or you may take its social activities : the great efforts and the successful efforts it has made to strengthen the fight against opium ; to extirpate the horrible traffic in women anel children, which is one of the elisgraccs of our civilization ; the assisting and protection of Native, races ; anel a ve;ry large; part erf its work which is subsidiary to the League, but, in a sense a, part erf it, its work in the International Labour Organization. Or you may take its economic work : the gresat amount of work it has already done to facilitate the increase; of transit between nations, or the; smaller matters that it has haei something to do with, to relieve the hindrance caused by passport regulations, or the work which it has ekme quite lately, the other day, to induce the, nations to agree on a convention for the enforcement of commercial arbitration, a thing of immense importance to the commercial interest all over the, world. Or you may take its financial work : J neeei nert go back on the old Brussels Conference of 1920, although. I still think that was a vesry considerable effort towards the financial re-establishment of the; world, and that it eieserved better practical success than it actually achieved. Or you may take the; better-known and more striking success, the very, very considerable steps that have been taken te)wards the financial rehabilitation of Austria—very remarkable work—l have not time to deal with it in any detail, but the Conference is well aware of the very remarkable success that has been achieved in that direction. Ser remarkable is it that Hungary is asking us to help he;r in the; same kind of way, though, 1 hope, with less contingent financial liability than in the. case of Austria; and unhappy Greece, which has been saddled with a terrible financial problem erf providing for a million refugees- i.e., a quarter erf her whole, population—in addition to the existing population, is asking us to facilitate the raising of a loan for that purpose, and the establish ment erf a, scheme for the settlement of these; refugees em a sound economic basis. Or you may take its administrative work: the; administration erf Danzig, the administration of the Saar, the various administrative duti<;s which have been thrust upon it, or have been offered to it, by the Lausanne Treaty ;or you may take the number of other cases—l will not, weary the Conference by enumerating any more —from what is called the intellectual co-operative work,, which I thjnk perhaps has more the sympathy of our continental neighbours than ourselves, down to a conference feu fixing the movable feasts of the Church so as to have a fixed holiday instead of a, movable one. All this work has been done;, and, I think, with very great and remarkable success, and, considering the immense amount of advantage that has accrued to the populations of the world, with wonelerfully little expense. Ido nert believe it could have been done in any oilier way than by the existence of the League. Improvement on Previous Procedure. If anybody who is familiar with these things considers what, under the old system of a diplomatic correspondence and special conferences perhaps called of a partial kind, which have no machinery to carry them out between their summoning, if you consider that, I think you will agree that the work could not have been done except by the League;. The, truth is that the League really has done splendid work in all these respects, and, as Lorel Curzon said the other day, the League has exerciseel a wholesome and conciliatory influence in world politics. Ido not think it is right to underestimate the immense importance; of all these kinds of activities in that conciliatory influence on the larger political questions which have to be transacteel between nations. But,- of course, all that is comparatively a minor matter. Status of League in International Disputes. The second object erf the League; is the; object, erf achieving international peace and security ; and any one may well say, " How can you make any claim for the; League if you considor the condition of Europe now, after the League has been in existence for three or four years ? " I feel the force of the observation. But, in the first place, I must point out that the League, is only what the Governments composing it choose to make it. It is for them to say. As 1 have already explained, it is not a super-State, it has no coercive jurisdiction —it is for the Governments to say how much or how little work they entrust to the, League. The League was not asked to deal with the Russo-Polish War, and it was not asked to deal with the Turco-Greek War ; it was not asked to deal with the question of reparations ; and it is those three big questions more than, anything else that have boe;n responsible for the unrest which still prevails in Europe. No doubt, of course, it may be saiel that if it had been asked to deal with those three big questions it woulel have failed. All one can say is that that may be so, but the organizations which have attempted ter deal with them have not been pre-eminently successful. On. the other hand, as every one knows, in tins number of smaller questions which have been entrusted to the League, the. League has succeeded in allaying the; elifficulties anil disputes which have come before it. i need not recount the circumstances of those disputes —the question of the Aaland Islands; the question of Upper Silesia; the question of Albania and Serbia, which was a very dangerous question ; and even the question of Vilna, which many people regard as one of the least successfui matters ; but war between Lithuania and Poland was prevented. 1 think no one can deny that the work of the League; die! not meet with complete success, yet it did do this : it prevented any further fighting on the subject, and stopped the fighting which was already in progress. Italian-Greek Crisis. But all these are smaller questions, and that is why the recent Italian-Greek question is of such enormous importance in the history of the League. It was the first occasion on which an international dispute of the first order —one which might easily have led to serious wars in Europe —it was the first big question that had come before the League, and it is for that reason that I hope the Conference
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will allow me just to go through the dates and events, and point out exactly what the League did do and what the League did not do. The murder of General Tellini took place on the 27th August, and the Italian ultimatum was issued on the 29th August. The Greek reply was the next day —the 30th August—and, after acceding to the first three or four demands, and explaining that the Greek Government was not able to accede to the other three without abdicating its sovereignty—-that is, undertaking to hang somebody, to allow another Power to take its place in trying the criminals, and, above all, to undertake to pay 50,000,000 lire whatever happened - those three demands the Greeks refused, and concluded by saying that, if their reply was not deemed to be satisfactory, they were quite willing to submit the whole matter to the League ; and they bound themselves beforehand to accept whatever the League should suggest. On the same day—the 30th—came; the Ambassadors' note making their demands, for the Ambassadors were parties to the dispute ; they made their demands on the same day, and also on. the same day the Italian Government intimated that they would not accept the League. It is rather important that that should bo emphasized, because it has been suggested that it was something which the League did which induced the Italian Government to reject it, but as a matter of fact they rejected it before the League had done anything. On the 31st the Ambassadors' note was delivered and the bombardment and occupation of Corfu took place, and articles appeared in the, Italian Press hostile to the; League. Appeal to League by Government of Greece, and Action taken by Council. On the Ist September the Greek reeiuest for a hearing before the Council, of the; League was received, in Geneva. The Council of the League happened to be in session already. It immediately met on the morning of the Ist in private ; it is an illusion of some of our critics to suppose that the first meetings of the Council to deal with this matter were in public. It met in private, and the Greek representative, M. Politis, presented his request for the consideration and decision of the League. He read Articles 12 and 15 —or, at any rate, the material parts of them —and under those articles any one can see who refers to them that there is an absolute right given to any member of the League to submit to the League any dispute likely to lead to a rupture with any other member of the League, and it becomes the absolute duty of the Council to take that matter into consideration and endeavour to effect a settlement of it, and, if a settlement is impossible, then to hear and report upon the issue submitted to it, the- parties agreeing that they will not resort to war until the dispute lias been heard and reported upon. In making Iris speech M. Politis disclaimed any desire that Article 16 should be applied. Article 16, as every one knows, is an articles which provides for economic pressure and blockade, and ultimately stronger measures, in case a country resorts to war without having submitted its dispute to the League. In other words, M. Politis did not claim that there had been, a resort to war. I think he was right in the attitude he took. There had been an act which might have been treated as an act of war, but in fact was not treated as an act of war by the party against whom it was directed ; and therefore there was technically no resort to war, and M. Politis very explicitly said that he hael no desire that Article 16 should be applied, fdo not know whether the Conference may have noticed a letter by Sir Frederick Pollock in yesterday's Times in which that distinguished jurist explains his views that there was ho resort to war in this case. Question of Competence of League. The Italian representative, Signo-r Salandra, said that he had no instructions, and asked for an adjournment, but incidentally called attention to the fact that, since the matter was also an offence against the Conference of Ambassadors, they were involved, and it was a question —he did not actually say that the League had no competence at that stage, but suggested that it was a matter that the Conference of Ambassadors ought to deal with. That was not accepted at that stage by the Greek representatives, and on behalf of the British Government I said wo had no doubt at all as to the competence of the League, and I, while deploring deeply the murder —which I, of course, did—said on behalf of the; British Government that we felt there was ncr epuestion as to the duty of the League ter entertain thes request of the Greek Government under the clear terms of Article 15. I think the Conference would agree that the position was clear. There was a dispute if ever a dispute existed which, could be described as likely to lead to a rupture ; it was a dispute; of that nature ; it was a dispute which at any moment might have caused war between tiro two countries. Any hasty action on the part of the Greek commander might have; precipitated the; two countries into a war, and it may be with other countries as well ; that was clearly a dispute, likely ter lead to a rupture. It was submitted to the Council of the, Leagues by one; of its members expressly asking them to act under Article 15, and, as any one who will read that article will agree, there was no option or discretion in the matter : the Council were bound to act, and they did act. The line which I took on behalf of the British. Government was very warmly supported by the Swedish representative, M. Branting, and there was no question, on the part of any member of the Council as to what the duty of the Council was, apart from the. Italian representative. However, we adjourned till this 4th in. order to allow the; Italian, representative to receive his instructions, merely passing a resolution to the esffoct that we hoped nothing woulel. be; done on either side to aggravate; thes situation. Feeling in Assembly. The Assembly met on the 3rd, and it had become quite evident that there was a very strong and a unanimous feeling in the Assembly on the point. It is perhaps worth while to remind the Conference of the position of the; Assembly —1 mean, of the delegates. The larger Powers are usually represented by persons of more or less importance, commonly ex-Ministers or persons of note of that kindj the
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smaller Powers are not infrequently —I think I might say almost usually —represented by their Foreign Minister or somebody of equal authority in their country: Dr. Benes on behalf of Czocho-Slovakia, M. Nincic on behalf of Serbia, M. Kalfoff on behalf of Bulgaria, and Dr. Nansen on behalf of Norway, and so on; consequently a very large proportion of them, speak- directly for their Governments, anel those who are not actually Ministers are usually people of such importance that anything they say carries the opinions of their countries with them. It was therefore of great importance that there was a really strong, vehement feeding that, the League must act and must do its duty, and a strong feeling also, of course, that the occupation aire! bombardment of Corfu was, in the; circumstances, not a defensible proceeding. Further Proceedings of Council. There had been delivered on the 2nd —and this is an important fact in the situation -the: reply of the Greeks to the note from the Ambassadors' Conference, anil in that reply they expressed their willingness to accept whatever the Ambassadors put upon them. On the same day I received, anel was intensely grateful to the Prime Minister and the' Foreign Secretary for them, the instructions from the British Government authorizing me to take whatever action 1 thought right to support the Covenant. The next day the Greek note to the Ambassadors was received, of cerurse, and wes received —I need not go into the detail erf it -we received information of the rather vehement anel formal rejection of all competence of the; League on behalf of the Italian Government. That was the 2nd September. When wes met on the 4th September, in the first, public meeting of the Council, this Italian instructions had not arrived. They had sent, somebody, erne of their members, to Hermes to get; personal instructions, and all that we- did on that occasion was to hear a, further proposal from the Greek Government offering this deposit of 50,000,000 lire in a, Swiss bank to await whatever damages might, be awarded against, them. Then came the meeting of the sth September, and then we had a communication for the first time from the; Ambassadors' Conference telling us what was going on in Paris. We had a, speech from the Italian representative denying the competence of the League, in a vesry much more moderate form, it must be sale!, than the language which had beesn used outside the Council of the League:, and it was on that occasion that wes had resae! to us the relevant articles of the Covenant, in French and English, pointing out, what the duties of the Council were, and that we coulel not infringe those duties without breaking the Covenant anil incidentally breaking the Treaties of Peaese' erf which the Covenant was part. It became clear at this stage, berth from what Signer Salandra said to us in this Council ami from information conveyed ter us from outside, that the, Italians were now prepared- they had not said ser up till then to accept thes Conference of Ambassadors, not only as the proper authority for dealing with the offence to tins Ambassadors, but, as determining what ought to be done between Greece and Italy, and therefore on that date, we, were lor the first, time in the, presence of an agreement by the two parties of the; dispute to accept the: decision erf a tribunal, of a body, outsiele: the League. We had a, meeting; a certain number of members of the Council met and considered what reply we, ought to send to the Ambassadors, and we. felt that our business under this Covenant was to elo everything we could to promote a settlement; and, since the two parties had agreeei to accept the decision of the Conference erf Ambassadors, our object henceforward was to do everything we could to facilitates the task of the Ambassadors, and to make their decision as nearly in accordance with public opinion of the world as expressed at Geneva as we could. We therefore drew up the proposed terms of settlement apart from the, question of the evacuation of Corfu, and these were proposed by the Spanish member of the Council at the meeting of the Council on the 6th. We were unable to scire! those proposals as agreed recommendations to the Council of Ambassadors, anel it was in orelesr to get over that difficulty that at my suggestion we decided to send the whole of the minutes of our proceedings to the Ambassadors, who, as we knew, were going to meet tins next day to deaf with thes matter; anel tins minutes included not only the actual proposals, which were, in fact, thes proposals which wore afterwards adopted practically without alteration, or very small alterations, by tin; Conference of Ambassadors, but also included certain very important declarations by other members besides the British member erf the Council as to the competence of the League. The Belgian member, for instance, M. Hymans, made a very strong declaration as to the clear competence of the League. That was assented to by the Swedish member and by the Uruguayan member, anil also by the: Spanish representative. It was, of course, quite wesll known that that res presented the strongfeeling, as I have already said, of all these: nations there assembled at Geneva, anil 1 happen to know, as a matter of fact, that that feeling was conveyed by a great number of different nations both at Paris and at, Homo to the Governments of France and Italy. I have not myself the least, doubt, that, that strong feeling had a considerable effect upon the readiness with which the Conference of Ambassadors on the 7th September adopted the suggestions which the Council of the League had put forward as to the settlement of the question apart from the evacuation of Corfu. The: Conference erf Ambassadors did adopt thesm. They were accepted by Greece and Italy ; and then took place a rather awkward pause. Wo were informed that the Conference erf Ambassadors were going to ileal with the question erf Corfu also. As I have said only too often, tire: business of the League was to promote an agreement and a settlement, and as long as there was any prospect of a, settlement being reached it was not the duty erf tire Ceruncil of the League to intervene. They therefore held their hand altogether during (dies next, few clays, awaiting the decision of the •Conference of Ambassadors as to what was going to happen in Corfu. They, of course, reserved to themselves the right to take the: matter up again if no settlement was reached, or if a settlement was reached so plainly in defiance erf all public law that they could not allow it to pass. As a matter of fact, on the 13th the settlement was reached, and the note which was sent by the Conference of Ambassadors to Greece was not unsatisfactory. It said that it adhered to the terms, erf course, of the 7th September, the first note, and that, having received from the, Italian Ambassador a statement that Italy would in any case, evacuate Corfu on the 27th September—which,
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I may parenthetically observe:, was two days before the end of the Assembly —having received that assurance; it went on to say that, if the Ambassadors were satisfied that Greece had not carried out with due care, its obligations to search for anel punish the criminals, then they reserved to themselves the right to impose further penalties on Greece, including the payment of the whole 50,000,000 lire, without any reference to the International Court. That was the note of the 13th September. On that we wore not called upon to make any observations, because both Greece and the Italians accepted the note, anel so far as the League was concerned the matter was at an one). Part played by League in Settlement. A settlement had been effected; we: had done the best we: coulel to effect that settlement; and I am convinced that the concentration of public opinion at Geneva was one of the great factors in promoting what was, after all, a very rapid pacific solution of an exceedingly difficult question. On the 17th September there was a meeting of the Council, at which we took note of this settlement, and 1 terok the opportunity of explaining very much what I have explained to the Conference here, what seemed to us the duty of the League in cases of this kind. On the 18th the Italian representative made a further statement as to his objection to the competence of the: League. It was, I think one may say without impertinence, more moderate than the previous declarations hael been, and thereupon it was agreed that we should take means to clear up definitely and for ever, as far as one could, all these legal questions that had been raised, the question of competence and the question of the right to seize territory in order to enforce demands —I will deal with that in a moment —and also the question of the responsibility for political crimes committed on the; territory of a State. I need not trouble the Conference with the dotails of the negotiations that then took place. A number of meetings of the Council took place, and we called in our legal advisers. They drew up five questions which raised these matters, and they were accepted, together with a declaration, to which I shall refer in a moment, by the Italian Government. Discussion in Assembly. On the 28th —and this is the last elate: I shall have to trouble the Conference with—there was a meeting of the; whole Assembly, when, for the first time, the Assembly thought it was right for them to discuss and express an opinion upon these events. It was begun by the President of the Council, Viscount Ishii, reading the resolutions to which the Council had come. He was followed by M. Branting, who expressed certain criticisms, particularly that the matter had not been referred directly to the International Court of justice. I made some observations. Then occurred a really rather remarkable demonstration. Eight or ten representatives from all parts of the world, from all four quarters of the globe, one: after the other, expressed in the, strongest way their conviction that the: League was competent to deal with the matter and their regret at some of the incidents that had occurred. Summary of Position. May I just try and summarize what seems to me to have been the result ? Greece submitted the questions under Articles 12 and 15, and, as I have explained, the Council was bound to entertain them and did entertain them. There was no resort to war, and hence, as the Greeks very truly said, Article .16 did not apply. On the other hand, a very serious question was raised as to the action of the Italian Government in occupying territory in order to enforce a demand against Greece. Precedents for Italian Action. That is not as clear a matter as perhaps some of us would wish. Undoubtedly, before the Covenant it had been quite common for countries of all kinds to exercise coercion of that kind. Sir Frederick Pollock called attention to the proceedings in Crete ; but there are stronger cases still. There is a case in the early " sixties " where the British Government did almost exactly the same as the Italian Government. A British subject was murdered in. Japan by one of the feudal clans. This was before the marvellous changes in Japan. The British Government demanded £25,000 as compensation to the, relatives of the murdered man, and £100,000 as compensation to the British Government, and apologies, and the arrest of the criminals. When the criminals were not arrested as quickly as they thought they ought to be arrested the British Fleet bombarded a place called Kagoshima and burned it to the grounei. I mention this because it is right that we should, realize that, apart from the Covenant, there was nothing unusual, whatever we may think of it as a proper international proceeding, there was nerthing unusual in what the Italians did at Corfu. On the other hand, it has raised the question of whether that Covenant permits any such action to be taken by one member of the League: against another without at any rate resorting to every means of discussion and debate in order to settle the dispute before such measures are taken. Defence of Council's Action. Shortly, I venture to say that the Council did exactly what it ought to have done under the Covenant. Its business was to promote a settlement. If that settlement could not be promoteel by diplomacy or by arbitration, which are mentioned under Article 13, its business was to hear anel report upon the dispute itself. It carried out that duty of promoting a settlement absolutely, and its suggestions, as I venture to think, for the settlement were of great value and were in themselves quite sound. But once the parties had agreed on settling it in. another way than by the report of the Council, it was not only the right but it was the duty of the Council to do everything they could to facilitate, the settlement by those, means,
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Appointment of Commission of Jurists. There remain then these two questions which I have referred to, the question of the legality of the occupation of Corfu, which I have already dealt with, and the eiuestion of the competence of the. League. They have been dealt with in this way : We, most of us, or I and several of the other members of the Council, desired that they shoulel be referred to the International Court of Justice for an advisory opinion. The Italians were opposed, ter that in the case of one of the questions. They proposed that they should be referred to a Commission of jurists. Ultimately we agreed to the Commission of jurists, and they agreed to a very strong declaration : that any dispute between members of the League likesly to lead to a rupture is within the sphere of action of the League, and that, if the dispute, cannot be settled by diplomacy, arbitration, or judicial settlement, it is the duty of the Council to deal with it under Article 15 of the Covenant. In view of that very strong declaration, which seemed to me to go far to dispose of the question erf competence, I did not myself think it was necessary to fight any longer for the immediate reference to the International Court of Justice. The matter will go to this Commission of jurists, and they will report to the next meeting of the Council on the 10th December. If the Council still feel that the matter is in any doubt they will be able to put any further questions they like to the International Court. Effect of Italian Action on Position of League. It seems to me, therefore, that, as far as the formal position of the League is concerned, it is unhurt. An attack was made on its competence that has been either actually withdrawn or will be dealt with finally in the near future. The question of the occupation of Corfu is also to be submitted to legal determination, and so is the question of the, responsibility for a political crime committed on the territory of a State. I confess I think those provisions for dealing with these questions which have been raised in this dispute in a strictly legal way form a very valuable precedent. Ido not recall any instance of an international dispute of this nature, raising very difficult questions, which has been followed by an attempt to settle those questions by strictly legal and constitutional means, and if that precedent is established and is followed it really will lay the foundation, as it seems to me, for a gradual elaboration of international law which may be of enormous value for the future peace of the worlel. Therefore, formally the League is unhurt. Substantial y, however, Ido not think one can go as far as that. There has been the challenge by a great Power of the competence of the League. It is quite, true that that has been met immediately by a very remarkable rally of all the smaller Powers to the support of the League. It showed, a very strong, vigorous, vital fooling on the pa.rt of all those Powers not only in Europe, but all over the worlel, that the League must be supported, that it, was the only guarantee of justice between the States, and that the small States particularly were vitally interested in the maintenance of the authority of the League. I think that was a very valuable counterweight to the repudiation—l think we must admit it was repudiation-—by a great Power of the competence of the League, at any rate for a time. Ido not think that repudiation has done the League's authority as much harm as some people believe. General Attitude towards Council of Governments represented on it. Apart from the actual repudiation by a great Power, the other unfavourable symptom that struck me at Geneva was a certain want of confidence in the Council of the League by the members of the Council. They did not feel as sure of themselves as I could have wished. They did not quite know what it would be safe for them to do. That is perhaps not a matter of surprise considering the short time which the League has bee:n in existence, but I do think, if I may say so, that it points to the necessity for those countries that believe in the League, as I hope we do, giving to'the League on all possible occasions every support that they can, and making it a most essential part of our foreign policy. Comments on League Machinery. On the other hand, I think we may say, those of us who believe in the League, that there were very many encouraging things about this crisis, not only the matters to which I have already alluded. I think we may say with great truth that the machinery of the League worked well; that it all worked, as we used to be told, according to plan ; that the dispute, when it was presented, came naturally to the Council, the, Council naturally considered it; there was no hitch or difficulty. I myself believe that the publicity in wdiich the later stages of the controversy took place was all to the good. I believe it enabled public opinion to support the League, to support what I think was justice. I think that the effect of public opinion was exactly what we who believed in it thought it would be ; it was so overwhelming that no country could stand against it, and that, when it became clear that the public opinion of the world, was on ones side, that country had to modify its policy in accordance with the opinion expressed. Support of British Empire for LeagueSomebody said to me the other day that the British Empire never had any foreign policy except to keep the peace. I believe that is roughly true ;at any rate:, true for very many decades, if not centuries, past. We have, tried to keep the peace : that has been the great object of British foreign policy —working not by force, not by power, but by trying to promote friendliness amongst the nations. That has been, I believe, the broad object, sometimes more and sometimes less successfully pursued by successive British Ministries. I believe it is still the essential thing we should aim at. We now have in our hands an instrument for that, purpose in the League of Nations, incomparably more effective than anything we have had before. We ought to do our utmost to strengthen the
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League and make it more and more the corner-stone of our policy, for unless we: can get rid of the war machinery, the idea of force and compulsion, I do not myself think there is any hope that we shall see a pacified and restored Europe. STATEMENT BY THE PRIME MINISTER OF CANADA. Appreciation of Lord Robert Cecil's Statement. Mr. Mackenzie King : I do not know that I have much to add by way of comment, except to express appreciation for the information we have received, particularly in relation to the Italian-Greek crisis, and the fact that Lord Robert Cecil went so carefully and fully into the different aspects of the work of the League in which we are all so interested. Effect of Italian Action on Public Opinion in Canada. In speaking of the Italian-Greek crisis and tiro relations of the: League thereto, we cannot from a distance but feel that, the extent to which public opinion was focussed on the dispute was increased a thousandfold by virtue of the fact that the League's authority to a certain extent had apparently been ignored. It gave to every country, certainly to Canada, in her interest in the dispute, a feeling of immediate: concern, which I think she otherwise would never have had. I believe that much the same feeling was aroused in America, though she is not a member of the League. I think there was a feeling that, after all, nations had endeavoured to set up some machinery to take the place of force, which machinery should bo respected. I believe: that the fact that the League was meeting at the time certainly went far in arousing world opinion, and would have led to a much more, vigorous action from the outside world if necessity had occasioned it. Certainly nothing could better express the views that were hold in Canada generally with reference to the support which should be given to the League than the, concluding remarks of Lord Robert Cecil. In every particular they would be endorsed with enthusiasm from one end of our country to the other. Good Effects of Lord Robert Cecil's Visit to Canada and the United States. May I take advantage of this occasion to express the pride and pleasure which we all felt in the visit of Lord Robert Cecil to America and the addresses given there . I believe they were: distinctly helpful in interpreting the work of the League in a sympathetic manner to the people of the North American continent. I believe the speeches did much good. Ido think that Lord Robert Cecil's visit was in every particular helpful to the League and to the British Empire. I should like to mention that my colleague, Sir Lomcr Gouin, was one of erur representatives at, the League, and possibly the Conference woulel like him to say a word or two, if he so desires. STATEMENT BY MINISTER OF JUSTICE, CANADA. Sir Lomcr Gouin : I was at Geneva representing my country at the last meeting of the League of Nations. I followed the deliberations of the Assembly and the deliberations of the Council. I must say that I felt proud of the role played by Lord Robert Cecil both before the Assembly and before the Council. Canadian Amendment to Article 10 of the Covenant. 1 must take this opportunity to thank Lord Robert Cecil for the great help he gave: Canada in connection with the proposition that we laid before the Assembly with regard to Article 10 of the Covenant. As you remember, in 1919, at the time that the Peace Conference was preparing the Covenant, the representative of Canada, my predecessor, the Right Hon. Mr. Doherty, opposed Article 10, anel, after the Covenant was signed anel brought to our Canadian Parliament for ratification he maintained his opposition to that Article. But, believing in the, Covenant and wishing to be a party to the League of Nations, he asked our Parliament to ratify the Covenant, which was done:. In 1920, at the very first meeting of the Assembly of the League, he came before, the delegates and asked for the repeal erf Article 10. This was referred to a Commission appointed by the Council, and the report of that Commission was to the effect that, instead of repealing Article 10, an interpretative: clause should be adopted by the Assembly. That report was discussed at two Assemblies, and irr .1922 our representative, the Hon. Mr. Lapointe, finding that he could not obtain the repeal of Article 10, brought up another amendment in advance of the proposition of the interpretative clause. This year I brought up the same amendment, and, with the help of Lord Robert Cecil and the representatives of the other Great Powers, we succeeded in having the, Commission, which , had been entrusted with the examination erf erur proposal, submit an interpretative declaration to the Assembly, which voted for it by a large majority, one State: only voting against it. It is true that the, clause was not adopted, as unanimity was necessary under the rules, but— Lord Robert Cecil: It was only Persia who was against it. Sir Lomer Gouin: Yes, and that is why I say that in effect we, have obtained the interpretative declaration which we were seeking. And for this I wish to renew my thanks to Lord Robert Cecil for the assistance that he has given us. That is all 1 have ter say. STATEMENT BY THE PRIME MINISTER OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF AUSTRALIA. Interest of Australia in League. Mr. Bruce: Prime Minister, on behalf of the people of Australia, I feel I must say something in regard to this question, because I do not think there is anything at this time they are more interested
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in than the League of Nations. The idea of the aims and objects erf the League is gradually percolating through Australia, and there, is a very strong feeling growing up there that the League erf Nations has at least got the germ of a hope to maintain peace in the world. lam confident, that Australia would take any action it could to promote the authority of the League of Nations, and to give it every opportunity to go forward and grow in strength and be:e:eime the great instrument that those who brought it into being had in mind. 1 think that Australia's demand for some voice in the foreign policy of the Empire is, to a very great extent, directly traceable to the League of Nations and Australia's interest in its objects. Australia stands for Peace and Support of League. It has been very well put by Lord Robert Cecil, to wheim we, are very grateful for the information he has given, that Britain's foreign policy is peace. Australia's foreign policy would certainly be peace ; and, quite apart from any apprehensions, which 1 may have appeared to suggest that we had, of being involved in war without our consent, we also toel that, after the late tragic war, we have a responsibility to try to do our share in promoting peace in the world, and Australia believes that the foundation of Britain's foreign policy should certainly be to support the League of Nations and make its authority as great anel world-wide as is possible. In the debate which took place, in Australia with regarei to those Conferences the view was expressed that one of the greatest tasks that lay to our hanel was to see, whether this Conference, representative: erf the whole Empire, could not really do something towards ensuring the peace of the werrhl and solving some erf the very sen ions problems we are faceei with to-day. The people of Australia take: a very strong view of this matter ; and I. am sure they would say, almost with a united voice, that they do believe in the League of Nations, and that all our actions ought to be directed towards trying ter promote its power, its force, and its authority in the world. Need for Discretion. There are one or two things, however, that I think I erught to say. We: are enthusiastically in favour of the League, but we think that the League ought to show great discretion, and very great discretion, in the next few years, certainly in the period of its infancy. If the League tries to go too far and too fast, and to achieve all the objects it has in view in too short a time, I think it will defeat its own ends. Progress already made, and Prospects for the Future. Personally I think very great progress, considering the, time the Leagues has be.e.n in existence, has already been made, and I am quite certain, that that progress will be, accelerated anel that we may be a little surprised at what tho League can accomplish. 1 recognize, of course, that the League of Nations is never going to do what we: hope while there are great nations outside it; but there is no reason, because certain nations ter-day do not see that they can join the League, why we; should think that tho League should not ger on and that the case is hopeless. The: position will probably improve in the future, and the one thing we have got to bear in mind is to keep the League in existence, keep it functioning; and whether it is this League, or a greater League that will spring up in a, few years, we have to keep its idea alive. We saw very clearly that it was imperative when the tragic sufferings of the war were very close to us, which many of us rather seem to have forgotten. The League should be kept alive because, if this League goes, we have, no hope erf establishing anything of the s rrt, until we: have, be:e:n through another worlel tragedy erf the: same character as that which erur generation has seen. The; next world tragedy of that character is going to be a tragedy onehundredfold worse than the one we have experienced. So that, although Australia is enthusiastically behind the idea of the League of Nations, it does not think that the League at this stage, in its infancy, can ensure the peace of the worlel, but it believes that, if tho League is given opportunity to grow, there is the germ here erf the erne thing that may ensure the great object we all have, to maintain the peace of the world. STATEMENT BY THE PRIME MINISTER OF NEW ZEALAND. Appreciation of Lord Robert Cecil's Statement. Mr. Massey: I would just like to say, by way of introduction, Prime Minister, how much 1 appreciate the very plain and straightforward statement that we have had this morning. I think if eveui part of Lord Robert Cecil's statement is published it will go a long way to clear the atmosphere which has undoubtedly been created by recent events. I wish also to say how much I sympathize with Lord Robert Cecil in what has recently taken place. For years past he has given practically the whole erf his efforts, anel the whole of his energy, and the whole of his ability, to the business of tho League of Nations, from the commencement right up ter nerw. I know that he must have, been disappointed with some of the criticisms at which lam surprised myself—anel with some of: the misrepresentations—which are worse; than criticisms—that have been given utterance to by men who ought to have known better. Personal Opinion of Value of League. In saying that, I am bound to admit that I have never been quite an enthusiastic supporter of the League. But, with regard to what has taken place, my own opinion is that too much was e-xpected from the League, and I think that some of the more ardent supporters of the League are themselves to blame for the feeling that has been created. The idea that was created was this : that the operations of the League would prevent war. I never thought so. 1 do not think for a moment
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that the: prevention of war by the League was possible. The: League, was initiated to promote peace -peace by arbitration, peace by conciliation, or peace by bringing ter bear public opinion. I say now that I believe a very great deal of good Iras be;en done by the, League, and it ought to get credit therefor. STATEMENT BY THE PRIME MINISTER OF THE UNION OF SOUTH AFRICA. Appreciation of Lord Robert Cecil's Work for League. General Smuts : I wish to join those of my colleagues who have already spoken in expressing very strong appreciation of the work that Lord Robert Cecil has done at Geneva. As the, representative of one of the Dominions for a number of years, and now the representative of the British Government, I think he has rendered invaluable service, not only to the worlel at large, but also to the British Empire, in the stand he has made for League principles and for the position of the League. I nominated him as the South African representative, not because he was necessary from the South African point of view or to defend South African interests, but in order to give him, as the great protagonist in this country for the League, a platform from which he might continue effectively to support that movement. He has done so in a way which 1 think is above praise. The moral stock erf: the: British Empire, so far as lam informed, is very high in Geneva. I was very much struck by what one of the South African representatives told me on his return from Geneva the other day. He said the most remarkable, thing at Geneva is the confidence, the faith, the reliance, which all the small peoples erf the world represented there have in the British Empire, and in the stand that wo are making for justice, fair play, and international honesty. That is a matter of ve;ry great importance to us, and I think it is very largely due to the ethical tone: which Lord Robert Cecil has been able to give to the discussions there, and to the message of good will that he has been able to bring from this country and from the other young nations of the British Empire to the nations of the world. Restoration of Austria. Lord Robert has told us this morning in his very full statement what the League has elono and the successes the League has achieved, and he has in particular referred to the successful restoration of Austria. The success of the Austrian experiment is valuable and significant not only in itself, but because it points a way to a similar treatment to any other country that may require our help in the future. I was discussing with some financial men in tho city what might be done in case Germany were to break down completely financially, and there was a consensus of opinion that the Austrian experiment had been so successful and formed so good a precedent that, if we had to take action, our treatment of Austria might serve as a very valuable precedent. And let me say this : that in the case of Austria also South Africa has been able to be helpful. We happen to have: as one; of our South African representatives a'gentleman of Austrian origin and of very great financial ability who has been able to make a very notable, if not the main, contribution towards the rehabilitation of Austria. Support of British Empire for the League. I would press very strongly that the British Empire, the British Government and the Governments represented here at this Conference, should use all their power in order to keep their hands clean and support the League, and support the smaller powers where their interests clash against the larger Powers. I agree thoroughly with Lord Robert when he said that the position of the League: is nert one of force ; it does not rest on the sanction erf ferrce, but on public opinion, the moral enlightened opinion of mankind. The more we, can marshal that opinion—and we can play a large part in doing so—the more we can marshal the: support of public opinion and the feeling of the worlel em the, side of the League, the better for the future of the League. The League is inevitable. The: League ideal seems to be the only hope: erf the world, and if in. practice the League has not realized the great anticipations of those who originated it, it is because: of its youth and inexperience, and because of the difficulties of the time through which we are passing—times of reaction, times of disillusion, times when it is almost impossible to keep any good cause: afloat. Wo recognize that we are passing through an era of great difficulty ; all we can do is to keep the flag of tho League flying, and not, to put burdens on it, which it cannot carry. In the end it must triumph : that is inevitable. There is nothing else: if there is to be a reign of law and justice in this world. In the meantime we can do our best to marshal public opinion behind it, and to see that it stands for the high principles for which it was originally founded. I was very glad to hear the speech of Mr. Bruce, the Prime Minister of Australia. It shows how all the young countries of the British Empire are now falling into line in real whole-hearted support erf the League. To my mind there is no doubt that the League is not only a groat world interest, it is a British interest too. I thoroughly endorse what Mr. Bruce has said. The more, we can make, the League a real living force, the less armaments we, as an Empire shall require. We cannot rest merely on a military or a naval basis. Something far greater than armaments will be wanted in an Empire as great as ours, and the League seems to me to be a real, substantial, moral reinforcement of our whole position. The more we can strengthen it, the: more wo can make it a reality, the more secure our position will be. which is not one of military or naval ambitions, but one erf peace and social progress in the world. I therefore hope that whatever we can do to strengthen the position of tho League we shall eio. Value of League to Empire. Lot the world know that behind tho League: and behind the action it has occasion to take is the whole force and weight of the British Empire. lam sure' the League is adding a new bond of cohesion to the Empire. lam sure that the time is coming when the young nations of the British
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Empire will be: prepared to. support any particular line of action, not merely to support Great Britain, but because the League is being flouted, because; the League is being attacked, and they stand by the League. These young nations will have: an added motive and an added reason for coming forward and supporting the international action of Great Britain. World's Need for League. But it is to our interest, not only from the point of view of the, British Empire, but far more still from a broad human point of view, to support the League as strongly as we can. What do we see to-day ? We sec a whole world lapsing into decay. Europe has been so smashed by the war that nothing seems possible to make her rally again. The break-up which began at the end of the war is continuing. We do not know what Europe will be like in ten or twenty years' time. We only see that forces are at work, far deeper and of a more, fundamental character than we ever thought, possible. We thought it would be possible to stabilize the position at the peace and to have a settlement of Europe which might be abiding. We have seen now that hope has been in vain. Nothing now is abiding. The unsettlcment of Europe continues, the break-up continues. Aire! in those circumstances, if there is any practical force that will work in keeping the nations together in pe:acc and protect us against an era of complete reaction and brigandage such as sesesms now to bes setting in, if there is any such practical institution, let us exploit it to the full. We: are, no doubt in for a very bad time. I think this present generation will probably see human institutions put to as severe a test as they have evevr been. And when we have an institution like this which, whatever the: attitude of the great Powers, is undoubtedly appealing strongly to the smaller Powers, practically to all of them, I think we, sheruld marshal our forces behind it, knowing that this will bo a stabilizing agency and that it will help to keep us together and keep humanity afloat through the dark seas through which we: are voyaging nerw. Perhaps 1 speak too strongly, but that is my feeling. So far from the League being a sort of revolutionary agency, as many have thought—something that will destroy the British Empire, something that will work unknown mischiefs in the world—l look on it as a great conservative stabilizing force working on the side e>f the British Empire and the, ideals for which we stand. Not only from the large human motives which have impelled us, but also from the point, erf view of the British Empire, we have every reason to support this movement to the, fullest erf our power and ability, and I hope we: shall continue to do that ; anel I trust that the next crisis, which may not be far off, will see the League emerge with greater credit anil more strongly than it has come: out of this last crisis. STATEMENT BY THE MINISTER OF EDUCATION, IRISH FREE STATE. Acceptance by Irish Free State of Principles of League. Professor John MacNeill: I. may say that the Irish Free State has arrived at nothing nearer to a definition of foreign policy than is expressed in its adhesion to the League of Nations, and I was very much, gratified to hear on all sides to-day, from Lord Robert Cecil, and from the representatives of other States who have spoken, the view expressed that the foreign policy in which we, as a group of nations, ought to be interested —I shall not say, to which wo ought to be, committed, but in whiesh we ought to be interested—should bes in harmony with tho principles underlying the League: of Nations. I sincerely trust that will always be so. If it is so there will never be any difficulty in our following a common course together anel following it effectively. Speaking as the junior among you and representing a junior State among you, I have no hesitation in saying that, if a test of those principles arose and if the League of Nations, through its properly accredited organs, required a certain duty to be done, a certain amount of pressure, in. whatever form desired, to be applied, I am perfectly certain that the nation for which I sit here would not be: behindhand in doing that duty. I should like to emphasize the point of view that I have expressed, because, as an observer in Geneva, I did my best to estimate the feeling that was abroad, especially among the smaller nations, and I should say undoubtedly it was a feeling of dissatisfaction rather than a feeling of want of confidence —a feeling of desire that the objects of the League should be made, effective, which is I think the, next thing to the: operative will that they shoulel be made effective. On this question in general I did my best to express the view of the Irish delegation in a statement that I made at the meeting of the Assembly on the 28th September, and I shall not take' up the time: of this Conference in repeating that view now. Appreciation of Lord Robert Cecil's Work for League. I shoulel like t,er join with those who have spoken already in offering a testimony, a stronger testimony than my own personal testimony, when 1 say that, so far as I know, anel 1 have he:arel erf nothing to the contrary, it was the unanimous feeling of the: representatives of the nations at Geneva that Lord Robert Cecil'had done as much as could be done to maintain the: prestige and the effectiveness of the League of Nations. STATEMENT BY THE PRIME MINISTER OF NEWFOUNDLAND. Appreciation of League. Mr. Warren : I will not tresspass upon the Conference except to express what 1 feel as a result of this discussion. Youth as a rule does not command respect, and is sometimes subjected to correction, either moral or physical, which, as I know from personal experience, is sometimes quite unjustifiable. The League is a young one, and I think it has borne the strain very successfully. The fact that it has borne that strain shows that although, it is young still it is a hardy anel strong growth, anel I feel confident that when it goes forward anel becomes the. power which undoubtedly it will become, it will not be subjected to such strains as have been put on it recently. By that I moan that the nations will see what the League can really do, and will rather apply to it for aid than attempt to thwart it.
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Newfoundland's Confidence in Lord Robert Cecil. So far as Newfoundland is concerned, we are not represontod in the League of Nations, but we leave our interests with perfect confidence in the hands of Lord Robert Cecil. STATEMENT BY THE SECRETARY OF STATE FOR INDIA, AS HEAD OF THE INDIAN DELEGATION. Support of League. Lord Peel: I desire, to associate myself generally, on behalf of India, with the views that have been expressed here by the representatives of the Dominions in support of the League of Nations. Opium Question. I think that I ought to make one or two remarks orr the position ed India in connection with the opium question. Some resolutions were passed at the last meeting of the Advisory Committee on Opium with reference to the traffic in opium, and we have been criticized, I understand, in certain quarters because our representatives could not fully accept those resolutions and were compelled to make a reservation on behalf of India. The reservation that was made on behalf of India was to the following effect: " That the use of raw opium according to the established practice in India and its production for such use are not illegitimate under the Convention." Those who are familiar with Indian habits and customs will realize how essential it was that the representatives of India should, support such a reservation. India's Position as regards Opium Traffic. As there has been some: criticism of Indian action on. this point I should like to say, and I will say it very briefly, how very strong the position of India is upon this subject. First of all, let me remind the Conference that the Indian Government have made very great sacrifices in the cause of the restriction of this opium traffic. They have sacrificed no less than four million sterling per year by their restriction of this traffic, a very great sacrifice indeed in the case of a country with such a large poor population and such comparatively limited resources as India possesses ; but not only that, they have most loyalty and faithfully and fully carried out —I was going to say to tho letter —all tho provisions of the Hague Conventions in connection with the subject of opium. Ido not want to criticize other countries, but I could, not say the same thing of many of those countries adjoining India who have a financial interest in the opium traffic. And not only that, but the Indian Government have been very careful to restrict all their exports of opium to the amount actually approved of by tho Governments of the countries to whom their opium was exported. They have, in fact, only exported on indents, as you might call them, from those particular countries ; and I would like to add this point: that, as regards the consumption of opium, during the last three years this has become a subject which is domestic to the provinces rather than an all-India subject, because this question of the consumption of opium is now under the control of Ministers, Indian Ministers, in the provinces ; in. fact, it is altogether under the control of Indian Ministers except in one particular province, and that is Assam. Those Indian Ministers are responsible to Councils, and those Councils consist of a substantial majority of popularly elected persons; therefore we may assume that those Ministers responsible to those Councils are fully cognisant of the interests of their own people, and are. fully competent, if they wish, in the interests of those people, to restrict the consumption of opium. I point this out because the situation, of course, has very largely changed in this respect during the last three years, and I am. not sure whether some, of tho other representatives at the. League of Nations were fully cognisant of the change that had. thus taken place. *
APPENDIX V. Position of Indians in other Parts of the Empire. 24th October, 1923. STATEMENT BY THE SECRETARY OF STATE FOR INDIA, AS HEAD OF THE INDIAN DELEGATION. Lord Peel: Prime Minister, I should like to thank you, and to thank the Conference also, for giving the members of tho Indian delegation the opportunity of bringing this question of tho position and status of Indians in the Dominions before you. I think you will all recognize that this subject is one of very high Imperial importance, and I know that in approaching the subject I speak in a general atmosphere of good will. Importance of Problem. Now, at the, outset of the observations let me say that I wish to deal with the broad outlines of the subject, because my colleague, Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru, has some definite suggestions to make when he follows me. I propose to deal with this subject not so much as it affects any Dominion or
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any colony, but in the most general way. I want to show that if the unity and the strength of the Empire are to be maintained anel preserved it is really essential and imperative that we should, find a solution of this problem of the position of Indians in the Dominions overseas. There have been, as the Conference knows, very great constitutional changes quite recently in the position of the Government of India, anel these changes have brought into prominence what was possibly latent before, but is now clear—the existence of various parties with various opinions and policies. But, however much these parties may be divided in their points of view on general political subjects, on this one; point there, is complete unity of feeling. For instance, there is no difference as regards the strength of this feeling between the party which has been giving general support to tin: Government in the: Assembly anel the various sections of what I may call the non-co-operative parties. When 1 speak of Indian opinion J am not referring, as is often suggested, to what is described as the opinion of the intelligentsia only, of a definite intellectual class, but I am also stating the views of a great many who are not really necessarily concerned with politics at all, Let me pass from them for a moment. You have the opinions, we will say, of the Indian princes, whose views will be given expression to to-day by His Highness the Maharajah of Alwar. You have, other men like my other colleague, Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru, who, as we all know, was a member of the Viceroy's Executive Council, and who holds a very high place in Indian public affairs. Therefore you have this singular picture:, that politicians, differing wielcly on all other subjects, anel men of differing shades of thought, are generally united on this particular subject. You have staunch supporters of our rule in India combining on this subject with the extreme types erf politicians. You have business men and landowners combining with men of a very different class and point of view. Feeling in India. I certainly do not exaggerate when I say that this subject, more than any other, I think, is constantly impressed upon me, both officially and personally, by the: Government of India and by Lord Reading, the Viceroy. The Viceroy, in his private letters, is constantly explaining and pressing upon me herw strongly the: feeling of soreness and bitterness is growing on this subject, and how, in many ways, the task of wisely governing India is made more difficult by this intensity of feeling. Therefore: I want to place, this fhst point before tho Conference —the remarkable unanimity of feeling on the position of Indians in the, Dominions ; but 1 do not think when you come to ask the cause that it is very far to seek. The reason why there is such unity among our fellow-subjects in India is this : that they regard the disability under which their countrymen labour in other parts of the world as a brand of social inferiority. That is what cuts so deep into the consciousness of the Indian. lam nert necessarily, erf course, associating myself entirely with that view, because I know quite well that there are other causes contributing, that there are questions of economic difficulty, political questions with which this question must necessarily be linked. But I have no doubt whatever that, in what lam saying now, 1 do voice the general opinion of Indians. This question of social status is a contributory cause in the history of many social and political movements disguised under more resounding names. India's Services to the Empire. Well, let me say a, word about this great country, feeling so strongly and unitedly on the subject. First of all, look at its contribution to the Great War. No less than 1,400,000 men from India took their part in the service of the Great War. Their contribution in money was well over £200,000,000. We all. remember the general enthusiasm from all parts of India, and. how princes and others le;ss distinguished all alike took part in the struggle of the Great War. * Her New Status. Anel here, if I may say so, there are installed at this very table representatives of the Indian delegation, showing that India is sitting here on equal terms with the other Dominions in the great council chamber erf the Empire. And, again, at the League of Nations the representatives of India take their place with the other States represented there, and arc able to contribute their voice and their influence just as much as others to the deliberations of that Assembly. Her Industrial Position. Moreover —and I do not think this is always recognized—lndia, though it has been for centuries, ferr thousands of years, a great agricultural State, is now ambitious to become an industrial State:. It has gone far along the road, because it has been accepted by the, League erf Nations as one of the eight, greatest industrial States of the world. India's New Constitution. Now, Inefia, as the Conference knows, has recently received a new political constitution, and that constitution, while giving the Indians far more power than they had before in the administration of India, has also given.them a great outlet for the utterance, of their national sentiments. Now, what is the position in India itself . In India itself there is a policy of: co-operation. Britons and Indians co-operate together in the Government of India; Britons and Indians sit together on juries; they meet together in business ; they are fellow-directors in the great companies ; they serve together on the Viceroy's Council ; many of them, of course, are Ministers in the great provinces, and those Ministers command the assistance of members of the all-India services, whether British or Indian. Now, what must be the, cerntrast in the minds of these men when they look abroad and see what
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their standard or status is in the States of the Empire. The members of this Conference, with their great experience of the cumulative effect of these institutions and the position which India now occupies here and in the League of Nations, will realize how much all these changes have contributed towards the growing self-consciousness and. sense of dignity of India. India's Feeling for the Empire. Now, I want to say this, and in tho most plain way that 1 can : ill thought, and if my colleagues thought, that this desire for equality of treatment was inspired in any sense by a desire not to be part of, or to take part in, this great Empire, neither I nor my colleagues would be pleading the cause at this table. It is, indeed, the desire and it is the ambition of Indians—l will exclude the negligible class of extremists, who can be found, I suppose, in any country —it is their intent and ambition to share in the splendours, the glories, and the traditions of the British Empire. They believe, moreover, that they can bring their own contribution of thought, culture, and loyalty to this great combine. There are those who suggest that these disabilities under which Inelians labour in some parts of the Empire are of little importance, that they do not interfere with their liberty, and that the denial of the vote does not very much matter one way or the other. Nerw, these views are, as one knows, the common form of objections put forward, either here or in any country, to franchise extensions and franchise grants. But, though the question has importance from the purely material point of view, I should be very ill discharging my duty to this Conference if I. we:re to represent this matter as one to be regarded merely from the practical point of view. It is very largely with the Indians a matter of national sentiment and feeling, and it is with this feeling that we have to reckon. Importance of India to the Empire. Now, in all situations of Imperial activity —in matters of Imperial defence, matters of Imperial trade, Imperial communications, or the development of Imperial resources —in all these India plays a most prominent part, and, as we have granted to India a large measure of representative institutions, it is quite, clear that in dealing with these large matters we cannot disregard the opinions of the representative bodies which we have set up. And, supposing they were disregarded, how, after all, are you going to expect India to co-operate whole-heartedly in the great work of consolidating the Empire, and how, without this co-operation, can the Empire attain its full measure of strength ? We know, too, that economic policy is very often influenced by political considerations ; and 1 feel that both on the political and the economic side the task of governing India may be greatly increased, and that there will be, unless we settle this question, no real unity in the Empire, not merely on the material side —on which I am not laying so much stress to-day but on what is so vastly more important, the moral side. Scope of Problem. Merreover, the scope of this problem as regards many of the Dominions is not really very great. For the moment 1 am excluding from that general proposition South Africa, whore I know a great many currents and cross-currents of opinion complicate the issue ; but as regards Australia, and as regarels New Zealand, where much has been done, and as regards Canada, the numbers that we have to deal with are very small—about two thousand in Australia, in all that vast country, about six hundred in New Zealand, and about twelve hundred in Canada, of whom, I think, rather more than eleven hundred are in the Province of British Columbia. Resolution of 1921 Conference. I want to reaffirm what was stated at the Conference in 1921 as to the complete acceptance by the Government of India and Indian opinion of the right of the great Dominions to determine the composition of their own community. May I read the words of that resolution 1 They are as follows : " The Conference, while reaffirming the resolution of the Imperial War Conference of 1918 that each community of the British Commonwealth should enjoy complete control of the composition of its own population by means of restriction on immigration from any of the other communities, recognizes that there is an incongruity between tho position of India as an equal member of the British Empire and the existence of disabilities upon British Indians lawfully domiciled in some other parts of the Empire." Therefore, that principle is laid down quite clearly, and consequently there need be no anxiety on the part of any of the Dominions that there is any desire on the part of Indian feeling to go back on that decision. Thus, in. pressing this matter upon the generous consideration of the Dominions, I feel that, vast as arc the implications of the problem, the solution of the practical question is perhaps not so difficult as it appears. Well, justice and expediency are often divided. Sometimes they approach each other, and when, as I think in this case, they combine and are merged in one another, the appeal is surely irresistible, and I am going to ask this Conference if the time has not come when these disabilities should be specifically removed. Indian Government's Duty of safeguarding Indian Nationals Overseas. I want to add this point, about the interest—possibly some may think the unnecessary interest— which the Government and the Indian people take in the position of Indians in the great Dominions. Now, so long as to any extent Indians in the Dominions may be regarded as a foreign body in the great body politic of those Dominions, so long is-the Government of India bound to take an interest in their fate and to assure themselves as to the manner in which they are treated. But once they
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are absorbed they cease to be a foreign body ; once they are absorbed into the great corporation, a it were, of the Dominions, then the interest of the Indian Government, of course, will cease ; and there is nothing that the Indian Government, and there is nothing that anybody connected with it, there is nothing the Secretary of State for India, dislikes more than interfering or appearing to interfere with the domestic affairs of the great Dominions. Now, lam not insensible, erf course, of the grave difficulties which stand in the way. I know how very difficult it is to bring home always to local opinion that local views and opinions are not necessarily coincident with the wider interests of the Empire, and I know quite well that those who are: listening to me as representative of the Dominions—whatever they may or may not have done —desire that a solution of this question should be found, and I do most earnestly plead that, when later in this Conference they take into consideration the practical measures which they may adopt for the solution of this question, they will bear in mind the intense feeling that has been arousee! on this subject in India, and will bring home to their own people that in the highest interest of the Empire the aspirations of India should be respected. Difficulties of Problem. I know that there are great difficulties. The Prime Minister, in his opening address, spoke of the contacts of civilization. There are contacts, of course, here of more than one civilization, and you have peoples differing in tradition and social habits, fashioned in the course of centuriesthousands of years, I may say —fashioned by differences of national surroundings, by differences of secular and religious thought. We have to deal —and we should never forget when dealing with India that we have to deal —with ancient races full of the pride of race ; we have to deal with ancient religions full of the pride of religion. That is, of course, one of the great differences we have to remember in dealing with the position of India as compared with countries farther west. There are, for instance, seventy millions of Moslems in India- seventy millions in India ; biit in communion with them through religious ties and rites there is a vastly greater body —hundreds of millions of Moslems —stretching in a great belt from, the Gulf erf Malaya right across to West Africa —hundreds of millions of Moslems, who, in their hour of worship, all turn their faces to Mecca. Indian Culture and Traditions. We have the pride of the Hindoos in their own history, in their recollections of the past; they look back to, shall we say, the Mauryan Empire, the memories of Chandra Gupta and of his famous grandson King Asoka. Their memories stretch to an even earlier time when, scarcely noticed by history, their Aryan ancestors were moving down from the North-west Frontier, the traditional path for the invasion of India, along the plains of the Five Eivers now called the Punjab ; they look back to dim far-off times, to a date long before the Jutes and Angles and Saxons and Norsemen, the original elements of which our race is composed, landed on these shores ; when Rome itself was a mere village ; before the Roman legions garrisoned the Great Wall which used to run from sea to sea in the north of Biitain ; a period even before the Druids reared the gigantic monoliths of Stonehenge. I press this subject on the Conference, and I hope, with the consent of the: Prime Minister, that they will listen to Sir Tej while he deals with the subject in more detail. STATEMENT BY SIR TEJ BAHADUR SAPRU. Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru : Prime Minister, let me at once say how deeply grateful I feel to you and to His Majesty's Government, and may I thank you and His Majesty's Government and the various Prime Ministers for giving me: this opportunity of a free and full discussion of the question in which India is to-day so vitally interested. I fear I may take some time, but I shall crave your indulgence for more reasons than one ; the most important of those reasons is the importance of the: subject. lam glad that His Majesty's Government have decided to set apart a special day for this subject. That besing so, am I not entitled to draw from it the inference that His Majesty's Government do really recognize: the importance of this question 1 When it is known in my country that His Majesty's Government recognize the importance of thi" subject, and that that recognition is shared by the various Dominion Prime Ministers, that fact alone will inspire them with some hope. Before I proceed further, may I also express my deep gratitude to Lord Peel for the assistance: he has given me in helping to bring this subject up bedore the Conference, and for the speech which lie has delivered to-day, which has filled me with gratification, and which I have no doubt, when it comes to be known to my countrymen, will fill them also with gratification. He has identified himself to-day completely and. unreservedly with every sentiment of our national honour. That is what I appreciate more than the moving eloquence with which he delivered his great speech this morning. I may well produce in some quarters the impression of being a fighter. Ido not obje;ct to criticism of that kind. Eeally and truly, lam fighting the cause of my country, and the Premii'i's of the various Dominions, who have in their day fought the cause of their country, will not object if I fight the cause of mine. But, Ido fight, let me tell you frankly, as a subject of King George, and I fight for a place in his household, and I will not be content with a place in his stables. Unanimity of Indian Feeling on Question. Prime Minister, let me tell you that the problem of Indians overseas is of vital importance not only to India, but to the whole of the Empire. Whatever may be our position in regard to selfgovernment, howsoever distant we may be from that cherished dream of ours, let me tell you that,
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so far as this question of Indians overseas is concerned, we stand solid and united. We have our own domestic quarrels ; we: have moderates and extremists ; we: have non-CO-operators ; and we have Hindus and Mohammedans. But so far as this question is concerned, let me tell you with all the sincerity that lam capable of that we stand absolutely united. Do not be misguided by what appears in certain papers here which attempt to show that then: _b no fooling on. this question. We attach far more importance' to the honour of our nationals in other parts of the Empire than probably you realize. Question of " Izzat." We express that feeling in the vernacular of our own country by a comprehensive and delicate phrase, which I have no doubt will readily be understood by Lord Curzon and His Highness the Maharajah —that phrase is izzat. There is not a man either among the princes or among the humblest subjects of His Majesty who does not attach great importance to that question of izzat. When izzat (which means honour) is at stake, we prefer death to anything else. That is our sentiment, and it is in that light that I present my case to you. India's Position in the Empire. Do not forgot that my country, India, is the one country which makes the British Empire truly Imperial. I take pride in that. Ido not indulge in the slightest degree in reflection upon the dignity or honour or position of any one of the Dominions, but I. do claim that it is my country whicli makes the British Empire truly Imperial. One-fifth of the human race, with a far more ancient civilization than your own, to which eloquent reference has been made by Lord Peel, joins with you in acknowledging the, suzerainty of our common Throne. That allegiance with us is a real living thing. Shake: that allegiance and you shake the foundations of the entire: fabric, with consequences which it is difficult to overestimate. Function of the Conference. Might I explain to you here the considerations which will guide me in presenting my case to you ? In my humble judgment, the one function of this Conference—the highest advisory body of the Empire —is to bring about a good understanding between the various units that constitute the British Commonwealth, to strengthen tho ties which unite, or ought to unite, the different units of the Empire with their different outlook and their different religions. If this Conference fails to achieve that end, then let me say it fails to justify its existence in the eyes of the Empire. But to achieve that end it seems to me that it is absolutely necessary that we should open out our minds to each other with entire frankness. Any mental reservation on an occasion like this, and round this table, would, in my humble judgment, amount to nothing short of treason against the King and treason against the Empire. It is in that spirit of frankness, in that spirit of candour, that I will venture to present to you my case, and, even though I may use, now and again expressions to indicate the strength of my feeling and the feeling of my countrymen, I beg of the Dominion Prime Ministers not to misunderstand my spirit. Indian Sentiment on Problem not confined to Intellectuals. Let me tell you at once that tho feeling on this question in India is deep-seated and widespread. Let me also remove a very wrong impression, and 1 am glad that Lord Peel has referred to this epiestion for I desire to reinforce his arguments as an Indian. Twenty-seven years I have been in public life ; thirteen years I have been connected with the Legislative: Councils, and I have sat in the Viceroy's Cabinet. I have never witnessed before what is happening in India to-day. Five years ago it may have been possible for you to say that a wide gulf divided the masses from the classes. Let me now give you this warning : The classes lead the masses as never before. India has rapidly changed, and that is the outstanding feature of the situation there. The intellectuals, or, if you like to call them, agitators, have gained ascendency over the masses. What the intellectuals think to-day the masses will think to-morrow. This question now before: us, let me tell you, affects directly the masses, for it is from the masses mainly that most erf our population has gone to the Dominions. I belong to a province which has supplied a considerable number of men to the various Dominions, and I know their feelings. You can condemn the agitators, you may condemn the intellectual classes— I will not quarrel with that; but remember they have got power now with the masses. Influence of Vernacular Press. Do not forget the growing and increasing influence of the vernacular press. Ido not justify or vindicate its attitude in every respect. I will, however, state the: facts. It now penetrates into the innermost recesses of our villages, and every village has got a reader who reads for the illiterate people the vernacular newspapers. I have been reading extracts from the vernacular Press of my own country, and, while I do deprecate; the wild language in which it has indulged, let me tell you frankly that it is seething with indignation over this question, and that is affecting tho whole outlook of my countrymen in the villages. Seriousness of Situation. Any inequality of Indian nationals enters like iron into our souls. For Heaven's sake, whether you find a solution or whether you do not find a solution, do not dismiss this statement of mine as mere sentimental nonsense. It is an absolute fact; and lam here to interpret to you tho present position of my countrymen in regard to this question : it cuts to the quick our national pride: and our
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new consciousness. It permeates and sours our whole outlook in regard to Imperial relationship. It derives impetus from the natural inclination to take pride in being a member of the: biggest Commonwealth that the world knows to-day. It makes the task of the Government of India, of which I had the honour of being a member until a few months ago, infinitely more; difficult in dealing with their domestic problems than you realize. He;re I must reinforce the arguments of Lord Peel. This feeling runs right through our national life. Feeling over Kenya Question. _ Let me at once tell you that I am not willing to enter at length into the merits of the Kenya decision, but my countrymen expect me, and my Government expects me, and I am bound by all considerations of honour and duty, to put you in full possession of the sentiments of my countrymen and of my Government in regard to your decision. They have received that decision with the utmost possible dismay. I know the official view is that in certain respects our position in Kenya has been improved. That is not a view we share. We judge you by a standard which is aelmittedly very high. We were not fighting for little things ;wo were fighting for a big principle. I know and I feel, and my countrymen feel, and my Government feels, that a serious blunder has been made. I know also that British statesmanship is wise, and whenever a thing goes wrong it begins to think, and I honestly believe that it will soon recognize tho mistake which it has made. Let mc tell you, on behalf of my countrymen, that neither my country nor the Government which I have the honour to represent will accept this decision as final. Indeeel, there is nothing final in politics, and I want His Majesty's Government to recognize that position and to indicate, if possible, that they do look upon that question in the light in which I have just presented it. May I conclude this portion of my speech by assuring the Conference that while on domestic questions of Indian politics we, like most of you, have our differences of parties, groups, and interests, yet upon this question which concerns the honour of our nationals in Kenya, and the honour of our nationals overseas, there is no difference between us, from the Viceroy downwards. Views of the Government of India. May I. remind you of what the distinguished and eminent statesman, with whom I had the privilege erf working in close co-eiperation for two years, and to whom I hope my countrymen and his countrymen will do justice some day, said on a critical occasion to the Legislative: Assembly when the announcement of the Kenya decision was published in India. I will quote from his speech : " The news of the decision regarding Kenya," said Reading, " came to me and my Government no loss than to you as a great and severe disappointment; tor India had made the cause of Indians in Kenya her own. As His Majesty's Government has stated, this decision conflicts on material points with the: strongly expressed views of my Government as laid before the Cabinet by the Secretary of State, for India." That is tho opinion of tho Viceroy. Illustrations of Non-official Feeling. May I crave your indulgence just for two minutes to read out to you a few typical telegrams which I have received during the last few days, some of them from absolutely unexpected quarters. They have come to mo from representative bodies of all shades of opinion. Mr. Sastri, who has been so frequently, during the last few years, connected with this matter, sends me a telegram supporting the proposals, not without misgivings, which I am going to put before you at present. Now, the Swaraj party, to which I do not belong, and. which does not see eye to eye with me, and from which I should never have expected to receive support, sends this telegram from Poona, through its secretary and leader, Mr. Kilkar : " Maharashtra Swarajya party offers you full support any strong action you take, to got redress Kenya wrong." Let me tell you again that most of the telegrams come from unexjrected quarters. Unexpected Testimony. Well, here is a most remarkable telegram from a gentleman with whom I worked in full co-opera-tion until five years ago, but from whom I separated when differences arose. Pandit Madan Mohon Malaviya now belongs to the non-00-opera.ti.on party, and three days ago, if you would have asked me, I should never have said that I would receive a telegram like this from that gentleman. It is from a man with forty years' solid work behind him, and this is his telegram. It is sent to me from Simla : " Indians all shades public opinion at one with you in demanding equality status with, fellow-subjects throughout British Empire. If representatives other parts not prepared give practical support this elementary right Indians as citizens Empire, participation Indians Imperial Conference becomes mockery, deep national humiliation, and trust both you and Maharajah of Alwar will withdraw." I have received two telegrams from Mrs. Besant, giving support to me on her own behalf and on behalf of her entire party. Let me tell you that while lam her friend Ido not belong to her party. Telegram from Government of India. Lastly, may I give to you the telegram which was handed over to me the day before yesterday, which has come to me from the Government of India. It says :" We understand from Reuters that Conference will discuss overseas questions probably on 24th. The resolution passed recently by a majority of the Bombay Corporation to boycott Empire goods, where possible, as a protest against tho Kenya decision, and a resolution on the same lines of the Poona public meeting, further indicate the importance attached to equality of status overseas, and we sincerely hope that the proceedings of the: Conference will restore confidence and good feeling. As regards 'C ' mandates, we trust that the atmosphere will permit you to secure a favourable solution, otherwise India's right to revision
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of the, policy must be reserved. Sapru's proposal in letter to Sir Narasimha Sarma to reserve the right to challenge policy when India's interests are, affected, though substantially the same as ours, is less elastic. We earnestly hope that you have secured Smuts's agreement to abandon or modify the segregation policy as suggested in our despatch. We attach very great importance to it. Wo hope also that the Dominions and the Colonial Office: will consent to the appointment of agents to assist them and. us in this difficult question as suggested in our memorandum. Please send copy of the telegram to Sapru." I will not take up your time further. I have tried only to reinforce the argument which Lord Peel put forward by showing how the different classes of our people are agreed, on this question. Present Position of Indians Overseas. Having explained the: depth and implication of Indian feeling, I will now proceed to explain the circumstances in various parts of the world by which this feeling is at present, aggravated. I have been studying such official papers as are available to me, and, for the sake of convenience and to save your time, I propose to read out to you a very brief summary of the position. There are about one and a half million Indians now settled in other parts of the Empire, and in many parts they are subjected, as Indians, and quite irrespective of how well they shape up to local franchise standards, to grave political and even economic disabilities. New Zealand. Let me start my brief survey of these grievances by paying a tribute to the Government of New Zealand, which is represented by my distinguished friend over there. That Government, in its own territory at toast, treats Indians on a footing of equality with all other inhabitants of the country. And my countrymen can live there among the New-Zealanders as fellow-citizens in honour. Australia. In Australia also the disabilities which Indians suffer are comparatively small. We hope that before long legislation will be passed to enable them to exercise the Dominion franchise, and to remove the disqualification they at present suffer in regard to invalid and old-age pensions. In certain provinces also there are minor disabilities which I hope it will not be hard, to remove. In Queensland, they have no State franchise ; and they have to undergo a dictation test for employment in the sugar and dairy industries, which is apt to operate prejudicially. Tn Western Australia also they have no State franchise ; while in Southern Australia they are disqualified for leases under tho Irrigation Act. Let me tell you plainly that, if I have failed in this statement ter convince Mr. Bruce, I hope he will at least extend to me, the: hand of fellowship on this question ; 1 am willing to co-operate with him to devise methods for a solution of these difficulties. Canada. In Canada, of which Mr. Mackenzie King is the distinguished Prime Minister, there is a small population—l hope he will correct me if lam wrong —of not more than six thousand. Mr. Mackenzie King : Over twelve hundreel. Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru: Thank you very much. In British Columbia there is no Dominion, provincial, or municipal franchise. South Africa. Now I come to the most difficult part of my task: I come to South Africa. In South Africa the problem is most serious. Here there are 161,000 Indians, of which all but a few thousands, mainly resident in Cape Colony, have no political franchise. In Natal, besides this, they fear to lose the municipal franchise. In the Transvaal there is no franchise of any kind. Nor is it only of political subjection that my countrymen complain. They also suffer under severe economic handicaps. In Natal they are restrained from acquiring town lands in townships. In the Transvaal they are prohibited, either as individuals or as companies, from acquiring land ; and in. the gold area they may not occupy land. To make their lot more miserable, the laws governing the grant and regulation of traitors' licenses are administered in a manner which, strikes directly at their own interests. Moreover, the Union Government, of which my friend, General Smuts, is the head, is even now contemplating legislation which will provide for the compulsory segregation of Indians in urban areas by restrictions on the ownership and occupation of land. References to previous Statements by General Smuts and Mr. Burton. May I be permitted, at this stage, to invito the attention of the Conference to a curious discrepancy between this very serious state of affairs and. the sentiments enunciated in 1917, I believe in this very hall. General Smuts then said (and I quote his very words) : " Once the white community in South Africa were rid of the fear that they were going to be flooded by unlimited immigration from India " (a fear removed once and tor all by India's acceptance of the reciprocity resolution of 1917) " all the other questions would be considered subsidiary and would become easily and perfectly soluble." May I also remind you of what Mr. Burton said on a former occasion at the Imperial Conference —and I attach considerable importance to the testimony he has given' as to the character of my countrymen in South Africa. Mr. Burton said : "As far as we are concerned, it is only fair to say, and it is the truth, that we have found that tin: Indians in our midst in South Africa, who form in some parts a very substantial portion of the, population, are good, law-abiding, quiet citizens, and it is our duty to see, as he,— i.e., Sir S. P. Sinha—expressed it, that they are treated as human beings, with feelings like our own and in a proper manner."
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Colonies. British Guiana. From the self-governing Dominions I shall pass on to the colonies and very briefly allude te> erur position there. In British Guiana 1 gladly acknowledge that our Indian population can live on terms of honour and equality of treatment. Their grievances arc comparatively very much fewer. Fiji. In Fiji my countrymen demand more adequate representation, based on a satisfactory franchise, in the legislative bodies ; they also ask for the settlement of a minimum wage based on the cost of living ; they ask for the removal of the poll-tax, which presses very hardly upon them. They ask further that land should be given to them for settlement. They ask—and I have received a cable from an important quarter —that if these grievances are: not removed they should be repatriated. Kenya. In Kenya the Inelians elesire a, common roll instead of communal franchise. They protest against the administrative veto, which prevents them acquiring land from willing European sellers in the highlands ; and they fear that the immigration restrictions may be employed in such a way as to prejudice the development of the colony by Indians. Uganda and Tanganyika. In Uganda the Indians are pressing for representation by two nominated members of the Legislative Council ; and in Tanganyika, which my countrymen helped to win for the Empire, they have certain grievances which, 1 understand, are at present under the consideration of tho Colonial Office, such as profits-tax, peddlers' licenses, and trade licenses ; and may I express a fervent hope that the Colonial Office will give most sympathetic consideration to those grievances before they arrive at any decision ? Thus, wherever we may turn, we see circumstances in the local status of Indians which are not to be reconciled with India's national aspirations, or with the position which she will obtain as the result of the declared policy of His Majesty's Government:—a position which I hope to achieve much sooner than some people realize. " C " Mandates. At this stage 1 will slightly digress from my argument and refer to the " C " mandates in a, very few words. In regard to the administration of what T will oall the: "C " mandated territories, which have been committed to the charge of certain Dominions, I desire to say that my countrymen cannot acquiesce in any position whiesh does or may in the future make their status inferior to what it was when those territories were administered by Germany. I have: already read to you the views of the Government of India in the telegram. The matter is at present not of very great practical importance, as the number of my countrymen is very small ; but I must in fairness enter a caveat against any action which may in future turn to our disadvantage. May 1 also in this connection remind you of the provisions of Article 22 of the League of Nations ? I will only quote tho material portions. After referring to Central African and other peoples, it lays down that the Mandatory Power, besides certain other duties, shall " secure equal opportunities for the trade and commerce of other members of the League." I take my stand on that. Resolution of 1921 Conference. Having thus reviewed the position in the self-governing Dominions and the colonies according to the information available to mo—and I shall not object to any member of this Conference correcting me if I am wrong in any detail —let me tell you what the position was that was taken by this Conference in 1.921. Lord Peel read out ter us a portion of that resolutiern, but I propose to read out to you the whole of that resolution. That resolution runs as follows : — " The Conference, while reaffirming the resolution of the, Imperial War Conference of ,1.918 that each community of the British Commonwealth should enjoy complete control of the composition of its own population by means of restriction on immigration from any of the other communities, recognizes that there is an incongruity between the position of India as an equal member of the British Empire and the existence of disabilities upon British Inelians lawfully domiciled in some other parts of tho Empire. The Conference accordingly is of opinion that in the interests of the solidarity of the British Commonwealth it is desirable that the rights of such Indians to citizenship should be recognized. " The representatives of South Africa regret their inability to accept this resolution in view of the: exceptional circumstances of the greater part of the Union. " The representatives of India, while expressing their appreciation of the acceptance of the resolution recorded above, feel bound to place on record their profound concern at the position of Indians in South Africa, and their hope that by negotiation between the Governments of India and of South Africa some way can be, found, as soon as may be, to reach a more satisfactory position." Immigration Question does not arise. You will thus see that the resolution divides itself clearly into three parts. I will take up the first part, which deals with the question of immigration. It gives each Dominion the fullest and the freest right to regulate the character and the composition of its own population. 1 am bound by that; you are bound by it. But, just as lam bound by it, you are also -bound in honour by the second part of the resolution, which really is the most vital part with which I have got to deal, except, of course, that portion which relates to Soutlr Africa. But before I proceed further let me make one
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point clear. Let there be no misgiving about the question of immigration. There is a growing sentiment in my country that we should not send our nationals outside anywhere ; and I may perhaps make a confession, with, the permission of the Prime Minister and the Secretary of State, regarding my attitude when I was a member of the Government of India. I helped to draft the Immigration Act, and I was the president of the committee which sat to consider it. I was probably the strongest exponent of the view that there should be no immigration from India outside on any conditions whatsoever. We do not want our nation outside India to appear as a nation of coolies. We have had enough of that. There is plenty of scope, for the conservation of the energy of my countrymen in, my own country. We want them to rise to the full height of their stature in our own country. The Dominions therefore need have no fear on that account. Necessity of implementing Resolution. I have just said that, as I felt bound in honour by the first part of the resolution, I consider — ■ and I hope that I am not demanding anything extravagant from you —that you are also in honourbound by the second part of the resolution, f will be absolutely frank, f will exclude South Africa, because South Africa stood out. 1 make no appeal, to South Africa on. the basiß of the second part of the resolution, but I will ask the other Dominion Prime Ministers what my countrymen, and what my Government, are asking in India- namely, what steps have been taken, or are proposed to be taken, to honour this three-year-old agreement ? While every reasonable man must make allowances for practical difficulties in the implementing of that resolution, while I recognize the difficulties arising from local circumstances and prejudices, from the slow changes of public opinion, and from the exigencies of party politics, yet, 1 must tell you, the question to us is one of vitai importance, and in fairness to my country I must say that she finds herself absolutely unable to acquiesce in the present position. I have therefore come to you, in the name of my Government, and in the name of the many millions of my countrymen, to make an earnest appeal, a sincere appeal, to join, hands with me in devising some methods such as your statesmanship will enable you to do—methods intended to give effect to the principle of equality embodied in that resolution, the resolution of 1921. Do not for a moment think that I fail to recognize your difficulties. I have held office, and I know the difficult position of responsible Ministers. 1 am not blind to those difficulties, but pray let me ask you also to realize our national difficulties and my difficulties. Problem must be faced in a Spirit of Co-operation. I invite you to face with me in the broadest spirit of statesmanship this vital problem that Lord Peel, and I have had the honour of placing before you this morning, and I claim your co-operation in devising methods of solving this problem. After a long and careful consideration I have come to the conclusion that I must place certain definite constructive suggestions for your consideration. If you, em your side, can'make any better suggestions to me, if you can offer any better alternatives to me, take it from me that you will not find any one more ready than myself to accept them. I earnestly suggest that what the occasion demands is a united effort if we are to find a solution of this difficult problem —a problem which threatens at no distant date to acquire almost the character of a problem, of foreign policy. I appeal to the Dominion Governments and to His Majesty's Government to take a united course. A Constructive Proposal. 1 will now tell you what my resolution or proposal is. I have reduced it to writing, and with your permission I will read it. My resolution is : Let the Dominion Governments who have an Indian population, let His Majesty's Government in areas under their direct control such as Kenya, Uganda, Fiji, and other places where there are Indians resident- appoint committees to confer with a committee which the Government of India will send from India, in exploring the avenues how best and how soonest the principle of equality implicit in the 1921 resolution may be implemented. And, lest the course of the inquiry be prejudiced, T will couple with my proposal the request, that any anti-Indian legislation which may be [rending should be stayed until the report of these joint committees is available. That is my resolution. At once I propose to remove: any misapprehension which may be lurking in the minds of any one, wdro has listened to me. I do not want a central committee. Let me tell you, I want a committee appointed by each Dominion within its own borders, and I want the committee appointed by each Dominion to confer with the committee which will be appointed by the Government of India, and which will go to each Dominion. That is my appeal to the Dominions —except, of course, to South Africa —under the resolution of 1921. I make: the same earnest appeal to His Majesty's Government, and especially to His Grace the Duke of Devonshire and tho Colonial Office, in so far as the resolution relates to the colonies. Its Advantages. I will, in a few words, tell you what, in my humble judgment, are the advantages to be: gained from my resolution. In the first place: you gain time, and that will enable us to calm the angry passions that have arisen in India on this question. In tire second place, India will be undoubtedly in a more hopeful frame of mind, and we all of us can bring all the more forces available: to us to bear upon the solution of this problem. In the third place, my resolution absolutely safeguards your independence—l mean the independence of the Dominions. It places the initiative in your hands ; and let me tell you, it is not merely because I am anxious that the Dominions should have that independence that I have provided that safeguard, but also because of a lurking feeling of self-interest in my mind. You have received a rich inheritance of independence, freedom, and self-government in your territories. lam still aspiring to it. I hope my aspirations will be realized very soon, and
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then, like you, I Bhall be jealous of any outside authority imposing its will upon me in my affairs. It is for that reason that I am anxious that the Dominions themselves should take the initiative in regarel, to this committee which I have suggested, anel to the committee which we propose to send out from India to confer with you in your countries. 1 think, and I honestly believe, if the problem is explored on those lines it will be found that it does not in the end prove to be insoluble. South Africa. Address to General Smuts. I now turn perhaps to the most difficult part of my work, and that is my address to General Smuts. I frankly recognize that I cannot address him on the basis of the; resolution of 1921. He; was no party to it. But I address him on three specific grounds : first of all, as a humanitarian ; secondly, as an Imperial statesman ; thirdly, as the Prime Minister of South Africa. As a Humanitarian. As a humanitarian I say he cannot absolve himself of the moral duty which rests on his shoulders of elevating the status of my countrymen within his Dominion. Let it be granted that their standard is low j it makes his task all the more imperative and urgent that he should help them in raising that standard. My countrymen, and I wish to say it emphatically, are as much strangers in South Africa as Englishmen or as Genera] Smuts. The assistance of my countrymen, like the assistance of General Smuts and others, has helped in building up the prosperity of South Africa ; and lot him not forget my countrymen now when it lies in his power to raise their standard. He: cannot permanently relegate them to a position of inferiority ; for therein lies a menace nut to his country or to mine, but to the Empire. As an Imperial Statesman. I appeal to him next as an Imperial statesman. Ever since the days of the Armistice, what is it that General Smuts has stood up for ? He has stood up for peace, peace to all the worlel ; and he has stood as the protector of minorities. He has acquired a unique position as an Imperial statesman. It has given him. worlel-wide fame. What is it that we have observed during the last three weeks of the sitting of this Conference ? General Smuts has been trying to devise means to bring peace to a distracted world. Is he going to exclude from that happy mission of his his country and mine ? For let me tell you that there shall be no peace unless he inclueles his country and my country within the ambit of his big proposals. Ido not address him on the basis of the resolution of 1921 ; Ido not wish to interfere with his very natural desire to be consistent. I appeal to him independently of that resolution, and I say to him, " Will you not join hands with me, as T have: appealed to the, other Dominion Prime Ministers, in devising methods for the solution of this problem now and for all time ?" Ido not indulge in any threat; that is not in my line ; and I hope General Smuts will not misunderstand me. However powerful he may be in South Africa, and however weak we may be in. India, you cannot relegate my countrymen for all time in King George's Empire to a, position of inferiority. As Prime Minister of the Union of South Africa. I will now address General Smuts as the Prime Minister of South Africa. Does he fully realize the implication of his present policy ? I doubt whether he does. Will he not be aggravating the trouble, not merely in South Africa, but throughout the world, by putting the white people on one side and the coloured races on the other side '. I tell him frankly that if the: Indian problem in South Africa is allowed to fester much longer it will pass, as I said just now, beyond the bounds of a domestic issue and will become a question of foreign policy of such gravity that upon it the unity of the Empire may founder irretrievably. I therefore earnestly trust that he will not refuse- ter co -operate with me in attempting to discover a solution, and I also hope that, in view of the present seriousness of a situation to which my Government and my people have referred more often than I can repeat here, he will agree to the appointment of a Diplomatic Agent to be sent by the Government of India to South Africa, who will protect our nationals there, who will act as an intermediary between them and the South African Government, and who will put our Government in full possession of the facts relating to our nationals. Proposals contained in General Smuts's Memorandum. I will very briefly make; a reference to the proposals which General Smuts has been good enough to circulate in a memorandum* among the members of this Conference. I have read them with very great care and witli all the attention and weight to which a memorandum of General Smuts's is entitled. Let me tell him, and let me tell you all, that it is a document of remarkable subtlety, such subtlety as I have always been accustomed to associate with the name of General Smuts. In. the first place, Gene:ra! Smuts takes exception to what Mr. Sastri has been saying or doing. Ido not hold a brief for Mr. Sastri. He has been an intimate friend of mine and a fellow-worker in public life during the last twenty years. If the only objection General Smuts has got to find with him, and if the only crime to be attributed to him, is that he, has in the Dominions frankly and freely pleaded for the equality of his countrymen, then let me tell General Smuts that he is indicting not merely Mr. Sastri, but 320,000,000 of my countrymen. We all plead guilty ter that charge. Implications of Memorandum. I will refer no more to that personal issue, but I will ask you first of all to consider the implications of that important memorandum. General Smuts compares the British Commonwealth to the League
* See Annex]!*.
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of Nations, but I say emphatically that analogy may hold good up to a certain point, but after that breaks down. The League of Nations has no common Sovereign. The British Commonwealth has a common Sovereign, and we are united to him by our allegiance to him. But if the British Commonwealth is to be compared with the League of Nations, you cannot stop short of the full extent to which that analogy must be applied. What is it that the League of Nations has been created for ? It has been created, as I understand it, to settle disputes between the various Governments by conference, by consultation, and will do so unless they refuse to come to that conference and that consultation. But it is just this consultation and conference which General Smuts, as I understand, is refusing. What is it that a resolution like his comes to ? It asks the Dominion Prime Ministers, who took part in the Conference of 1921 and agreed to that resolution, now to treat it as a " scrap of paper," and to join him in passing an absolutely new resolution which, on the face of it, has for its object the reservation of the fullest freedom of each Dominion to pass its own laws regarding franchise. Practical Limits to Constitutional Rights of Dominions. Nobody has doubted that constitutional right, but there are limits to that constitutional right, limits which are prescribed by prudence. Let me illustrate that. The British Parliament here is a sovereign Parliament, and the Free State Parliament in Ireland is also an independent Parliament. Suppose the> Irish Free State Parliament passed, or intended to pass, legislation to the effect that it would not recognize the right of any Protestant or Englishman to the franchise in Ireland ; and suppose, on the other hand, the British Parliament intended to pass legislation to disenfranchise all Irishmen settled in Scotland : well, if you looked at it strictly from the legal point of view you might say that these Parliaments would be within their right, but prudence would at once prescribe limits to the exercise of that power, that constitutional right. The first impulse of the two Parliaments would be to confer, to devise methods of avoiding a conflict. Will they not do it ? Yes, I recognize the constitutional liberty and the constitutional rights of the Dominion Governments, but let me tell you this : that constitutional rights can only be exercised with prudence and discretion up to a certain point, and beyond that point you have to allow those constitutional rights to be subordinated to statesmanship, to prudence, and to discretion. Well, Ido not wish to raise a legal argument. I hope no legal argument will be raised, because this is not a legal body. There is only one thing I will say. General Smuts has said that the one binding tie between the Dominions and other parts of the Empire and India is our common allegiance to the common Sovereign ; but he has coupled that statement with a further proposition—viz., that from that allegiance political rights do not flow. Constitutional Issue not to be raised here. Well, I will not have a due! with General Smuts on a point of constitutional law, but I will venture to tell him one thing. Allegiance to the Sovereign is a very living thing. It is not a mere figure of speech ; and whenever you pass any law which affects the allegiance of the subject to the Sovereign, and the corresponding duty of protection of the Sovereign to the subject, you tread on very dangerous ground. If a constitutional position like that is to be argued, let it be argued before a legal body, and, speaking for myself, with all humility, I have no fear of facing that constitutional issue on legal grounds, but I do not wish to raise that legal argument at this Conference. Appeal to the Conference : India's Position in Empire. 1 have practically reviewed the whole position and I will now make an appeal to the Conference itself. I will appeal to the Conference to realize to the full the implications of the Indian problem. I have placed before my colleagues from the Dominions and His Majesty's Government here certain specific proposals. I believe, and honestly believe, that the British Empire stands for justice and equality in the eyes of the world. Will you make, a place within it for India ? Think for a moment of the present position. Ancient and. modern history provides no parallel to it. Three hundred and twenty millions of my countrymen, whose religion is different from yours, whose colour is different from yours, whose race, is different from yours, whose history is different from yours, are united by the common tie of allegiance: to the common Sovereign. They are members of a commonwealth the like of which has never existed before. And let me tell you that, while I do not wish to interfere with your absolute independence inside your own borders, I am one of those men who say that the British Empire can never be described as an exclusively white Empire. Within its borelers it comprises a large number of populations of coloured races. Now, how are you going to keep Inelians, or, for that matter, all the other coloured races, within that Empire ? By force ? Never : because, apart from the obvious limitations of force, you cannot be untrue to your own traditions of liberty, justice, and equality ; you cannot afford to ignore and neglect the world opinion on this question. By preserving and safeguarding our sentiments ? Certainly. That will be the strongest tie you can have, and it remains for you to make use of it. Fulfil our aspirations within our own country for self-government, fulfil our aspirations for a position of equality inside the Dominions and inside the colonies, and India will stand shoulder to shoulder with you through thick and thin. It is by preserving that sentiment that you can keep India ; and I pray, with all the sincerity I am capable, of, that this Conference may come to some decisions which may strengthen the bonds between the Empire and India, for Ido believe in that connection. Make no mistake, it is by sentiment and by the preservation of that sentiment that you will retain us and enable us to achieve self-government and to satisfy our other national ambitions outside our own country. What India means. Think for a moment what India means to you. More than three hundred million men are closely allied to other Asiatics, constituting almost the entire half of humanity. They are placed within the
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ambit of the British Empire. If we are incorporated within the commonwealth, think what we shall mean to the peace of tho world, with our ideals of self-government, bridging as we do the East and the West, shouldering burdens which are yours as well as ours for the service of humanity. Common Loyalty to Crown. Think again of the ties which bind us together, if you will allow them to do so. King George is your King, but our Sovereign. The devotion to his person and to his throne is a very real thing notwithstanding what some wild and extravagant men may say in my country. I claim—and let me be very plain —not as a matter of grace but as a matter of right, as the King's subject, to have an honourable place in his household, a position of equality and honour within the Empire, wherever it may be ; for to us our position in his household overseas is of far greater importance than any other questions which are agitating our minds at the present moment. lam fighting in this spirit, righting as a firm believer in the connection of India with England, fighting as a loyal and devoted subject of the King, as one who has had the honour of serving him in his Government in India, and I am fighting for the honour of my country before you all; my plea—-indeed, the plea of all my countrymen —is for equality within tho great King's Empire, including his Dominions. On that there can be no faltering or weakening on my part. I invito you to devise means with me to give effect to this cherished ambition of my countrymen. Appeal to Prime Minister of Great Britain and His Majesty's Government. May I now make an appeal to the Prime Minister ? Sir, you are the head of His Majesty's Government. Let me tell you that every single word that falls from you on this occasion will be read and reread and analysed in my country from one end to the other. I now want to make an appeal to the Prime Minister and to his colleagues. Do not send His Highness the Maharajah, do not send me, back to India to say that I have attempted to seek justice at this greatest advisory council of tho Empire and that I have failed. I speak with all earnestness. One single gesture from His Majesty's Government, one single expression of sympathy put into practice, one honest attempt made to try to find a solution, will allay the situation in India in a manner which you do not realize. lam afraid that I have trespassed too much on your time, and I beg your pardon. I also thank you for the patient and courteous manner in which you have listened to me ; but the cause of my country demanded that I should put my whole case before you frankly and to the best of my ability. STATEMENT BY HIS HIGHNESS THE MAHARAJAH OF ALWAR. The Maharajah of Alwar: Prime Minister and friends, I join in the echo of thanks to the Prime Minister for having set aside a day specially for discussing the problem of Indians overseas, a question which, I believe, will be tackled with all the good will that I see around me, and will help when it reaches its final stages, to allay the groat amount of feeling that is at present rather prominent in the minds of my countrymen. To-day is India's day, and, as these words come before my vision, thoughts and ideas of all kinds surge through my mind, some of emotion, some of patriotism, others of unity of the Empire ;. but, coloured as they are by comparatively narrow ideas of nationalism, citizenship, political rights, and freedom, they pale into almost insignificance before the dominating sunlight of the feelings and ideas of common brotherhooel. But I have to speak to-day of mundane affairs, the sordid affairs of the political arena, and about tho very life and existence in this material world of some unprotected communities. I must perforce descend from the high and exhilarating heights and leave my pedestal, which is yours also, by birthright, as'of every individual either inside this room or outside it —nay, of all fellow-beings within the four corners of the Empire. Ido so, sir, I hope, only temporarily, to try and find my level again in the life of love where we were all intended to live, and sometimes try to got to. India divided into British India and the Indian States. Now, before going further, I will briefly halt to touch, in passing, on a subject that is known to many of you already, but which, I know, is not known to some. You know that India is divided into two parts —or rather, more correctly speaking, I should say into two administrative spheres. Twothirds of that country is called British India, and is under the direct sovereignty of His Majesty the Emperor and his Government, with all its machinery of Parliament, Cabinets, Government of India, and so forth. There is the other one-third, which is governed by the Indian princes and chiefs, whose subjects are the subjects of their own rulers, and who have, not from to-day, but from six to eight generations, been in alliance by means of treaties, sanads, engagements, &c, originally formed with the British East India Company, but the responsibilities erf which were taken over by the Crown in 1858. These systems are not the growth, of yesterday, but the survival of a regime: of hundreds of centuries, yet able to imbibe and assimilate such progress as is compatible with our traditions, religions, ideas, and environments. I have trespassed on your time with regard to these matters, as they will bear an important part on which I have to say later. I intend to speak to-day, not merely as a representative of the princes, but also, and even more so, as an Indian, than whom I believe no one regards his Motherland more sacred, and who wishes nothing more than that she shall receive justice from the British Government, in whose hands her destiny is placed, and co-operation from her sister States who form the comity of nations in our Empire. Let me say at the outset that I have no vain threats to place before you —for the simple reason that they go against the very principle of " co-operation " which I placed before myself on entering the precincts of this room, the first day of our Conference.
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1 will say, furthermore, that while, on the one hand, I have nothing to beg, and I will not beg, I also make no demands, as I have no demands to make. But the Motherland, whose salt I eat, the land whose soil has given me birth, tells me that it is my duty to place in plain, untarnished, but candid form, in words before you all the facts of our case, such as I know them. Publicity. And now, Prime Ministers, I have one request to make, and that is that every word I utter or have uttered to-day in my statement may be cabled in full to my countrymen, and in no hashed or pruned form. I do not desire this because I seek cheap notoriety by making " gallery shots," but because my countrymen have the right to know every word I say in thoir name. They may have some things to criticize and others which they may not entirely like. It is in justice to them, speaking, not as their representative, but as one of them, that I therofore|do not wish to say anything behind their backs, seven thousand miles away, which I will not gladly say to their face. British Empire stands for Justice and Freedom. 1 will now proceed. We believe that the greatest assets to the British Empire lie in its championing the cause of freedom and justice. It is because I feel, my country feels- rightly or wrongly —that freedom and justice are at stake as exercised, or perhaps as understood, that I want to speak these words. I hope they will bo in the interests of the Empire, and it will be something done —if nothing more— if misunderstandings and misapprehensions that do exist are somehow removed. It will be all the greater glory to you all —and I speak of no tinsel glory, but the glory of the heart—if the British Government and the great Dominions will show by words, and prove by action, that they mean to assist one of their sisters who is old in age, but also at present the weakest member on the chess-board of the political game. Despondency in India. 1 hear wails from India itself —and now I speak principally of that two-thirds —conveying the feelings of despondency. The words of my fellow-brethren, of my country, seem to ring in my ears : Are we going to progress steadily, progressively, yet not too slowly towards our goal, which the other sister nations have been more fortunate in already achieving—the goal of having the power to govern our own country as a loyal and integral part of the Empire . Are we going to be helped affectionately and with kindly feeling to the goal which has been pronounced publicly by the British Government, and more than which we do not aspire to, of being a loyal self-governing Dominion within the Empire 1 Is. everything going to be done to accelerate our progress, or is our progress, under various pretexts, to be retarded and delayed ? Have we a long number of years before us of a great furnace to pass through, from which Ireland has only just emerged ? Sometimes I am afraid this despondency has been seen to give rise to despair, which has resulted in giving exhibitions in many places of those hideous atrocities at which the British Government, as the custodians of our country, do not feel happy, and of which we, as its sons, are certainly not proud. If India had some more definite proposition before it than having to wait every ten years for its destiny to bo enhanced, if it had reasonable assurance of rapid but progressive advancement, I believe that self-government, which is the goal of us all, for two-thirds India could be achieved early and smoothly. I add this despite anything that may be said to the contrary, that the achievement is possible within a very much shorter period than some people would like to have us believe. I know, and Ido not need to be told, that it depends to a great extent on India's capacity herself. 1 agree ; but surely you do not desire to throw India entirely on her own resources ? Does she not look to Britain to give her periodical and sustained assistance, so that my country may bo, as it has been in the past, really and genuinely a grateful and loyal partner of your wonderful heritage ? Solution of Constitutional Problem in India. I am speaking of self-government for two-thirds India, and in dealing with this subject I hope I may seek your indulgence for another few moments. The solution, I firmly believe, will not lie in grafting Western principles of political government on to the East with a stroke of the pen. Alreaely many old bottles have cracked into which this new wine has been poured. I would much rather you get India round a table in confidence, and work out, with her sons, plans and methods that would be best suited to her environment, by which she can obtain her goal in the most rapid but at the same time most peaceful and loyal manner. I say it is possible, and probable of early success, and you will be doing something for three hundred millions of human beings, that will cement them to you with gratitude and brotherly feelings. The world was not built for academic or pious assurances spread over a number of years, the fulfilment of which may well pass over a lifetime. But what seems to me is this—and that is why I have mentioned this subject, and in connection therewith I will say no more —that the whole problem, if viewed with breadth of vision and imagination, is really, oh Iso simple. It is not such a hedgehog as may be conceived by those who do not come in close contact with it; and it is really still capable of a solution which will leave a stronger England and a loving India. In the end, in this connection, I will only say this much : Many unpleasant incidents have taken place in India of late years. I have no desire to lift before you the veil to disclose tales of woo or wails of lamentation. Many mistakes have undoubtedly been made on both sides. So far as India's side of the picture is concerned, it will be a regrettable spot on India's fair name ; and I say this in all solemnity : that any grievances which India may have had, and did have, were allowed to be involved in interfering with the welcome given to the Royal Heir to tho British throne —namely, the Prince of Wales —when he was touring in British India.
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Will the British. Royalty, you British statesmen and people, not overlook this blunder and lot it be past history ? Can we not bury what has happened and rise in mutual good will and understanding for the future ? Let not then the hand of the clock be held back. Advance in full confidence that what you do for India will be repaid to you a thousandfold from the people who know how to respond to generous sentiments. Position of Indians overseas. And now I start on a voyage outside my country under the a,gis of the British flag. Under the protection it gave to its loyal citizens, Indians in search of wealth, adventurous people in search of enterprise, left their homes and their shores to find refuge in parts where freedom, justice, and peace were symbolized in the trident of the Red, White, and Blue. Indians found their way to South Africa, to Canada, to New Zealand, Australia, and, I am not personally aware, but perhaps some of them to Newfoundland. They went as citizens under the Union jack, established their homos, invested their money, and settled down as peaceful citizens of the Empire. I have been told, and perhaps rightly so, by General Smuts, that the idea of British citizenship has changed from what it was a few years ago. I have forthwith applied myself to the facts, and asked the question, What does that mean 1 Surely the answer cannot bo the treating of any particular race as outcasts. lam well aware of the fact that several of the questions with regard to Indians overseas lie almost outside the direct concern of the Imperial Government. They are really within the purview of the selfgoverning Derminions, who are connected with tho main centre by silken tie > ; and I will leave it at that. I want to address a few remarks directly to my Dominion colleagues. And I will say this : One of your links in the chain is weak. If one link in it is weak, and further weakened, perhaps you can do without it. That is your business. Wo, on our part, do not wish it. We want to have you with us. Let your inclinations decide. I know, my friends, how difficult it is for you to make any personal promises—for your positions depend, your authority depeneJs on people to whom you are answerable. I assure you I appreciate, the difficulty of your position. I, an Indian, have only tried to hold out my hand. Ido not know if you and your people have the power and the desire to grasp it. Nothing hurts in the world more than the loss of izzat —humiliation. It is that one word which is the keynote of half the troubles of this world. It is certainly the keynote of tho troubles of my country. Whether it is imaginary or real, Providence will judge ; at le:ast with open hearts shall we be able to approach Him, our Lord, on the Day of Judgment, and say, " We are your children. It was all a game ; it was all the chequer-board of nights and days. We played our part; if it were ours for sacrifice, then we sacrificed that others might live." Friends, I want to tell you that I have received messages from my country asking mo that I should not work on the Conference, encouraging me to resign because India suffered humiliation—in Natal and Kenya. But I. paid no attention to these counsels of despair. It may perhaps be thought that I sought honour and glory, and could not forgo such a lure as the Imperial Conference ; but the reason that kept me here, rightly or wrongly, was because I felt that nothing in this world was achieved by ill-feeling, that a great deal is gained by toleration and good will. Come what may, lam determined to exercise them to the last in this assemblage. I have received wails from the Fiji Islands, saying that the poll-tax was causing Indians grave injustice, and that they desired to be repatriated if no other gratification could be given to them. I have received tales of woe from Natal, complaining that a law was going to be introduced segregating them as outcasts. Similar stories come from Basutoland and other places which I need not go on reciting. How all this sounds to your ears Ido not know. How it sounds to mine is it necessary to speak ? How it is going to affect India if these questions are not solved is a prophecy that I shudder to make. And remember, my friends, that this question does not affect British India only, but our Indian States' subjects also are involved in this overseas problem. It is not alone a question that agitates the mind of British India, but it is one that is viewed with equal humiliation in the Indian States. Why ? I was surprised myself to receive letters from my own subjects, one or two sentences of which I will read out to you. I hope you will not mind the portions in which, out of affection and loyalty, personal references are made to me. This is certainly not the reason why I quote these sentences : " The Imperial Conference is drawing near. Your Highness is a member of that important assembly. India, bereft of all sympathy with the outside world, has been passing her transitional days in trying circumstances, aggravated recently to a great extent by the Kenya decision." Again : " Whether the movement means for India a political set-back or a real awakening and a sure progressing State, towards building up a great national edifice, remains to be seen, but at present she looks to Your Highness with wistful eyes." Kenya Settlement. I say no more, and I regret having mentioned this portion of the letter. I have read the main portion of it to illustrate that the question is viewed with no less concern in one-third India than it is in two-thirds. I can give you innumerable instances, but I will not waste your time. The question of Indians in the Dominions is one that concerns the Dominion Premiers and their Parliaments primarily ; but the question of Kenya as a colony stands on an entirely different footing. I believe I am right when I say that many Indian settlers went to Kenya long before it was discovered as a suitable place for colonization by the white people. They took lands, invested money, and to a great extent helped in developing the prospects of that country economically. So long as the colony was administered by the Imperial Government, difficulties, I understand, did not arise until the question of franchise to the residents came under consideration. It has now been decreed in the last decision
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that the recent white settlers, who are in a minority, are to be given the majority of votes in relation to an Indian population which is in majority—thus leaving the latter at the mercy of the former, to be gradually ousted, if necessary, and as seems possible, by means of legislation. I do not mean to enter into the pros and cons of this case—what Lord Elgin said or Lord Milner recommended are side issues—because, from my own twenty years' experience of administration, I know how easy it is to produce arguments with all the power in one's hands and records and papers at one's disposal in favour of one case against another. Arguments would be an unwise course for me to adopt for understandings are not always reached by arguments. I know that there are some noblemen and gentlemen of influence from this country who desire to settle there, if they have not already done so. But the principal argument that has been advanced is that the Colonial Office holds Kenya in trust on behalf of the African races, who are the original inhabitants of that country. Now, if I may say so, it strikes me as being peculiarly grotesque that a country held in trust on behalf of a people who are backward, and have yet to grow under the aegis of the British flag, should actually have a franchise given to any one else to develop the country during the interregnum. Does this mean that when the original tribes and people awaken from their slumber they will be given primary consideration in relation to those who have invested money for several years past, and who govern the country, not under trust, but under a franchise ? Ido not wish to enter into any further arguments. The whole question of Indians overseas seems to be one which does not mean the flooding of the different portions of the Empire with Indian immigrants claiming rights and privileges merely by their number in order to oust others who may have the rightful heritage. Mr. Mackenzie King, in one of his utterances in this Conference, said, with regard to Canada, that it was possible to restrict immigration from Japan by mutual agreement, not necessitating the introduction of law. That was mutual right understanding which did not cause any humiliation on either side, and allowed the Dominions to grow in accordance with their own environments, yet at the same time made no strictures or asked no strictures to be passed on peoples who had settled there as peaceful citizens. I believe that the Indian Government—and lam open to correction if I am wrong —would be equally prepared to enter into mutual understanding with the various Dominions and colonies to prevent immigrants from flooding these countries. Under such circumstances is it not possible to modify the laws and to enforce them in a manner that they do not pointedly chafe against any particular community, thus causing them humiliation ? What I want to know is whether my countrymen, as citizens of the British Empire, have any rights to settle in these countries, not for exploitation, not by way of peaceful penetration, but as peaceful traders, to live their unobtrusive existence. Tribute to General Smuts. General Smuts, in talking about the questions of Indians who come to his country, suggested, I think, in a casual way that they might be sent for settlement to British Guiana. I believe the British flag has been planted at the North Pole, so I wonder if that would not be a more suitable solution of the problem if it was desired to exterminate them. But I really came to know General Smuts after my brief knowledge of him, that, although he has been called, I am sorry to say, the arch-enemy of India, yet we have in him, if I may be permitted to say so to his face, a sagacious statesman who sees far ahead of ordinary mortals what is in the interests of our greater Empire. From my personal conversations with him I would really reverse the epithet, and say that I regard him since I have come here —and I speak in no platitudes in his heart of hearts, personally, a staunch friend and supporter of India. I may assure you, friends, that I quite appreciate the difficulties that exist in the solution of this great problem. I realize that, though individually most of you may be prepared to look at the matter from a broad Imperial view, you have to return to your Parliaments, which may hold different opinions. All I have to say, therefore, is that, while we are conferring in this Imperial assemblage, can we not put our heads together to solve the difficulty which surely human beings were meant to solve, not for the sake of individuals, but for the sake of the Empire ? I have said this much because I feel that the problem is much greater than what appears on the surface relating merely to Indians overseas. If you can enable India, by real action, to feel that her humiliation is removed, that she can take pride in the Empire to which she has the privilege to belong, you will have achieved something which will be of lasting credit to yourselves and of benefit to the chain of which we all form loyal links. Particularly since I have come here have I realized how whole-heartedly and with a single purpose Lord Reading and his Government have given their utmost help to our cause. Things do not always appear in public or in the Press which enable India to see what part the Government of India is playing in our cause. All glory, however, is due to them for their assistance. We shall not easily forget it, and hope that some day we may repay them for their effort and good will, Regarding Lord Peel, it is more difficult to give him thanks since he sits beside me. I thank him, however, in the name of India —if I may do so —and thank him with a grateful heart for his powerful championship of our cause he has indulged in to-day. My heart has been softened by the words he has spoken of our nationality and our religion. I hope e very word of this statement'will go to India, so that my country may not despair that it has no one to support it. When the discussions take place, similarly, I hope the Prime Ministers of the Dominions will allow their good will and proposals to go to my country, for that lam sure will have a very happy result. I have very little more to say. Messages from Princes of India. Now, Prime Minister and friends, it is my pleasurable task to read out a message that I received from my order in India. His Highness the Chancellor of our Chamber, the Maharajah of Bikancr, has conveyed it to me by means of a cablegram. This is the message : —
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" Had the Chamber been sitting at this time, Indian princes would have desired to Send a message to this Conference in view of the important question of Indians overseas, including Indian States' subjects who are affected specially in Kenya. But as the Chamber is not sitting, the princes of India by cablegram convey a cordial message of friendship and good will to His Majesty's Government, the British nation, to the Dominions and colonies and their distinguished representatives at tho Imperial Conference, with whom the princes are united by common ties of loyalty to His Imperial Majesty the King-Emperor." The cable continues as follows :— " We give expression of our hope that thelunited efforts of all concerned atlthelConference will yield some satisfactory result, drawing closely together into bonds of good fellowship the great comity of nations forming the British Empire to which the princes and States are firmly attached, and securing the Indians, including the subjects of Indian States, an honoured position in all parts of the Empire in keeping with India's rightful place in the British Commonwealth, and in conformity with the assiduous and constant efforts of His Excellency the Viceroy and the Government of India." Friends, I convey this message to you coupled with my own hope that its aims and objects may be finally achieved before we leave England at the termination of the Imperial Conference. The subject is undoubtedly large and certainly complicated, but surely with good will we will overcome difficulties, and if, as we believe, we are firmly determined to see that every portion of the British Empire is strengthened, then I by no means despair, but, on the other hand, hope for possibilities of arriving at a settlement which will make you all the more respected and loved in the eyes of those you help, and will leave those grateful to you to whom you extend your hand of assistance. I hope that it will be possible for you to consider also whether it would not be advisable hereafter to altow India to be calleel a Dominion —not a self-governing Dominion until she becomes so, but a Dominion, specially when making reference to her in relation to her sister Dominions. Gentlemen, 1 think 1 have said all that I wished to on the subject of my countrymen overseas on India's day. It has been a great pleasure to me to meet round this table great statesmen who are my colleagues from the Dominions and to have the pleasure of making their personal acquaintance. May I thank them for their kindness and courtesy to myself, which I take as a token of their good will for my country ? If at any time any of my colleagues think of visiting India, I hope they will give us an opportunity of showing and proving that we do not always speak words but act on them, and that we can give you as cordial a welcome to our country as it is possible to do within our capacities. General Smuts welcomed to India. I said one day to my friend General Smuts—and I speak sincerely and in no conventional language, because he who was our enemy a few years ago is to-day one of our best friends and a great statesman of to-elay —I said to him I hoped he would come some day to India, and he replied that he would bo viewed with suspicion. I hope India, with all her political quarrels and difficulties, has not lost her human touch and response to appreciate great statesmen, and to prove to them that beyond our domestic disputes, beyond our domestic quarrels, lie the sentiments of humanity. I believe —and 1 will with this conclude —that India came into the comity of nations within the British Empire with a definite purpose. It is a link that was soldereel by the hand of Divine destiny. It was a means of enabling the West to understand the East, and vice versa ; but it also came in in order that the two civilizations, with their spiritualities, with their material advancement and progress, might by their association together evolve a civilization, a groat humanity of God's children playing their individual parts in the cause of God. When that day comes before us and, figuratively speaking, we stand before the judgment seat of Him who has sent us here, we shall each have our accounts to render. India may differ from you in race ; she differs in religion and in creed ; but she docs not differ in point of humanity. Personally I say this :if you give us your assistance in time of need— for a friend in need is the friend indeed —we shall give you not only our gratitude but also our cordiality and practical assistance. But if it is destined to be otherwise, then I say this : that we shall bo in a still, higher position, for India will be able to say that she sacrificed herself in order that others might live ; she prided herself in her political weakness in order that others may bo strong; we gave our little best for the higher purpose, for the Divine purpose which is our common goal — our common brotherhood and the salvation of humanity. 29th October, 1923. STATEMENT BY THE SECRETARY OF STATE FOR THE COLONIES. Tribute to Presentation of Case for India. The Duke of Devonshire : At the outset of the few remarks I have: to offer 1 cannot refrain from saying that India has been exceedingly fortunate in the spokesmen selected to represent her case in this Conference. That case, eloquently stated by Lord Peel and by His Highness the Maharajah of Alwar, was developed by Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru in a speech the closely reasoned argument of which was greatly reinforced by its studied moderation. What India asks. I particularly noticed that tho proposal which he submitted was outlined rather than reduced to the specific terms of a resolution. In this, if I may say so, I think he was very wise, because, while he made the general purport of his proposal perfectly clear, he loft tho precise form to be moulded in the subsequent discussion. Let me state as shortly as I can the gist of that proposal as I understood
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it. Two years ago this Conference, with the exception of the Prime Minister of the Union of South Africa, agreed that the rights of Indians domiciled in parts of the Empire other than India should be recognized, Sir Tej now proposes that the question how and when effect can be given to this agreement should be made the subject of inquiry and discussion between committees representing the several Governments concerned and a committee representing the Government of India. Limitation of Indian Request. That is what Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru. asks. But before I proceed I must also invite you to note that there are various matters already settled which he is not attempting to reopen. He does not question tho right of each community in the British Commonwealth to control the composition of its own population. He is not, in a word, asking the self-governing Dominions to reopen the question of Indian immigration. Ho frankly recognizes the autonomy of the Dominion Governments within their respective territories. What he asks is that the Governments concerned will agree to discuss with tho Government of India the steps necessary to give effect to the resolution passed by the Conference in 1921. It is, of course, in the last instance for each Government to decide for itself, but, because in certain matters such decisions are not limited in their effects to the countries by which they arc taken, tho issues to which they relate may be brought for mutual discussion here. British Government accepts Principle of Request. In so far as the British Government is responsible for the colonies and protectorates, I can only say, on behalf of tho British Government, that wo certainly accept the principle of the request put forward by Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru. Maintenance of Kenya Settlement. In saying this you will not understand me to mean that wo are prepared to reopen matters which have been made the subject of recent and most carefully considered decision. I refer more especially to the Kenya settlement, the terms of which were placed before and accepted, by the British Parliament in July. While I would not propose that the area of discussion between the contemplated committee and the Secretary of State for the Colonies should be limited, I should only bo misleading India if I were to say anything to suggest that the Government could consent to reconsider the decisions embodied in the settlement of July last. To use the words of the White Paper, the constant endeavour of the British Government throughout their deliberations was to relate, the principles which must govern the administration of a British colony in tropical Africa to the wider considerations of general Imperial, policy as enunciated in the resolution of the Imperial Conference of 1921. Responsibilities of British Government. 1 have also to remind the representatives of India that, so far as the British colonies and protectorates are concerned, the ultimate responsibility rests with the British Government, and it is with the British Government, and more particularly with the Secretary of State for the Colonies, that any questions affecting British Indians domiciled in these colonies and protectorates should be discussed in the first instance by such a committee as Sir Tej has suggested. It will then be for the Colonial Office to consult, as may be necessary, any Colonial Government concerned with these discussions before any decisions are taken by the British Government. Political Status of Indians in Colonies, Protectorates, and Mandated Territories. lam hopeful that the area to bo covered by these discussions will not in fact prove wide. I recently circulated to members of the Conference, in response to their general wish, a memorandum* upon the political status of British Indians in the colonies; protectorates, and mandated territories. I studiously confined my memorandum to facts, and perhaps I may be permitted to summarize quite briefly what that memorandum contains. It shows that, in the West Indian colonies, British Indians are under no political or legal disability of any kind. They have the same, franchise and the same opportunities of becoming members of elective boeiie:s as any other British subjects. Tho West Indian colonies in which there is a considerable British-Indian population are British Guiana, Trinidad, anel Jamaica. In British Guiana and Jamaica tho elective system already exists, and it will be introduced in Trinidad at an early date. When you turn to the eastern colonies the memorandum shows that in Ceylon, under a revised constitution about to be issued, qualified British Indians will be eligible ferr tho franchise and for election to the Legislative Council in the same manner as all other British subjects. Again, in Mauritius there is no distinction between British Indians and other British subjects as regards eligibility for the franchise. In East Africa you will find from the memorandum that in Uganda the Legislative Council is not elective, but that there is no restriction on the number or race of the unofficial members who may be nominated to the Council: while in Tanganyika Territory there is no Legislative or Executive Council. Subject to a clear understanding on these points, my colleagues and I cordially welcome on behalf of the British. Government the proposal of the representatives of India so far as the colonies and protectorates are concerned.
* See Annex A.
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STATEMENT BY THE PRIME MINISTER OF CANADA. Canada's Attitude of Good Will. Mr. Mackenzie King : I would like to say that I think Canada fully appreciates the magnitude and seriousness of the problem with which the Government of India and the Government of Britain are confronted in dealing with any question affecting the status of Indians, and that our attitude from the beginning has been, and at present is, one of being exceedingly anxious to be helpful in the solution of any.problem that may arise. His Highness the, Maharajah, in speaking last week, referred to the manner in which we, had recently taken up by conference some questions respecting immigration with Japan, and he said that, in his opinion, any of these questions of status and political rights respecting resident Indians could be best settled by adopting a similar method. He referred particularly to an attitude of good will being more important than anything else in the solution of these difficult questions. I think the Maharajah is entirely right. Attitude in these matters is all-important. So far as the Canadian attitude is concerned, it gives me pleasure to say that we arc most anxious to deal with this whole question in a spirit of mutual understanding and good will. Recent History of Indian Immigration Question. I have in my hand a report* that I made to the Government of Canada in 1908. It relates to immigration to Canada, from the Orient, and immigration from India in particular. It was the result of a visit which, at the instance of the Government of the day in Canada, I paid to England to confer with the Secretary of State for India in regard to the question of immigration from India to Canada. If I may be permitted, I would like to read the concluding paragraph of this report, because it sets out the attitude at that time —fifteen years ago —which we took towards questions affecting our fellow British citizens from India :— " Nothing could be more unfortunate or misleading than that the impression should go forth that Canada, in seeking to regulate a matter of domestic concern, is not deeply sensible of the obligations which citizenship within the Empire: entails. It is a recognition of this obligation which has caused, her to adopt a course which, by removing the possibilities of injustice and friction, is best calculated to strengthen the, bonds of association with the several parts, and to promote the greater harmony of the, whole. In this, as was to be expected, Canada has had not only the sympathy and understanding, but the hearty co-ope:ration of the authorities in Great Britain and India as well." I should say, perhaps, that, after conferring with the Secretary of State for India in London at that time in regard to this question, I subsequently, at the instance of the Canadian Government, went to India to take up with the authorities there the question of the migration of Indians to Canada, with a view of seeing whether we could not work out a solution which, would avoid anything in the nature of legislation which might be misunderstood or regarded as invidious in India, and I am happy to say that we were able, as a result of conferences, to come to an understanding between the two Governments which was as satisfactory to the Government of India as it was to the Government of Canada. If it was possible to do that in regard to the difficult question of immigration, I think it ought to be possible, for us similarly to effect a satisfactory solution with respect to any of these other questions that may arise, and it is from that point of view that I hope my colleagues from India will feel that the Canadian Government is approaching this particular subject. Position of Indians domiciled in Canada. Lord Peel in his remarks said, I think, very rightly, that what the Indians felt more than anything else was that the disabilities under which their countrymen live appear as a brand of social inferiority. The extent to which that is true depends very largely upon the nature of the disabilities and the circumstances which account for any that may exist. No Disabilities in Eight Provinces ; some Political Disability in One. May I say at once in regard to Canada that in eight of the provinces out of nine which comprise the Dominion I am not aware of any legal or political disability under which any Indian resident in Canada suffers, and with respect to the ninth province I am not aware of any legal disability of any kind ; I am only aware of a political disability in the matter of the exercise of the franchise in that one province, and that not as regarels all Indians, because, as respects all provinces, including British Columbia, the one, exception I have mentioned, the. Federal law relating to the franchise sets it down that any Indian who served with His Majesty's Forces —Military, Naval, or Air —is entitled to the franchise. I mention this as evidence of the fact that our citizens appreciate the services that India has rendered the Empire and eiesire to acknowledge them wherever possible. History of Canadian Franchise.. May I say a word as to the way our franchise has been developed ? The Dominion is the result of the bringing together of a number of provinces, and the party to which I belong —the Liberal party in Canada —has taken a position that, wherever it was possible to recognize the wishes of a province in matters pertaining to the franchise, regard to such should, be hail. For that reason our Federal Franchise Act for many years recognized for Federal purposes only the franchise prevailing in the province. We had not a separate franchise for the Dominion. We took, for the Dominion, the provincial franchise as it existed, with the result that in some provinces some classes had the right to vote who had not the right to vote in others —not on account of race, but owing solely to the fact that for their own reasons certain of the provinces had thought it well to limit the franchise in certain particulars. The late Government, which represented an opposite view in some particulars, changed
* See Canadian Sessional Paper No. 36a of 1908.
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somewhat the franchise law a few years ago, and endeavoured to enact a Federal franchise which woulel be applicable generally throughout the Dominion. They provided that women, for example, should have the right to vote in Federal matters. Those of us who had held to a recognition of provincial enactments opposed that attitude. We said it should still be left to the provinces to determine as respects the franchise to be given women, as in all else, what they thought best. However, the Government at that time did carry a provision which made the law in this matter of the exercise of the: franchise, by women generally applicable:. Notwithstanding, that very Government, having regard for the conditions in the Province of British Columbia, in order to avoid a serious situation arising there which might have been misunderstood in other parts of the Empire, found it necessary, as regards certain of the provisions affecting the Federal franchise in the case of British Columbia, to make an exception to this general applicaton. I mention this because it discloses how in one province a particular question may become a burning political issue. For the Federal Government to try and deal with it in a manner which would be regarded as coercing any province would give rise to an entirely new question. For example, if the Federal Government had tried in respect of all persons resident there to impose on the: Province of British Columbia certain obligations—such, for example, as the right to vote, under the, Federal franchise —the issue would not in public discussion have been a question, of the franchise at all ; it would have been a question of coercion by the Federal Government of a Provincial Government, and you would have had a political battle fought on the basis of what we speak of as '' provincial rights." lam sure all at this table will appreciate that that kind of political conflict is one of the most dangerous a country can be faced with. It is as though Britain were to try and impose certain obligations on Canada or some other part of the Empire. In elealing with the provinces we of tho Federal Government seek, as far as we can, to prevent anything in the way of coercion. I think it is as well to mention this because it helps to explain why in one province it has not been possible, up to the present, to concede the franchise to the Indians who are there. Question best dealt with on Reciprocal Lines. As to how Canada's action may be viewed in India, it seems to me to be very much a matter of interpretation, and the spirit of interpretation. I could go to India and say with truth that every citizen coming from the State over which His Highness the, Maharajah of Alwar rules has rights of citizenship in my province which I have not in his. That is a point which cannot be brought out too clearly. In eight provinces out of nine in Canada every Indian resident there has the same right as other Canadian citizens ; but that is not equally true of Canadians resident in India. If this aspect is put before tho people of India they will see that the reciprocal method of dealing with this question, as pointed out by General Smuts, is one which perhaps presents the line along which we can proceed most satisfactorily. So far as Canada is concerned, we would not ask for our citizens resident in India any right which we are not prepared equally to concede to Indians resident in Canada. I think you may take, that as the fundamental basis on which we would be prepared to deal with this question ; we hold to this reciprocal point of view because in all things we have found it to be one of the most satisfactory methods of dealing with questions of this kind. Problem in British Columbia an Economic one. So far as British Columbia is concerned, the problem is not a racial one —it is purely an economic problem. The Labour forces in British Columbia are very strong. That province has had industrial problems of a character which no other province in the Dominion has had, and what the Labour people are aiming at is, I think, to maintain certain industrial standards which they had sacrificed much to acquire. As respects some of those who have come from other countries, they are rather fearful, until at least they have resided for some time in Canada and have acquired, our method of living, our customs, habits, and so forth, that to give them the rights of franchise in full may mean that the standard already maintained may be undermined. I would like to make this clear. Possible Political Consequences of giving Franchise to Indians in British Columbia. It may seem I am straining a little in emphasizing the possible political consequence of giving the franchise to resident Inelians in British Columbia. But take the actual situation as it is in Parliament to-day. When we came into office I had a majority of one behind mo in the House of Commons. I think we have a majority of three at the present time. Many of the constituencies were very close. It is conceivable that in British Columbia, the difference in the result might be material by increasing a certain vote in some of the constituencies. In other words, were the subject to become one of political discussion, I think it would be possible for a political orator to make it quite apparent to the people of British. Columbia that the fate of the Federal Government might depend upon the vote cast by Indians resident in that province. It would not be an exaggeration, it would not be a figure of speech ;itis a literal and absolute truth. It is conceivable that the complexion of Parliament as it is to-day might be, entirely changed. The consequence might bo that one Government rather than another woule! be in office by the vote of those who, neither in their own country not in Canada, have ever exercised the franchise. That is the situation which exists at the moment. Ido not expect it will exist very long, but it all helps to show the difficulty which we are confronted with when we contemplate, in any immediate way, results which we all hope will be effected in the course of time, ft is for that, among other reasons, that I appreciate the method of approach which Sir Tej has adopted in bringing his suggestion before this Conference. He has appreciated, I think, our difficulties as well as his own ; and in suggesting there could be a conference between representatives of India and. representatives of Canada, I think ho has had in mind enabling the citizens of India to appreciate
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just the kind of circumstances which have governed our actions quite as much as having our citizens appreciate his difficulties. That is the sort of approach and attitude which permits us to get together, and I should be surprised if, dealing with this question in that spirit, wo could not work out a thoroughly satisfactory solution. Interpretation of 1921 Resolution. There is one point I ought to make quite clear, and that is the extent to which my hands are tied in dealing with this question. The resolution which was passed at this Conference two years ago in the minds of some present committed the Dominions to giving the franchise to the Indians. It was, they allege, in the nature of a general commitment. It is all-important that we should know whether that was the intention of the: resolution or not. I think in the first place we should be very careful of resolutions that are introduced or passed, and I think, when once they are passed, we: should do our utmost to sec that any hopes to which they may give, rise are not destroyed. In the House of Commons I asked my predecessor, Mr. Meighen, what his interpretation was of the resolution of 1921. I have before me the Hansard of the 29th June of this year, which contains tho record, and. with the permission of the Conference I shall reail from it: — " Mr. Mackenzie King : May I ask my right honourable friend one question ? The resolution of the Conference, or at least one clause of it, is as follows : ' The Conference accordingly is of the opinion that in the interests of the solidarity of the British Commonwealth it is desirable that the rights of such Indians to citizenship should be recognized.' The honourable member for George Eticnne Carrier, Mr. Jacobs, has said that these words imply an unelertaking on the part of this Parliament —or, rather, on the part of Canada —to sec that the federal franchise is granted to the, Indians in British Columbia. Is that correct or not 1 " Mr. Meighen : The words are English and the words are simple. I understand them fully, and if the Prime Minister does not I must leave him just where he is. " Mr. Mackenzie King : I think the House is entitled to an answer from my right honourable friend. He represented this country at the Imperial Conference. He knows better than any one else what interpretation he placed on these words. I ask him, seeing that he represented Canada at the Imperial Conference when that resolution was passed, whether he understood that Canada was giving an undertaking to the Indians in British Columbia to tho effect that they should be entitled to the franchise. " Mr. Meighen :No human being understooei anything of the sort. The words are very plain and there is no misunderstaneling them." I should be taken very seriously to task if, when I returned to Canada, it could be said that I had placed an interpretation on that resolution which the Prime. Minister of Canada, who was present at the time it was passed, was unwilling to have placed upon it. I think Mr. Meighen has taken his attitude from the words " It is desirable that the rights of such Indians to citizenship should bo recognized." If that means we would all like to see it done, that we hope it may be done, I think I can agree with him in this expression of such a wish. On the other hand, as to its constituting an actual pledge, I am bound to take the interpretation which Mr. Meighen himself gives and places upon it. I should perhaps say that I presented that point of view to Mr. Sastri when he was in Canada, and my recollection is that Mr. Sastri did not maintain that the resolution constituted a pledge which obliged the Federal Government to give the franchise to resident Indians, but rather that it expressed what the Conference hoped would bo done by the different Dominions as opportunity offered. Mr. Sastri's Visit. May I say just a word in regard to Mr. Sastri's visit ? Wo were pleased to welcome Mr. Sastri to Canada, and we sought to give him the fullest opportunity to speak publicly wherever he wished to do so in the Dominion, to confer with any persons whom he might wish to meet, and we were glad to have him in conference with us in the Cabinet so that we could explain very fully all the considerations of which wo had to take account. ■ I think Mr. Sastri appreciated our situation the better in view of having seen conditions for himself and having talked with many persons in different parts of the Dominion. Matter will be considered when Franchise Law revised. I cannot do better, in setting forth our Government's attitude, than to read to the Conference, and place on rccorel the letter I wrote to Mr. Sastri just as he was leaving our Dominion. It is dated Ottawa, the sth September, 1922, and is as follows : — " The Right Hon. V. Srinivasa Sastri, Chateau Laurier, Ottawa. " Dear Mb. Sastri, — " In reply to the representations made by you at tho interview with my colleagues and myself on Friday of last week, and which wore the subject of further conference between us yesterday, I desire to assure you that, at tho earliest favourable: moment, the Government will be pleased to invite the consideration of Parliament to your request that Natives of India resident in Canada be granted a Dominion parliamentary franchise on terms and conditions identical with those which govern the exercise of that right by Canadian citizens generally. The subject is necessarily one which Parliament along can determine. It will be submitted to Parliament for consideration when the franchise law is under revision. " In convoying to the Government of India an expression of the attitude of tin: Government of Canada in this matter, we hope that you will not fail to make it clear that at the present time, in eight of the nine provinces of which our Dominion is composed, the federal franchise is granted to Natives of India resident in Canada, on terms which are identical with those applicable generally to Canadian citizens. "jYours sinoerely, "|W.|L.'Mackenzie King."
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You will observe that we have promised Mr. Sastri that when our Federal franchise law comes up for revision we will take care: to see that Parliament is fully informed of his representations and wishes, and we will seek to have those representations and wishes given every consideration. It is probable: that the Dominion Franchise Act will come up for revision at the approaching session of Parliament. I told Mr. Sastri it was hardly probable it would come up last session, but that I thought it would come up next session. If the course we anticipate is followed, the Franchise Act will be referred to a committee of the House, and that committee will be in a position to hear any representations that may be made to it. If Committee from India sent to Canada, it will be given every Opportunity to discuss Question. My friends from India will have to decide for themselves what is likely to be most in their own interests in the matter of having a committee visit Canada and take up this matter anew. I say that for the reason that I am not so sure that Mr. Sastri's visit has made it easier for us to deal with this problem. I would put it in this way : Mr. Sastri's visit helped to direct the attention of the country to something which I imagine the greater part of tho country did not know anything about. I doubt if the majority of the people in Canada were aware that in the Province of British Columbia, for example, the Indians did not have the franchise. They may have known in the other provinces that they had the franchise, but the question of the few in British Columbia not having the franchise would hardly be known to any extent outside that province. Onco, however, Mr. Sastri began delivering his speeches the Labour Councils from one end of the country to the other began to receive communications from Labour organizations in British Columbia asking thorn to take care to sec that such standards as labour had won in British Columbia were maintained. The forces that were opposed to granting the franchise to Indians became organized in a way they had not been before. Whether that same result might follow the visit of a deputation from India I cannot say —it might or it might: not; but should our friends from India think it would help them to have a delegation come to Canada to confer on the subject we shall be most happy to appoint a corresponding group to meet and. confer with them. If it were their desire to have their delegation given an opportunity of meeting the: parliamentary committee to which the matter will be referred for consideration, I should be glad to see, if the: time of their visit so permitted, that they were given a chance: to meet the members of that committee and to confer with them at Ottawa. In other words, we would be only too happy ter give to any group which may come from India —any person she may send —the amplest opportunities to discuss with our public men all aspects of this particular question. I say this having regard to the method of approach Sir Tej has presented to us here. He has made it clear that the committee would come for the purpose of exploring avenues and ways and means to reach an ultimate result. Ho should recognize that wo may have to take time in this matter, but I would like him to believe that wo are sincere in hoping that we will bo able to meet his wishes. In seeking so to do we may have to proceed stop by step, but the Canadian people as a whole are, I am sure, really desirous of meeting our fellow British citizens from India in every reasonable particular. I have not the slightest doubt about that. Progress of India towards Self-government. Perhaps I. may bo permitted to say just one word in conclusion. Sir Tej spoke vory feelingly the other day about political freedom and the desires of India in the matter of self-government. When I was in India I heard a good deal of tho discussion that was going on. Let me say that I have a natural sympathy with the desires of a people to have the right to manage their own affairs. Were I a citizen of India —and this is what I felt most at that time —I shoulel feel above everything else that in India being a part of the British Empire there lay tin: surest guarantee that this desire for self-government will bo realized in the course of time in the manner which to India herself will be most effective and helpful. It is inconceivable that tho opinions represented at this table, the views of the different Dominions represented here, should not accord with aspirations of self-government. There is this, however, which I think we have to remember, and which those of us in tho Dominions have had occasion to realize : that our Dominions have boon peopled largely by citizens who have come out from the British Isles, and that those who have been most active in effecting reforms have themselves come with ideals which it had taken their ancestors many, many years to work out in this old land. Our struggle for responsible government in the Dominions was largely a continuation of the long struggle of several centuries which had taken place in the British Isles, and I think the evolution of self-government in the Dominions has become what it is largely because of the long process of political training through which in previous years the peoples of the British Isles had passed. For that reason I hope that our friends in India will appreciate: that here again time may be a helpful factor in the working-out of what, in tho long-run, in tho interests of India herself, will be the surest and the best guide to complete self-government. STATEMENT BY THE PRIME MINISTER OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF AUSTRALIA. Tribute to Presentation of Case for India. Mr. Bruce: Prime Minister, I would like to preface the few remarks I wish to make by congratulating the representatives of India on the very eloquent and temperate manner in which they stated tho case which they have to present. Attitude of Australia to Resolutions of Previous Conferences. This question is not one which vitally affects Australia as it does South Africa. I desire, however, to refer to the resolution on the position of Indians in the Empire which was adopted by the Conference of 1921. The resolution commenced by reaffirming the previous resolution of 1918, that the government of each community of the British Commonwealth should enjoy complete control of the composition, of its own population by moans erf restriction on immigration from any of the other communities. It then went on to recognize that there is an incongruity between India's position as
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an equal member of the British Empire and the existence of disabilities upon British Indians lawfully domiciled in some other parts of the Empire. The resolution recorded the opinion that, in the interests of the solidarity of the British Empire, it is desirable to recognize the rights of such lawfully domiciled Indians to citizenship in their countries of domicile. This resolution was concurred in by the representatives of Australia. Sympathy with Indians domiciled in Australia. The object of the representatives of India at this Conference in bringing forward the question of the status of Indians is, as I understand, to further the investigation of the question of the means of giving practical effect to that part of the resolution which refers to the recognition of rights of citizenship of Indiarrs lawfully domiciled in other parts of the Empire. As far as Australia is concerned, this question has been the subject of considerable public discussion, and the representatives of every shade of political thought have shown sympathy with the claim that lawfully domiciled Indians should enjoy full citizen rights. As the question did not figure in the preliminary agenda of tho Conference, I have not had the opportunity of consulting my colleagues or my Parliament upon it. I believe, however, that Australian public opinion is ready to welcome, so far as the position of Indians domiciled in Australia is concerned, any measure which is conceived in the interests of the Empire as a whole. The number of Indians in Australia is small —there are only two thousand of them—so that from the purely Australian point of view the problem is a small one, but it is recognized that this is part of a larger Imperial problem. No Change in Commonwealth Immigration Policy. It is not a question of admitting fresh Indians within our territory : that would be contrary to the fundamental principles which animate the people of Australia and must govern the policy of any Australian Government. Nor, as I fully understand, is there the slightest shadow of a suggestion that the immigration of Indians into Australia is desired by the Government or by the people of India. It is simply a question of satisfying the legitimate aspirations of the few Indians who are already lawfully domiciled in our midst, and contributing by this action to the solution of an Imperial problem by tho removal of anomalies which, as I understand, are felt very keenly in India in viow of her new status as an integral part of the Imperial Commonwealth. Tribute to India's Place in Empire, and to her Civilization. India is no longer a mere dependency, but one of the component members of the British Commonwealth of Nations. We have tho greatest admiration of the efforts put forth by India in the late war, by which she won her new status. I need only refer to her contributions in men, money, and material; her recruitment on a voluntary basis of something like one and a third million men ; the services which her army rendered by sending more than a million Indian troops overseas to all the theatres of war ; and her free gift to the Imperial Exchequer, which added, as 1 am told, over 30 per cent, to her national debt at that time. Apart from these material aids, the moral value of the part played by India in the war cannot be overestimated. The vast masses of the Indian people have always been conspicuous for their loyalty to the British Throne, and their whole-hearted and voluntary participation in the world conflict undoubtedly afforded striking proof of this to both foes and friends alike. Even apart from that welcome evidence that in its hour of need the Empire may rely on India as a strength and support, instead of a source of weakness as our late enemies dared to hope, I wish to emphasize that the people of Australia have always had the greatest respect for India's traditions and culture, her literature and her arts, her attainments in the world of thought, and her achievements in action —in a word, for her civilization, which, while reposing on such ancient foundations, has at the same time shown itself capable of progress and adaptation to the needs of the modern world. That civilization is not identical with ours ; it is older, and it is tho civilization of the East rather than of the West; capable, however, as India has already shown, of absorbing what is valuable in Western civilization, just as the West, in its turn, has lessons to learn from the civilization that is characteristic of India. Indian Problem results from Conflict of Economic Standards. Nor is the established policy of maintaining the European character of our population and not permitting the immigration of Asiatic settlers in conflict with such an appreciation. It is not a policy founded on feelings of race or colour, but it is motived by economic considerations which appear to us to be clear and cogent. I have said that the civilization of tho East, though older and possibly in some respects superior, is different from that of the West, and among other things this implies a well-marked difference of economic standards. Asiatic immigrants would be able to work and support life with what, to them, would represent a high degree of comfort, under conditions and for wages which would make it impossible for workers of European descent, accustomed to European standards, to compete with them. If, therefore, Asiatic immigrants were admitted it would be impossible to provide employment for Europeans. They would inevitably be ousted from the labourmarket, and our population, and with it our institutions and our civilization, would gradually lose their original European character, which we are naturally determined to do all in our power to preserve. It is for this reason that the Commonwealth Parliament has passed enactments which effectively prohibit the immigration of Indian or other Asiatic settlors or labourers, and it is for this reason that we welcomed the resolution of 1918, reaffirmed in 1921, by which the Imperial Conference has recognized the right of each Government to control the composition of the population of its country by means of restriction on immigration from the other communities of the Empire. Attitude of Australia is sympathetic, but no Need for Committee. That resolution was accepted by India, and the Government of India have never swerved in their loyal acquiescence and co-operation with us in our policy. But, viewing the relations of India with the other parts of the Empire as an Imperial problem, we appreciate that the maintenance
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of the immigration policy is only one side of the question. On the other side we have the: desire of India to see the grant of political and erther rights of citizenship accorded to her sons who have already, and in some cases for many years past, been legitimately domiciled within Australia. This desire is largely satisfied in the principle of the resolution of 1921. That resolution, together with the resolution of 1918, must be regarded as interdependent parts of a single endeavour to promote harmonious relations between the Dominions and India by securing the immigration policy of the former on tho one hand and by removing the cause of any ill-feeling in India on the other. The object of both resolutions, as I regard them, is to foster the cohesion of the Empire as a single; unit, not only comprehending within itself certain communities of European race all inspired by Western ideals of civilization, but also uniting in one system the different ideals, elements of strength, and potentialities of progress towards the common good which the Empire is happily able to draw from Eastern as well as from Western sources. In view of the position which exists in Australia and the consideration which has been given to the; question, there is no necessity for a committee further to discuss the matter such as has been suggested by Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru. While I appreciate the spirit in which it is put forward, Ido not think, in the special circumstances of Australia, there is any necessity for such action. On my return to Australia I will consult with my colleagues as to what action can be taken. STATEMENT BY THE PRIME MINISTER OF NEW ZEALAND. Tribute to Presentation of Case for India. Mr. Massey : I will only detain the Conference a very few minutes. 1 should like —and I have no doubt the other members of tho Conference feel as I do—l should like to express my appreciation of the, eloquent speeches delivered by the representatives of India. lam especially impressed by the fact, which was very evident, that, while they were insistent in looking after the interests of India, they spoke as patriotic British citizens. I do not think there will be very much difficulty in the plan lam thinking now of the proposal that committees representing the Dominions shoulel meet a committee representing India. lam speaking more particularly for my own country. Position of Indians in New Zealand. I woulel like to endorse that, so far as New Zealand is concerned, we are practically giving the Natives of India resident in New Zealand the same privileges which are enjoyed by people of tho Anglo-Saxon race who are settled there. There is practically no difference between them. If there is or ever has been at any time any objection to Natives of India coming to New Zealand, those objections have been raised for economic reasons such as have been referred to by the Prime Minister of Australia. Tho workers in Now Zealand aro naturally anxious to maintain the present standard of living, and. if there happened to be a large influx of Natives of India at any time they have an idea that such standard might become lowered. They aro naturally anxious—and I am bound to say the New Zealand Parliament is also anxious—to prevent anything of the sort happening. There is no such thing as race-prejudice or anything of that sort. So far as the aboriginal Natives of New Zealand, are concerned, they are in exactly the same position as the European residents in New Zealand ; they have the same privileges in regard to Parliament and in connection with local affairs. Status of India at Imperial Conference. I have heard it stated as a matter of fact that there is an impression in India that the representatives of the Indian Empire at the Imperial Conference do not occupy the same position as the representatives of the. Dominions or other parts of the Empire. Now, I think that ought to be contradicted emphatically. We who represent the Dominions—and I know I can speak for those who represent the United Kingdom and the colonies as well —are anxious that the representatives of India sitting round this historic table should enjoy all the privileges that we enjoy and should have exactly the same position. I think that ought to be made perfectly clear in India. Methods of Agitation in India. I know this, that India has become during recent years a fruitful hunting-ground for agitators. I am not thinking of Indian agitators when I say that, because I know —and it is nothing to be proud of —that some of the people of our own race have taken a prominent part in fomenting trouble in India, and not only in India, but in those British countries where a number of Natives of India have: become located. There are not many opportunities in my country, but I have known people of our own race to be doing their le:vel best to stir up trouble with the Natives of India. Fiji is our neighbour, and there is a large number of Indians there. lam not speaking for Fiji, but I would only say this : that I have the best of reasons for knowing —I know it officially —that, Europeans frequently have been doing their level best to foment disturbances in Fiji. lam simply speaking of labour troubles and difficulties of that sort. Once troubles are started and when strikes take place we, who have hail experience: of these industrial troubles, never know where they arc going to end ; and they sometimes stir up trouble which is not forgotten for a very long time afterwards. Tribute to India's place in Empire, and to her Civilization. My opinion—l speak as a British citizen and not only as the representative of New Zealand — is that we should do everything that is possible to make the Natives of India feel, whether here or in India itself, that we want to treat them with justice, and that we want to elo everything that is fair and right and proper as far as they are concerned. I know perfectly well that when we think of government, by Indians we have to remember—and I think it was the Maharajah who expressed this opinion—that if development is to take place it will not be quite by what is called Western methods. We can unilerstanil that. When one remembers the huge population of India, the number of races which are there:, the number of languages that are spoken, and the different religions, I have often thought that it might be desirable, when the time comes, as I believe it will come, to let India be
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divided into a number of Dominions rather than to remain one State or Empire as it is at present. I have not been to India, and I only look at it from the outside. The European residents in India, and the representatives of India themselves, know very much better than 1 do what will be necessary in time to come- to enable Indians to attain the position they desire: to occupy. I was very much struck with the conclueling remarks of Lord Peel ; anel I have not forgotten that when the destinies of the British Empire were trembling in the balance there was no hesitation on the part of India to do her duty —1 will not say, "to come to its assistance." because when they were fighting for the Empire they were fighting for themselves as citizens of the. Empire. They undoubtedly did their duty in a way which was admired in every part of the Empire, and. by every one of its races. The Prime, Minister of Australia has mentioned the number of men who were sent and the amount of money contributed by the Indian Empire itself, and on that account T am quite sure the, representatives and tho patriotic British citizens, to whichever part of the Empire they belong, will be always desirous of upholding the wishes of the people of India and of assisting in the development which they so ardently desire. Ido not know whether it can be done for some time or not; probably hurrying up matters might eh) more harm than good. New Zealand stands by Previous Resolutions. So far as the: committees are concerned, when Mr. Sastri was in New Zealand he had an opportunity of meeting both branches of the Legislature and an opportunity of saying everything he chose to say to them. He said that, so far as Ne:w Zealand was concerned, he then had practically no fault to find. I hope later on that the same thing may bo said of tho residents in other parts of the Empire. I was present, of course, when the: original arrangement was made in 1918 ; I was present when it was reaffirmed in 1921 ; and by that we; desire to stand. If any improvements can be suggested with regard to what is in operation at present, I have not the slightest doubt but that the representatives of the Dominions and the other representatives of the British Empire here will consider them. Ido not know whether anything of the sort is intended at present, but I want to assure the representatives of India that so far as they are conccrneel there is no desire to ke:e;p them in the background, but to give them all the privileges that British citizens in other parts of the Empire enjoy. I should like to say that Ido not intend to interfere in the matter of Kenya. The position in South Africa stands by itself, and lam not able to judge of it. I only say that I should like to elo anything I possibly can to bring about a better understanding between the two races in South Africa —those representative: of the Europca/r race and those representative of the Indians. If we can do anything at all we shall be only too glad, to do it. STATEMENT BY THE PRIME MINISTER OF THE UNION OF SOUTH AFRICA. Tribute to Presentation of Case for India. General Smuts : 1 desire to pay my tribute also to the earnestness, the eloquence, and the ability of the speeches that have been made here by the representatives of India. The proposal which has boon made by Sir Tej Sapru elocs not concern South Africa, and therefore I do not think it is necessary for me to detain the Conference: at any length. As, however, the subject is a very difficult one: I may perhaps be allowed to say a few words in reference to the general situation. Mr. Sastri's Mission has made Solution of Problem more difficult. The Maharajah has said, very rightly, that what this question requires is understanding— understaneling not only of the difficulties and the special position of India, but also of the difficulties and the special position of other British communities ; and 1 think a few words of mine might not be out of place here. So far as I can judge, the atmosphere has really become worse, in the last two years for a solution of this question. In South Africa undoubtedly it has become worse. That is due, partly to the visit of Mr. Sastri and his speeches in various parts of the Empire, to which I do not wish to refer with any particularity. Tho Prime Minister of Canada has said what the effect of the visit has be;en in Canada, and in South Africa it has undoubtedly emphasized the difficulties that existed before. That was one of the reasons why I thought it might not be wise for Mr. Sastri to come to South Africa. Our difficulties are great enough as they are. South African Attitude to Indian Problem in Kenya. There was another circumstance which has affected the attitude and the atmosphere, in South Afrie:a very consielerably, and that is the Kenya question. There is no doubt that in South Africa a, profound sympathy was stirred up for Kenya. Here, you have a very small British community—a handful of settlers —who find themselves pitted against the mighty Empire, of India, who find themselves against overwhelming forces, and who, although they are the most loyal community in the British Empire, consisting mostly of ex-Army men, had in the end to go to the length of almost threatening force, in order to maintain their position. The sympathy that was aroused and stirred for Kenya in South Africa has had a very serious repercussion there on the Indian question as a whole. I have no fault whatever to find with the attitude of either the Colonial Office, or the India Office here. I have, nothing but praise for the way they handled this very difficult situation, and the settlement that was come to was, I think, a wise compromise, and so far as my influence went I used it with the people of Kenya to get them to accept the settlement, as they have, accepted it. But I must say, quite frankly, that I have been very much perturbed over the attitude adopted by the Indian Government in this matter. They pressed tho case against Kenya in a way which seemed to me to exceed the limits of prudence and wisdom, and when the settlement was ultimately made language was used in regard to it which I think would certainly not help the case of loyalty either in India or anywhere else in the Empire. The whole incident, as I say, has had a very bad effect in South Africa.
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Position in South Africa itself. The difficulties from, the African point of view are very great. Sir Tej has said — and quite, rightly —that the majority of the population of the British Empire are coloured. That is so. But let me make this remark : all through the very able and moderate argument of Sir Tej he referreel to this colour question and the indignity which was either openly or by inference inflicted on those British subjects who have colour. Well, I wish to say that, so far as we in South Africa arc concerned, it is not a question of colour, it is a different principle that is involved. Question not one of Colour but of Economic Competition. I think that every thinking man in South Africa takes the, attitude, not that the Indian is inferior to us be:cause of his colour or on any other ground—he may bo our superior ; it is the case of a small ci vilization —a small community—finding itself in danger of being overwhelmed by a, much older and more powerful civilization ; and it is the economic competition from people wher have entirely different standards and viewpoints from ourselves. From the African point of view, what is the, real difficulty ? You have a continent inhabited by a hundred million blacks, where a few small white, communities have settled down as the, pioneers of European civilization. You cannot blame these, pioneers—these very small communities —in South Africa and in Central Africa if they put up every possible fight for the civilization which they started, their own European civilization. They are not there to foster Indian civilization, they are there to foster Western civilization, and they regard as a very serious matter anything that menaces their position, which is already endangered by the many difficulties which surround them in Africa. In South Africa our position, in a nutshell, is as follows : In the Union we have a Native population of over six millions ; we have a white population of over a million and a half; we have, an Indian population of something like 160,000, mostly confined to one province, to the most British province in the Union, the Province, of Natal. Particularly in Natal. Mr. Sastri, in one, of his somewhat outrageous statements, referred to this as a Boer empire, an empire which is swamped by Boer ideals. Well, the fact is that the Indian difficulties have mostly arisen, and continue to grow, in a part of South Africa where there are almost no Boers at all, in an almost purely British community ; but you have in this province of Natal a, majority of Indians and a minority of British settlers ; and, whatever the mistakes of the past may have been, the grandchildren of to-day do not plead guilty to the errors of their ancestors, and they want to right the situation and safeguard the future for themselves arid their children. Suffrage Qualifications in South African Provinces. What is the position ? In the, Cape of Good Hope and the Cape Province we have a franchise, a property and income and literary franchise, and in that province the Indians are on exactly the same footing and have the same, franchise as the whites ; no difference is made. But in the other three provinces of tho Union we have a manhood suffrage. In tho two provinces of the interior—the Transvaal and the Free State —that franchise was laid down by the British Government, and not by ourselves. When we received a constitution after the Boer War, many years ago, this constitution contained manhood suffrage, and that has remained the state of affairs up to to-day, and will probably remain the state of affairs for a long time. The tendencies in South Africa, just as elsewhere, are all democratic. You cannot go back on that manhood suffrage. Once it has come, you will probably pass on from manhood suffrage to universal suffrage. That was the 'act of the British Government, and not of the people of South Africa. Entension of Franchise to Indians is impossible. How are you going to work that in with an Indian franchise ? If an Indian franchise were given, it has to be identical; no differentiation would be allowed by Indian public opinion—and quite rightly. Well, the result would be that in Natal, certainly, you would at once have, an Indian majority among the voters. But our difficulty is still greater. You have a majority of blacks in the Union, and, if there is to be an equal manhood suffrage over the Union, tho whites would bo swamped by the blacks ; you cannot make a distinction between Indians and Africans ; you would be impelled by tho inevitable force of logic to "go the whole hog," and the result would be that not only would the whites be swamped in Natal by the Indians, but the whites would be swamped all over South Africa by the, blacks, and the whole position for which we have striven for \ wo hundred years or more now would be given up. So far as South Africa is concerned, therefore, it is a question of impossibility. Sir Tej and his colleagues say, quite rightly, that for India it is a question of dignity. For South Africa--for white South Africa —it is not a question of dignity, but a question of existence, and no Government could for a moment tamper with this position or do anything to meet the Indian point of view. 1921 Resolution a Mistake. That is why I think the resolution passed in 1921 was a mistake. I thought it then—l still think it —a great mistake. We got on the wrong road there. For the first time we passed a resolution through this Conference by a majority. It has never been done before, and. Ido hope it will never occur again. Our procedure in this Conference has been by way of unanimity. If we cannot convince each other we agree to differ and to let the matter stand over. But, for once, we departed from that most salutary principle, which I consider fundamental to the whole Empire, and we passed that resolution by a majority. I had to stand out. But that has made things worse in South Africa. South Africa now certainly sees that she has to stand to her guns much more resolutely than she would have done otherwise. I think we made a mistake in 1921, and that is why I suggested the other alternative consideration of this subject.
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Possession of British Citizenship does not imply Right to Franchise. Sir Tej said that I was subtle, that my memorandum* was a subtle one. lam not subtle, and my memorandum, I thought, was a truism. All that I said was this : There is one British citizenship over the whole Empire, and there should bo ; that is something solid and enduring. But we must not place a wrong interpretation upon that; we must not derive from the one British citizenship rights of franshise, because that would be a profound mistake. The attitude, has been that franchise does not depend upon British citizenship. It is only in India that this position is not understood. Indians go the length of deriving from their British citizenship the further notion of equal franchise rights too, and they claim that they may go from India to any other part and enjoy the same franchise, rights as the other portions of the Empire. I think that is a wrong conception. It is wrong not only as regards India, but as regards every part of the Empire. Ido not think that an Australian, for instance, should come to South Africa and claim the franchise there as a matter of course. He is a British subject, and on that footing we are equal in the eye of the law, but, when it comes to tho exercise of political franchise: rights, I think that there is a great difference and. distinction, and we should recognize that; and where a distinction is carried into actual practice, as it is in South Africa, it should not be looked upon as an indignity, as a reflection on the citizens of any Dominion, including India, who come to us and who do not get these rights. That is really all I wish to say about this matter. India cannot make Question one of Foreign Policy. I noticed in Sir Tej's statement a remark which almost looked like a threat: that, if India fails in forcing on us the view which she holds so strongly, then she may be compelled to make of it a question of foreign policy. Well, I would say this : you cannot have it both ways. As long as it is a matter of what are tho rights of a British subject, it is not a matter of foreign policy ; it is a matter entirely domestic to the British Empire. If it becomes a question of foreign policy, then Indians cannot claim. on the ground of their British citizenship any more the recognition of any particular rights. Once they appeal to a tribunal, whether it be the League of Nations or whatever it bo, outside the British Empire, they can no longer use as an argument the common British citizenship. I want to keep it there. I want it to be recognized that you must not drive it too far, and you must not derive from that citizenship claims which you cannot uphold. Comment on Speech of Maharajah of Alwar. Let me just say this in regard to what fell from the Maharajah. He said that, if we do not invite him, that he will invite himself. The Maharajah of Alwar : I did not quite say that. General Smuts: Let me say this, Maharajah: Nobody would be more welcome in South Africa than you would be, and I would welcome nothing more than that you should come as a great representative of India to look into conditions in South Africa yourself, convince, yourself of the situation there, and convince yourself also that, apart from the far-reaching political difficulties we have, our fundamental attitude towards our Indian fellow-citizens is one of justice and fair play. Ido not think that our Indian fellow-subjects in South Africa can complain of injustice. It is just the, opposite. They have prospered exceedingly in South Africa. People who have come there as coolies, people who have come there as members of the depressed classes in India, have prospered. Their children have been to school; they have been educated, and their children and grandchildren to-day are many of them men of great wealth. I noticed the other day that the Reverend Mr. Andrews, who is a great friend of the Indian cause in South Africa, publicly advised Indians in South Africa not to go back to India. The Government of South Africa actually pray for their tickets, give them pocket-money and other inducements in order voluntarily to return to India, and thousands avail themselves of that policy and return to India. That gentleman, who is a great protagonist of the Indian cause, has publicly advised Indians not to fall in with that policy. He says, " You will be worse off in India." I quote this to show that there, is no unfairness, no injustice to our fellow-citizens in India ; but when they come forward and make, claims which, politically, we cannot possibly recognize, out attitude of friendliness will worsen and the position as regards them will become very difficult and complicated. The Maharajah of Alwar : I should just like to get my mind a little more clear on one point, and that is with regard to settlers in Natal who have built their houses, invested their money, and spent their money there : what would you propose about them ? General Smuts : They have all the rights, barring the rights of voting for Parliament and Provincial Councils, that any white citizens in South Africa have. Our laws draw no distinction whatever. It is only political rights that are in question. There, as I have explained to you, we are up against a stone, wall and we cannot get over it. STATEMENT BY THE MINISTER OF EXTERNAL AFFAIRS, IRISH FREE STATE. Sympathy of Irish Free State with Indian Claims. Mr. Fitzgerald: Prime Minister, in our country Ido not need to say we have no racial distinctions at all. Indians in Ireland have the same position as Englishmen or South Africans. It seems to me that this matter falls more or less into two classes : There are the Indians in the Dominions and the Indians in the colonies and mandated territories, &c. Now, we recognize tho Dominions as independent, sovereign countries, having a perfect right to look after their own affairs, and we really have no right to interfere there, ; and in the mandated territories and protectorates they are, controlled by the British Government and we have no responsibility. So all that I can do really is to give an opinion. We have no responsibility in the matter ; but, if we had responsibility, we should have to protest very strongly against any racial distinctions being made. We who are not suffered a good deal in the past from being treated as an inferior race. Now, the Indian representatives here
* See Annex B.
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are not on an equality with the rest of us, because they are not really here in a representative capacity ; they are not really sent by an independent Indian Government, and they cannot really be regarded as equal with the rest of us. If I were an Indian, putting myself in their position, I would recognize that this hypersensitiveness about their treatment outside of India arises really from the fact that they have not, so far, reached the degree of self-government that the rest of us have reached. With regard to Indians in the protectorates and so on, the Government which is primarily responsible for those, places being the Government which is also responsible for India, it seems to us unjust that there should be any distinction drawn between Indians and other British subjects in those places. Progress towards Self-Government only Solution, At the same time it seems to me that the only solution of this trouble, which comes from racial sensitiveness, is for Indians to be in a position to make real reciprocal arrangements and to make bargain for bargain. The only way that this Indian trouble is really going to be solved is for that progress towards self-government —whatever form of self-government they consider suitable for themselves —to bo hastened with all speed so as to avoid what Sir Tej and the Maharajah indicated- - revolutionary methods taking the place of evolutionary methods. We in our country must necessarily sympathize whole-heartedly with the Indians both in their protests against their inferior race treatment and in their feelings as to the freedom of their country. We also recognize quite plainly here that we have no right to dictate to the other Dominions as to what they do in their own areas. That is all I have to say, Prime Minister. STATEMENT BY THE PRIME MINISTER OF NEWFOUNDLAND. Tribute to Presentation of Case for India. Mr. Wa.rren : I must add my congratulations ter the: Indian delegation upon the eloquence and force of the: speeches they have made. No Disabilities in Newfoundland. As far as Newfoundland is concerned, we have no distinction whatever. As long as an Indian is a British subject he can vote in. Newfoundland in the same way as an Australian, Canadian, or NewZealander, or anybody else:. We; leave no restriction on. immigration ; and I may say that, if an Indian is not a British subject, the. mere fact that he is an Indian is no bar to his becoming naturalized and obtaining the vote in that way in Newfoundland. Ido not want to express any opinion upon the internal affairs of any other sister Dominion. STATEMENT BY SIR TEJ BAHADUR SAPRU. Appreciation of Reception of Proposals. Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru : Prime Minister, I must tell you, and through you your colleagues in His Majesty's Government, and the Dominion Prime Ministers, that I could not have hoped to have had a better hearing here. Therefore my thanks are due to one and all of you, even though it may not be that I see eye to eye with you in some of your remarks. Comments on Statement of Secretary of State for the Colonies. 1 will first of all refer to the speech delivered this morning by His Grace the Duke of Devonshire. I listened with deep interest ter his speech, and let me express to him my thanks for the manner in which he has expressed sympathy with our general aspirations in this matter. His Grace was good enough to say that he did not want to mislead India in regard to Kenya, and therefore he spoke frankly. I hope His Grace will pardon me if I also desire to be equally frank in giving expression to our position. T did not expect at any moment during the last few days that I have been working over this question that I would go back with the Kenya decision reversed. That was not what I was aiming at; but I want to make it abundantly plain that Ido not wish the substance of my proposition to be, affecteel. The language' of the resolution is a matter for settlement; but it is of the very essence of that resolution that Kenya must come in. Secondly, I want to explain that, while His Grace has said that His Majesty's Government are not prepared to accept the resolution in regard to Kenya, my country will refuse to accept that decision as final. Thirdly, I will make it plain that the committee I have proposed should, in conferring with the Colonial Office, have the widest scope— that is ter say, it must discuss not only questions affecting other colonies, but also those relating to Kenya : otherwise I do not see that you can possibly satisfy my countrymen. That is all I wanted to say with regare! to tho committee and its dealings with the Colonial Office here. Well, I will now pass on from the Duke of Devonshire and the Colonial Office to the Dominion Ministers. Comments on Statement of Prime Minister of Canada. I have listened with very great interest to the speech of Mr. Mackenzie King, and must thank him heartily for supporting me, and accepting the substance of my proposal. Interpretation of Resolution of 1921 Conference. There are, just one err two weirds with regard to his speech that I would like, to say. He referred to his view—or, rather, the construction put in his Parliament—on the resolution of 1921, and he read out a passage from Mr. Meighen's speech. Now, let me tell him that we are here sitting not as lawyers, nor are we sitting in a Court of law ; our functions are quite different. I suppose that wo would claim that the functions of a statesman are very much higher than those of a lawyer, although I myself happen to be associated with that noble profession. Now, that resolution of 1921, I believe, was not drafted, by a conveyancing lawyer; it was probably drafted by some one of the statesmen around
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this table, or by some one similar to a, statesman ; and I would like you and your Parliament to approach it from the point of view erf the statesman. I know that as a Prime Minister and as a party politician it may be safe to rely on certain phrase o , but let me tell him that it would be a great mistake to dispose of those words "it is desirable "as not morally binding upon him —I do not care whether they aro legally binding upon him or not. Hopes for Good Result from Appointment of Committee. I am inspired by the hoyie, and particularly by the manner in which Mr. King has spoken, that the result of tin: conference of the committee which we propose to send to Canaela with the committee going to be appointed there to consider the questions of franchise cannot but lead to satisfactory results. I will not anticipate the verdict erf the conference of the twer committees, which Mr. King has to a certain extent attempted to do. I will leave: it, entirely to the, hands of the committee to como to their own conclusions, and then will be: the: time for us to discuss bow far wo are in agreement or how far we are separated. But I recognize his spirit of support and of sympathy with me-, and I appreciate that. I do thank you, Mr. Mackenzie King, for the spirit in which you have spoken this morning. Comments on Statement of Prime Minister of the Commonwealth of Australia. From Mr. Mackenzie King I shall pass on to Mr. Bruce, and let me express my unreserved admiration for the manner in which ho has spoken this morning, and the tribute lie has paid to my countrymen and our civilization. I note that he considers it unnecessary for my Government to senel any committee to his country because he thinks the problem is such that it may be settled without any discussion. Well, that is encouraging to me, but Ido venture to express a hope that, if we do decide to send a committee just to place our case before him and his Government, ho will not refuse to accept that committee. We do not want to send a committee to create any agitation in his country—or, for the matter of that, any agitation in any country —and I can absolutely feed sure that that is not what is at the back of my mind ; but, if it is necessary for us to explain our position to you and to help you in the problem, for Heaven's sake do not refuse to accept a committee like that. We want simply to help you, and if without receiving a committee from my Government and my country you can solve the: problem, so much tho better for you, so much tho better for us, and so much the more creditable to you and to your Government. Comments on Statement of Prime Minister of New Zealand. Well, my thanks are also due to Mr. Massey. I hope Mr. Massey will recognize that in my speech of Wednesday I thanked him. I very much appreciate his reference to the services of India during the war, and I do sincerely hope that such grievances as there may be in his country will receive sympathetic treatment at his hands. Ido hope that he will accept the substance of my resolution. We wish to help him in every possible way ; we do not want to harass him in his own country or in his Government. Comments on Statement of Prime Minister of the Union of South Africa. Now, from Mr. Massey I propose to pass to General Smuts. lam sorry to miss him here, but I will say he has never replied to the points I raised. He referred to my description of him as subtle : well, if he objects to that I will withdraw it, but I will say that his present speech is remarkably illusory and evasive. I raised questions with regard to specific grievances, relating to residence, acquisition of land, and trading licenses in his country, and I find, no expression of opinion upon those questions. He then said my resolution had nothing to do with him. It has primarily to do with him. I made, it abundantly plain in the course of my speech that I did not make an appeal to him on the basis of the resolution of 1921, but that my appeal was made to him independently of that resolution, and that I wanted him to join hands with me: in investigating the facts and in trying to devise some methods of solving this problem, which ho probably thinks is insoluble, but which does not appear to mo to be insoluble. Again, he referred to Mr. Sastri, and to the prejudice he has caused. I have already said what I felt about Mr. Sastri, and Ido not want to say more. If Mr. Sastri's fault was that he pleaded for his countrymen in the Dominions, then that is a fault which can reasonably be found with the 320,000,000 of Iris countrymen. Meaning of British Citizenship. Now, I will come to one: particular portion of the speech which, struck me as based on an entire; misconception, legal and constitutional : that is the question of citizenship. He said that India was tho only country which probably claimed all political rights me:re;ly from the fact that Indians were British citizens. Let me warn him that India is not the only country which holds that view. There are other countries which hold those views. Well, he absolutely confuses the territorial law with personal 'aw ; in other words, his position really is this : that, if in my own country I did not enjoy full rights of citizenship, when Igo to his country I must be under a disability. I will put to General Smuts what would have happened if an Irishman, before the new constitution came into force, had gone from Ireland and had settled down in Natal, or any other part there, and was told, " Because you are not a free nation within your own borders you clare not claim those rights, although you are: qualified according to our franchise law to claim, them." There is an essential confusion in the position which General Smuts takes. Really, the fact of the: matter is this : that you cannot, according to modern law of citizenship and according to tho latest development of thought em this subject, have two kinds of citizenship in the same Empire—a higher and a lower. When I go to your country, and T do satisfy the requirements of the law of franchise, you have no right to tell me that because I am an Indian subject of His Majesty T shall not be entitled to exercise my parliamentary rights. Therein lies the whole position Genera] Smuts has taken ; and, with regard to the disability of Indians in the purchase of town lands and in respect of trade licenses and other things, General Smuts, as I have said before, had not a word to say in his speech this morning.jj
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Deprecates rescinding of 1921 Resolution. Therefore, the position remains this : that, while T receive support, substantial and general— from His Majesty's Government and from all the Dominion Prime Ministers, 1 have received no support from General Smuts. On the contrary, he has expressed a desire that the resolution of 1921 should be repealed. I hope, for the reputation, of this Conference, for the great reputation of the Dominion Prime Ministers, and for the reputation of His Majesty's Government, that nothing of the: kind will be done ; and, though you may tell my countrymen that the, problem is undoubtedly a difficult one, I request you also to say that you are: trying to discover means of solving it. If you will elo that you will change our attitude in regard to great Imperial questions. Position of Indians already in South Africa. There is only one more remark I will make in regard to General Smuts's speech. He referred to the desire for repatriation and to the advice of Mr. Andrews. Let me tell you that if any one understands Mr. Andrews or knows him intimately I do. There are hundreds and thousands of my countrymen in South Africa who cannot even speak their mother-tongue. They have settled there, their fathers have settled.there, and it is very easy to understand how difficult they will find, it to leave a land in which they and their fathers and grandfathers have lived. It is for those reasons that Mr. Andrews advised, and it is for those reasons that I sheruld advise' them not to leave that country, but to fight their battles until their position is recognized some day or other as that of equal citizens. Meaning of Allusion to " Foreign Policy." General Smuts said that as a British subject I could not claim that this problem would pass from the, stage, of a domestic problem to that of a foreign problem. He misunderstood me. It is not difficult to foresee a stage being reached when even the: Government of India, whom he has attacked over its attitude in regard to Kenya, but which I must admire for the very same attitude which it did take, may find it necessary to appeal to His Majesty's Government and to say that one part of the Empire is standing against the other ; and it is for you, His Majesty's Government, now to treat this problem, inside your own commonwealth as you would deal with a problem of foreign policy. That is what I meant ; and I do anticipate a stage like that being reached at no distant date in so far as the relation of India with South Africa is concerned. Comment on Statements of Minister of External Affairs, Irish Free State, and of Prime Minister of Newfoundland. Lastly I will pass on to what my friend Mr. Desmond Fitzgerald said. No one could be more happy or contented than myself if he could help me to get self-government for India to-day; but that is a matter between us anil His Majesty's Government. I see no reason, however, why, until we: got complete self-government in India, we, should be treated on a lower footing in King George's Empire outside India. We have a strong sentiment on that point, and there can bo no weakening in that sentiment so far as lam concerned and so far as my fellow-countrymen are concerned. There is no one who believes more' strongly than I do, oris working harder than I am, to win self-government for India, and, God willing, I do hope to win it notwithstanding any doubts that may be entertained by members of His Majesty's Government. But I will not allow those considerations to affect my position in regard to the status of Inelians overseas. Suppose we get Dominion self-government tomorrow in India, thes problem will still have to be faced. Therefore let us not mix up the two. I should be very glad indeed if the Conference would endorse a resolution in favour of self-government, but I want them to endorse a resolution also in regard to Indians and their position overseas. I must also thank Mr. Warren for the support he has given me. Wishes to press Proposal tor Resolution. There is ernly erne' worel that remains for me to say. When I moved that resolution I perhaps did not make' it quite; clear that 1 was moving it. I merely said, "My resolution is as follows." I wish the Conference to understand that I definitely nurve>d that resolution. I have already said lam open to argument in regard to tho phraseology of it sir long as the substance: remains and so long as Kenya, finds a place: in it. That is a, matter which is between me and the Colonial Office, and coulel be sent up to you later on. But Ido wish to move that resolution, anel I beg your support; at any rate lam entitled to ask for the support of the general idea embodied in that resolution. Ido wish it to Ires understood that, so far as 1 am concerned, I stand by the resolution of 1.921 and by the principle of equality.. I do not wish to put any larger interpretation on the resolution than is justified or is just, but do not let me give you the impression that there is any weakening on my part co far as the; resolution of 1921 is concerned, or sir far as the supplementary resolution which 1 had tire honour to put boferre you on Wednesday last is concerned. I thank you, Prime Minister, and all the other Prime Ministers. 31st October, 1923. STATEMENT BY THE SECRETARY OF STATE FOR INDIA, AS HEAD OF THE INDIAN DELEGATION. Thanks for Reception of Proposal of Indian Delegation. Lord Peel: I desire to thank most sincerely the members of the Conference for the very cordial and sympathetic way in which they have received our proposals about the position of Indians in the Empire. I thank them also for the high place that they have- assigned to this question among Empire problems. J thank them for Ihe complete grasp that they have' displayed of this difficult business, not as an isolated or local or Indian question, but in its Imperial aspect. lam grateful to them for the complete frankness and fulness with which they have explained the views of those they represent.
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Summary of Results of Discussion. In opening this discussion, I explained that the intensity of the feeling aroused, in India was due to the opinion widely held there that the disabilities of Indians won: based on distinction of colour and were badges of racial inferiority. I did not associate myself with that view. 1 believed it to be mistaken. The course of this discussion has shown that I was amply justified. Any impartial person reviewing the statements made will find it impossible to prove that any general ban is maintained against Indians in the Empire or that throughout the Empire thay are placed in an inferior status ; or again, that such, disabilities as they may suffer from are based on colour or racial, grounds. The Duke of Devonshire has shown that in the West Indian colonies—British Guiana, Jamaica, Trinidad—-Indians enjoy the same rights as other British subjects. The same, I believe, is true in Ceylon and Mauritius. Mr. Mackenzie King has told us that in eight out of nine provinces in Canada Indians enjoy full rights of citizenship. If in one province there are exceptions to the general rule, these exceptions are based not on the colour distinction, but on rather complicated social and political considerations. Mr. Bruce has told us that representatives of every shade of political thought in Australia have shown sympathy with the claim, that lawfully domiciled Indians should enjoy full citizen rights. He believes that Australian public opinion is ready to welcome, as far as the position of domiciled Indians is concerned, any measure which is conceived in the interests of the Empire as a whole. General Smuts said, "It is not a question of colour; it is a different principle It is the case of a small civilization —a small community—-finding itself in danger of being overwhelmed by a much, older and more powerful civilization ; it is the economic competition from people who have: entirely different standards and. viewpoints from ourselves." The same sentiments have boon expressed by the representatives of the other Dominions, and notably by Mr, Massey. These opinions, so remarkably similar in tone, of this great body of Empire statesmen, must surely bring conviction and comfort to any Indian whose feelings may have been injured or whose, sense of dignity may have, been impaired by a contrary view. Let their suspicions and their doubts bo allayed by these declarations of tho Empire leaders, sent out to the world from this Conference. Not desirable to press Resolution. Let mo now consider whether any action should be taken on the definite; proposals placed before the Conference by my colleague, Sir Tej Sapru. He was not concerned, nor was the delegation concerned, so much with his concrete proposals as with the attitude that would be taken up by the Prime Ministers in their different Dominions on this subject. I consider that the position of the Indians within the Empire has been most notably advanced in this Conference. Mr. Bruce has stated that he thinks that further inquiry is unnecessary, but that, on his return to Australia, he will consult with his colleagues and see what action can be taken. Mr. Mackenzie King has reaffirmed his statement about the revision of the Federal Law, and he is quite willing, if it is thought desirable to send a delegation to Canada, to appoint a group to meet and confer with such delegation. I rather gather, however, that the passing of this particular resolution might not necessarily assist in obtaining the result which we desire. General Smuts, lam afraid, will not be able to support the resolution. General Smuts, it is true, did not support the resolution of 1921. I should like to say that Ido not rest my case entirely on the resolution. If there had. been no resolution of 192.1,- this problem would still be urgent and pressing. The resolution of 1921 stands, but, I rest my case not merely upon a formula but upon the broad equities of the case and an appeal for justice and Imperial, unity. lam quite aware of the: difficulties of South Africa, but I hope General Smuts, when he returns, while alive; to his own difficulties, will retain a vivid consciousness of our own. It has been said that the Empire Conference should be unanimous in its resolutions. I think that, if this resolution is pressed, some members might, be disposed not to vote for it ; not because they do not sympathize with the end to be attained, but because they think this particular means is either unnecessary or perhaps not desirable. Such a vote, therefore, might create, a, totally false impression in India of the real situation. I ask my friend, Sir Tej Sapru, whether he might not consider it advisable not to press his resolution. But lam very anxious that it should be maeh: quite plain in India, what are the results that have been attained. I think it would be; most valuable if a, short note could be added to the report of the Conference showing clearly what are the practical results of this discussion and what India has gained. STATEMENT BY HIS HIGHNESS THE MAHARAJAH OF ALWAR. The Maharajah of Alwar : In this world of ours a great deal, if not everything, depends on how far, and how, we arc able to control our human nature and in what channels we can guide, it in order to achieve, successful results. It is easy enough to see the dark patches, to brood over difficulties, to exaggerate, and enlarge upon them, and finally to be overcome with remorse, repentance, or despair. But history teaches us the great lesson that the world advances and does nert recede, when, without deluding ourselves, we are able to buckle our determination and throw our vision beyond the; clouds on to the silver fining. Humanity, after all, behind which shines the radiance of the: Godhead, is not so black as our imaginations and our unfulfilled desires and hopes are likely sometimes to paint it. Stone upon stone can steadily be built into an edifice with a single-hearted purpose, with the help of cement of our good will and toleration. Objects of Conference. 1 conceive that erur Conference of the; members of the British Empire has'assembled in order to shed light, over the dark patches, to, exercise our determination in subscribing our quota to solve difficult problems, and, instead of hypnotizing ourselves with pessimism, to enable, us to look ahead to the dawn which must invariably follow the night.
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Acknowledgments. India did nert figure in the agenda of our Conference when wo assembled around this table, but, as an Indian, I thank the Prime Minister and the British Government for having agreed to our suggestion to set aside a day for the discussion of the important problem of Indians overseas. We owe acknowledgments for letting the discussion extend to a much longer' time than originally conceived, in order to give: every one an opportunity to unburden their mind and. to put forward their points of view. Summary of Previous Discussion, and thanks to Prime Ministers and other Speakers. In my own personal capacity I said at the commencement of the Conference that, rightly or wrongly and I believe rightly—l came with the determination of giving co-operation and good, will, and I am happy to be able to acknowledge to-day that during our discussions we have found the, full measure of it. I thank the Prime Minister of Canada for haying-given a very welcome lead, in viewing our problem relating to his Dominion, from a broad point of view. On behalf of my order I thank Mr. Bruce for his sympathy, and the Prime Ministers of New Zealand and of Newfoundland tor the very warm and cordial support, of India as related to their Dominions. From Ireland came a very warmhearted response towards their fellow-citizens of the Empire in my country. I hope 1 may oven thank General Smuts for such kind references as he has made for my countrymen, and I thank him for extending to me; personally an invitation to come, to South Africa to see for myself the problems and difficulties that exist. I sincerely hope that I may be able to accept his very kind invitation, and I almost wish I was going back with him to his country. But at the present moment this is not feasible ; but that invitation will certainly not pass into oblivion, but will remain in a tender corner of my heart, and I hope for the sake of my country I may be able to respond to it at no great distant date. 1 make it clear, however, that I should like to come in my personal capacity, and not as a representative of my country or of my order-, for that would be the best way to enhance my own personal knowledge of the: difficulties that exist and. to understand the problems that exist in that country, which are, perhaps, the main sources of the whole question having come up so prominently. General Smuts will appreciate, however, that, although I may deprive myself of coming as a representative, I shall still come as an Indian, and as one in whose heart these questions undoubtedly rankle, but who, for his personal satisfaction, and if he can be of any use and is desired to bo of any use to his country, will be able to do so, while at the same time keeping in mind the broader view of trying fully to appreciate the difficulties that exist on the different sides. Position of Indians in Canada. Now, what is the position of Indians overseas as we see it to-day on the bright side, if you look ? Mr. Mackenzie King has told us that in Canada there are eight provinces in which no legal disability exists as regards Indians, and where, I understand, they have equal rights of franchise. Mr. Mackenzie King : There are nine provinces. They have no legal disabilities ; there is a political disability in one—that is all. In Australia. The Maharajah of Alwar : In Australia, although the domiciled Indians amount only to about two thousand, wo have, the promise of the Australian Premier that they will be treated sympathetically, and that this question has been the subject of considerable public discussion, and the representatives of every shade of political thought have shown sympathy with the claim that lawfully domiciled Indians should enjoy full citizen rights ; and, finally, that, so far as the position of Indians domiciled in Australia is concerned, any measure which is conceived in the interests of the Empire as a whole would be welcomed. In New Zealand. In New Zealand the number of Indians is small, but the spirit which recognizes no elifferenee of race, colour, or creed is indeed one, that should inspire not only our admiration, but also our gratitude, anel the Prime Minister of Now Zealand has told us that they give the Indian residents in New Zealand practically the same privileges which are enjoyed by people of the Anglo-Saxon race;, and that there is practically no difference between them. It is even a happy augury to hear werrds come out of tho mouth of this responsible statesman that the aboriginal tribes in New Zealand are in exactly tho same position as the European residents, and that they have the same privileges in parliamentary and local affairs. In Newfoundland. In Newfoundland the numbers of Inelians are smaller still, but we are glad to see the same spirit prevailing there as in New Zealand. In Irish Free State. In lrelanel the problem does not arise, but we nevertheless appreciate anel welcome the sentiments on behalf of its representatives. In South Africa. In South Africa, General Smuts has told us that, in the Cape of Good Hope and the Cape Province, Indians are on e:xactly the same footing as the whites and have a franchise. General Smuts has hinted to us that in the Transvaal and tho Free State the franchise was not laid down by South Africa, but by the British Government.
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In Colonies, Protectorates, &c. And now after the Dominions I come to tho colonies. His Grace the Colonial Secretary has told us that, so far as British colonies and protectorates are concerned, in the West Indian Colonies British Indians are under no political or legal disability. This includes British Guiana, Trinidad, and Jamaica, where there is a considerable Indian population. In Ceylon, qualified British Indians will be eligible for the franchise in the same way as other British, subjects. In Mauritius there is no distinction between Indian and other British subjects as regards eligibility for the franchise. In East Africa there is no restriction on the number or race of the unofficial members who may be nominated on the Executive Councils of Kenya or Uganda. Existing Difficulties. Now, gentlemen, I have to say this : that 1 know some people who read what I have saiel so far may consider that I have spoken in empty platitudes, and. that in doing so I am seeking favours or honour. How far that vision is from my mind it is not necessary to state, but, if looking on the bright side of things is wrong in appreciating the facts that are already before us, then I gladly stand open to the charge and have no bones of contention to pick ; but the primary reason why 1 have, taken your time in emphasizing these, facts is in order to condense what ] have already seen—that the whole: of the British Empire is not such a eiark patch for our countrymen as serine would like to believe, and that there is much ground to improve the situation by showing our good will and co-operation. This does not mean that Ido not appreciate the difficulties where they lie —and they do lie. It is not difficult for human nature to bite or to sting, but those are qualities which do not appeal to me in such an atmosphere as this. The difficulties that exist with regard, to Inelians overseas e;xist I know —and all know —in British Columbia in Canada, in Natal in South Africa, and have reached their climax in. Kenya. In British Columbia, Mr. Mackenzie King has told us, very frankly and candidly, that it is a question of provincial franchise where the Federal Franchise Act supports it which places Indians in a position of disability. Mr. Mackenzie King has said that his action when viewed, in India would be very much a matter of the spirit of interpretation —where he is entirely right -for it is the spirit in which we take such things that the problems come before us. In British Columbia we are told that the problem is not a racial one, but an economic one, and that Mr. Mackenzie King welcomes the proposition made by Sir Tej for a committee to go to Canada to discuss this question with his Government. The responsible statesmen of Canada have been good enough to say that they welcomed Mr. Sastri, and gave him full opportunity to speak and confer with any persons he might wish to in order to meet the difficulty ; and, finally, that when the Federal law comes up for revision Canada will lake care that Parliament is informed of India's wishes. We sincerely hope that they will pay every favourable consideration to this important point regarding our people. In Natal, General Smuts has equally candidly explained that if he gave Indians the right to franchise on an equality it could not then be withheld from the Native, population of South Africa, and would, under the circumstances, flood this portion of the country and demolish flu: werrk of the white settlers of two hundred years. This is indeed a potent argument, and I appreciate the difficulties ; but the question as regards Natal —as also of other places where such disabilities exist— does not hinge on the, future migrations flooding this country, for with right understanding I believe, the Government of India's co-operation can be achieved to solve this difficulty ; but the question is with regard to Indian settlers who have lived, in Natal and. who have invested their property and have settled there for several generations. Is it likedy that, without the franchise, laws will be; passed by those who possess the franchise to oust the Indians from their rightful heritage, since they went to that country under the British flag as peaceful settlers ? General Smuts gave the assurance, in answer to my question, that Indians would have the full rights of citizenship, and the only question concerned with the difficulty was with regard to franchise. 1 hope that tin: Prime Minister of South Africa will give this question favourable consideration, not from a local but from an Imperial point of view, in order to see that no disabilities exist which would, hamper the peaceful existence of my countrymen there. It would, indeed, be a useful advance in conciliatory methods if General Smuts could see his way to asking his Parliament to welcome our committee to ger there from India in order to discuss frankly, candidly, and, if necessary, quietly, the whole problem as it affects India. Kenya. Aire! now I come to Kenya. I believe:, from what I am informed anel from what I have seen myself, that no question of Inelians overseas agitates their minels and gives them more feeding of racial discrimination and loss of self-respect than Indians in Kenya. This I believe to be mainly due to the fact that, while it has been asserted by previous Imperial Conferences that the Dominions have a right to settle their own populations, Kenya is not a self-governing Dominion, but is a colony administered by the British Government. It is to the British Government, therefore, that Indians look to see that, their position, which has already become very awkward in Kenya by the, minority erf white settlers being given a majority in votes, is not further jeopardized, and that they are not placed under disabilities by laws being passed, by the majority segregating them or eventually ousting them from positions in which they have invested money in the country which, I understand, they have helped to improve for many years back. I understand —and if I am wrong in my assumption I hope I will be corrected—-that His Grace holding the charge of the Colonial Office at present has been good enough to agree that the committee of India would be welcomed to discuss with him the whole problem, and that the entire question will be fully and sympathetically considered by the Imperial Government from the points of view put forward by the, Indian committee. May I thank His Grace and, through him, the British Government, for this assurance, and earnestly hope that the final results will be an advance on the present situation, and give cause for my countrymen to be grateful for assistance.
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Personal Position. On this important problem of Indians overseas I have little more to say, but I wish to add this : that my position as a delegate from India is likely to be misundcrstooel in some quarters, and even in India, anel therefore I would like to make it clear. I have not come here as an elected or selected representative of British India. I have not even been elected or selected by my brother princes, or have their mandate. I think you know that lam not an employee of the British Government, but in accordance with past precedent I have come here as the nominated representative of the Indian princes, and have been invited to work here by the Government of India and the Secretary of State. But, although I carry no mandate for what I say for my order, I nevertheless happen to be one of them. lam an Indian, and I belong to a family who have been loyal and faithful allies of the Crown and its Government. I have therefore, primarily, expressed my own views, but I hope also what I feel to be; the views of my order and my countrymen, or at least some of them. I have much appreciated the compliment, of having been asked to work on this conference, but, for the sake, of my country, I hope that my successor at the next one will be even more fortunate in being elected by my order to come to this distinguished gathering in consultation, with the, approval of the Viceroy and. the Secretary of State. I should welcome indeed if our member for two-thirds of India should be privileged to enjoy tho same position, but on this topic I will not attempt to speak, as it is outside my purview, and because I would be charged with treading on ground on which angels fear to go. Conclusion. And now, in conclusion, T will say this : The whole question of Indians overseas is, we are told in many places, an economic problem —that it is not a racial one, to impress upon any one the inferiority of any partiemlar race. I, at any rate, welcome that sentiment, and I feel, now that this good will and co-operation is prevailing on. all sides, that the whole of this difficult problem will be set at rest —and the earlier the better— within the domains of possibilities, so that India can turn her mind towards her own domestic problems and work out her salvation to be a loyal and integral part of the British Empire. In conclusion, may I thank the Dominion Prime Ministers for the words that have fallen from their lips, where one said that he certainly desired to see India go ahead ; and that the 1921 resolution passed by the previous Conference is regarded as a pledge which all concerned seem anxious to fulfil and to uphold. Prime Minister anel gentleme-n, T thank you one and all for having created in this room that favourable atmosphere towards my country which I hope will soon bear practical and tangible results, not only for the sake of the British Empire, but for the sake of one-fifth of the human race. Mr. Harvey, in giving his views recently, when Lord Curzon presided, said, " We, have preferred settlement to argument." That exactly sums up my conclusion, and I hope, that I may be permitted to express my final sentiments. Although it is in poetry, I think the words exactly express my views : — What then shall be the guerdon (A great and priceless burden) Of taut'ning up our grand olel Empire's chain ? It shall be for us the glory To prove irr full the story Our Brotherhood does not exist in vain. Don't criticize and grumble ; Don't sneer at every stumble ; • Let each one try and see the other's aim : And if at first we fail To hear the friendly hail Let us bear ijj mind the birthright of our slain. Like them we'll pull together— Rose and Wattle, Maple, Heather — Our own bright Star is rising with the morn ; Aye, let's sail the ship together Thro' storm and stress of weather, Onwarel, ever onward, to the Dawn ! STATEMENT BY THE SECRETARY OF STATE FOR THE COLONIES, ON BEHALF OF THE SECRETARY OF STATE FOR HOME AFFAIRS. The Duke of Devonshire: I regret to say the Home Secretary is unable to be here this afternoon, but, as a statement* has been circulated to the whole of the Conference which will eventually be published, I would like to make the following observations on his behalf : — Meaning of Imperial Nationality. " This interesting and frank discussion has brought out in high relief a distinctive characteristic of the British Empire or Commonwealth—an essential unity attaining realization in varying and independent methods and practices under a great variety of conditions. " At the core lies the vital principle of common British nationality on which the representatives of India have justly and eloquently laid great stress, and which finds expression in General Smuts's words : ' The common Kingship is the binding link bet ween the parts of the Empire.' " It is not inconsistent: with this principle to recergnize, as it always has been rccognize'd, that every part of the Empire is free tr> settle' its own domestic concerns, including questions as to the; rights to be enjoyed by any person or classes of pesrsons within its territory. In considering problems
* Sec Annex B.
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arising out of this right or freedom it is important not to confuse the issue by any ambiguous use of such words as ' citizen 'or ' citizenship.' If those words are used, as they rightly may be, as having a local significance and connoting a status or right which it is within the power of any self-governing Dominion to confer on persons within its territory, they should not at the same time be used as though they were almost synonymous with the Imperial conception of nationality. " Imperial nationality is one and indivisible: ; local citizenship and the rights and privileges attached thereto may be diverse. If we keep these two conceptions clearly in our minds it ought to be possible, notwithstanding difficulties of detail and practice, to maintain a principle of action consistent alike with. Imperial unity and local autonomy." STATEMENT BY THE PRIME MINISTER OF GREAT BRITAIN. Mr. Stanley Baldwin : After what has been said on behalf of the Dominions and by the Duke of Devonshire on behalf of the British Government, I have little to add. Result of Indian Proposal as regards Colonies and Protectorates. I should like first of all to read to the Conference a statement which has been drawn up, as the result of informal discussions, since our last meeting. It sets out, for inclusion in the records of the Conference, the result of Sir Tej Sapru's proposal, so far as it relates to the colonies and protectorates. The statement is as follows : — " The Secretary of State for the Colonies, on behalf of His Majesty's- Government, cordially accepted the proposal of Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru that there should be full consultation and discussion between the Secretary of State for the Colonies and a committee appointed by the Government of India upon all questions affecting British Inelians domiciled in British colonies, protectorates, and mandated territories. At the same: time the Duke was careful to explain that, before decisions were taken-as a result of discussion with the committee, consultations with the local colonial Governments concerned, and in some cases local inquiry, would be necessary. " Further, while welcoming the proposal, the Duke of Devonshire reminded the Conference that His Majesty's Government had recently come to certain decisions as to Kenya, which represented in their considered view the very best .that could be done in all the circumstances. While he saw no prospect of these decisions being modified, he, would give careful attention to such representations as the committee appointed by the. Government of Inelia might desire to make to him. " Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru, while taking note of the above statement of the Duke, desired to make plain that the recent Kenya decisiems could not be accepted as final by the people of India." Publication of Speeches. I am glad to think that, on this occasion, we have been able to arrange for the speeches made at this table to be published. This constitutes a departure from the procedure at the 1921 Conference, when only the resolution which has been quoted here more than once was made public. We shall, of course, include a brief summary of the proceedings when a report on the work of the Conference comes to be prepared. Helpful Nature of Discussion. I hope that the Indian delegation will feel, as I feel, that the discussions we have had on this subject have been most helpful and encouraging. There has not merely been good will and an earnest attempt to meet India's wishes so far as varying political and economic circumstances in different parts of the Empire permit, but we can record quite definite results. These are due to the growing sense of partnership among all the many peoples and races who owe common allegiance to the Crown. It is this sense of partnership which I should like to stress. India's value to the Empire and the Empire's value to India are, becoming every day more clearly seen. The British Commonwealth of Nations rests upon no narrow basis. It is the greatest association known o the world of many races bound together even more intimately by common interests and by mutual desire to help each other. Here: at these Conferences we can with full freedom learn each other's problems and each other's point of view, and India .can, I am sure, feci that the magnitude of her share in our common partnership, and of her contribution to the common weal, is being realized in increasing measure. I am confident that the members of the Conference who have spoken for India will feel, both from the manner in which their representations have been received and from the actual results achieved, that mutual good will can and does help each and all of us to solve our common problems. I think the Conference as a whole can congratulate itself on what has been effected. STATEMENT BY SIR TEJ BAHADUR SAPRU. Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru : Before the- Conference leaves this very important subject, I desire to take up just two minute's of your time in making my own position quite clear. Effect of Discussion on Indian Opinion. I am completely satisfied with the kindness of my colleagues from the Dominions, and I am sure that Indians throughout the Empire will derive new hope and encouragement from their attitude. This, of course, does not, apply to South Africa, regarding which country I had my say on Monday last. As regards the Colonial Office, I am very glad to notice that the committee to be appointed as I suggested is not to be restricted in its scope to certain specified colonies. To me, as an Indian, i! is, of course, disappointing that the Duke, speaking last Monday, saw no prospect of modifying the- Kenya decisions, which, as I have already made clear, can never be accepted in India.. But his agreement with the principle of my scheme, and his consent to give careful attention to such re-presentations as the committee may lay before him, inspires me with the hope, that the door is
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barred, and that the Colonial Office may be shown the way to an acceptable solution. I shall recommend those with whom I have any influence, both in India and elsewhere, to work through this committee to obtain an amelioration of such conditions as they and every Indian regard as incompatible with our national dignity and with our position as equal subjects in the Empire of our common Sovereign. No need to move Formal Resolution. May I here just also refer to the expression of opinion made by Lord Peel to-day with regard to the resolution that I intended to move on the last occasion ? I thoroughly appreciate the advice that has been given to me to-day by Lord Peel. I have noted with great pleasure the spirit of cordiality shown by my colleagues from all over the Empire, except General Smuts. I take their speeches as very encouraging, and I note that what I wanted really has been achieved —namely, that they recognize the character of the resolution of 1921, and that they have given me a hope that they would do something material to achieve the end which we have in view—namely, the accomplishment of the principle of equality. Most of them have accepted my suggestions about committees ; Mr. Bruce thinks that he can do without a committee. As I said on a former occasion, so much the more honourable and creditable to him and to his country. It is because I have this support from all the Dominion Prime Ministers excepting one that it is unnecessary for me to move my resolution formally. Thanks to Lord Peel. Lastly, will you allow me to say one word about Lord Peel. Throughout the anxious days I have had to spend upon this question within the: last two weeks 1 have received nothing but unreserved support am! encouragement from him, and 1 am sure that, when my countrymen come to know how strongly he has stood by me, they will realize that not only the Government of India and the great statesman who presides over that country have identified themselves with our national, sentiment with regard to this matter, but that the Secretary of State has also clone the same. May I thank you, sir, on behalf of myself and on behalf of those whom I represent. That is all, sir. ANNEX A. POLITICAL STATUS OF BRITISH INDIANS IN THE COLONIES, PROTECTORATES, AND MANDATED TERRITO HIES. Memorandum prepared in the Colonial Office. West Indies. In the West Indies British Indians are under no political or legal disability of any kind. They have the same franchise and the same opportunities of becoming members of elective bodies as any other British subjects. The West Indian colonies in which there is a considerable British Indian population are British Guiana, Trinidad, and Jamaica. It may be of interest to add some particulars regarding the, franchise in these colonies. In British Guiana the property qualifications for voters are somewhat complicated, and the following may serve as examples. Persons are qualified to be voters for counties if they have an annual income or salary of $480 or are tenants of a house, or house and land, of an annual rental of $192. A person is qualified as a voter for a city or town if he possesses a similar income or salary, or is a tenant to the value of $120. In either case, the payment of $20 in taxes qualifies. No person is entitled to be registered as a voter unless he can read and write some language. In Trinidad the Legislative Council is at present nominated, but the elective system will be introduced at an early date. A person desirous of being registered as a voter must be, able-to satisfy the registration officer that he or she can understand the English language when spoken, and must possess one of a number of property qualifications. An annual salary of £62 10s., or the payment of £12 10s. for rent, or the. occupation of land, or land anel house thereon, assessed to taxes at 10s. a year will qualify. In Jamaica the qualification ferr voters is the receipt of salary or wages of £50, or income of a similar amount combined with the payment of a rental of £10, or the payment of taxes of 10s. on real property, or £1 10s. on personal property. Eastern Colonies. In Ceylon, under a revised constitution about to be issued, qualified British Indians will be edi'dble for the franchise and for election to the Legislative Council in the same manner as all other British subjects. In addition, they will have the privilege of electing two Indian representatives on a communal basis. The property qualification for the franchise is reasonably low. In Mauritius there is no distinction between British Indians and other British subjects as regards eligibility for the franchise. Moderate property and educational qualifications are imposed in all cases. An Indian member is also specially nominated to the, Council of Government, to represent Indian interests. In the Straits Settlements provisions for an Indian representative;, nominated by the Governor, is made in the recently revised constitution of the Legislative, Council. With regard to the Federated Malay States, the Government of Tndia has recently suggested that Indians should have representation in the Federal Council. This question is now under discussion with the High Commissioner. Southern Pacific. In Fiji the question of the political representation of Indians is still under consideration.
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Eastern Africa. In Kenya, where there aro four communities to consider, the communal system of representation in the Legislative: Council has, after careful consideration, been adopted. The European British subjects vote for eleven electee! members on an adult franchise. The. Indians will vote for five elected members on a wide franchise, which will be determined in consultation with the: Indian community. The, Arabs will vote for one elected member on a, franchise: to be: determined in a similar manner. Until the political education of the, African is advanced, African interests will be represented by a non-African, nominated, unofficial member, who will be a missionary. - The unofficial members of the Executive Council are not limited either as to race or numbers by the instrument of Government. Hitherto there have; been two European unofficial members and one Indian unofficial member, and. it is hoped to confine this arrangement, with the addition of an unofficial, member whose advice on matters affecting Africans will be of value. . In each Council there is an absolute official majority. In Uganda the Legislative Council is not elective. There is no restriction on the number or race of the unofficial members who may be nominated to the Council. Tho members at present approved are two Europeans and one Indian. There is an official majority. In the Executive Council there are no unofficial members. In the Tanganyika Territory there is no Legislative or Executive Council; but, speaking generally, Indians have the same rights as the citizens of other countries members of the League of Nations. Colonial Office, October, 1923. ANNEX B. THE POSITION OF INDIANS IN THE BRITISH EMPIRE. Memorandum by the Prime Minister of the Union of South Africa. Before the Conference conies to consider this thorny subject I wish my colleagues to consider the following suggestions of a way out of the difficulties in which we find ourselves. In Inelia the position of Indians in other parts of the Empire seems to be adding to the political agitation and unrest, while in those other parts the atmosphere for the solution of the difficulty is not improving, but on the contrary getting worse. This latter change is in come measure due to the Sastri mission. Mr. Sastri by his mission and his speeches has undoubtedly made matters worse. He has, for instance, never failed, whenever opportunity presented itself, to attack the Indian policy of South. Africa, and has thereby greatly exasperated public opinion in that Dominion, already very sensitive on this issue. In other Dominions he has made people alive to the issue—indeed, he has largely created it. The claim he has everywhere vigorously pressed for equal franchise rights for Indians over the whole Empire has not only gone further than the local claims of the Indians themselves, but has tended to raise opposition in quarters where it did not exist before. It is because I foresaw this development that I did not invite Mr. Sastri to include South Africa in his mission. It is not alleged that the economic position of Indians in other parts of the Empire, is bad. It is admitted that they are successful and thriving under the laws of tho Dominions, and are: in most respects economically better off than they would be in India. But the claim is put forward for equal political rights throughout the Empire, and its denial is looked upon as a stigma, as an affront to our Indian fellow-subjects. And no questions are more difficult and dangerous than those involving national dignity and honour. The Indian claim for equal franchise rights in the Empire outside of India arises, in my opinion, from a misconception of the nature, of British citizenship. This misconception is not confined to India, but is fairly general, and the Conference: would do not only Inelia but the whole Empire an important service by its removal. The misconception arises, not from the fact, but from the assumption, that all subjects of the King are, equal, that in an Empire where there is a, common King there should be a common and equal citizenship, and that all differences and distinctions in citizen rights are wrong in principle. Hence it is claimed that, whether a British subject has or has not political rights in his country of origin, he should, on migration to another part of the Empire where British subjects enjoy full political rights, be entitled automatically to the enjoyment of these rights. It is on this basis that equal political rights are claimed for Indians who live, in the Dominions or colonies outside of India. It is, of course, clear that the assumption on which the claim is based is wrong. There is no equality of British citizenship throughout the Empire. On tho contrary, there is every imaginable difference. In some parts British subjects have no political rights whatever ;in others they have modified rights of one kind or another ; in others, again, they have the fullest political rights. In the same part you may find British subjects with little or no political rights, and others with full rights. There is no common equal British citizenship in the Empire, and it is quite wrong for a British subject to claim equality of rights in any part of the Empire, to which he has migrated or where he happens to be living. There is no indignity or afront at all in the denial of such equality. Once this is clearly recognized, the stigma above referred to falls away. Indians in those parts of the Empire where they do not enjoy equal franchise rights cannot justly or fairly claim that their national dignity or status is involved. Igo even further. The newer conception of the British Empire as a smaller League of Nations, as a partnership of free and equal nations under a common hereditary Sovereign, involves an even further departure from the simple conception of a unitary citizenship. British citizenship has been variable in the past; it is bound to be even more so in the future. Each constituent part of the Empire will settle for itself the nature and incidents of its citizenship. The composition and character and rights of its people will be the concern of each, free and equal State in the Empire. It will not only regulate immigration from other parts of the Empire as well as from the outside world, but it will also settle the rights of its citizens as a matter of domestic concern. The common Kingship is the
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binding link between the parts of the Empire ; it is not a source: from which private citizens will derive their rights. They will derive their rights simply and solely from the authority of the State in which they live;. Hence Indians going to Canada will not be entitled to claim equal political rights with the other citizens of Canada, no more than Canadians going to India or Australia could claim equal political rights there. The conception of the Empire as a League: of Nations ought to do away with, these claims, which are so disturbing and unsettling in the Empire. From this point of view the Indian resolution passed at the last Imperial Conference was a profound .mistake. It was not only impracticable, but it ran counter to the new conception of the, Empire as not a unitary State but a partnership of equal States. It has both theoretically and practically landed us in a false position, and the, sooner we get out of it the better for the future good relations of tho different States of the Empire. The political claims of Indians arising under that resolution should not be allowed to create difficulties for the Governments of the Dominions, which would not have arisen if the constitutional position had been properly appreciated. The Indian Government should not claim from the other Empire Governments what, say, the friendly Governments of Japan anel China would not claim. Anel tho fact is that with neither of these Governments have we any difficulties with the, Dominions, while tho difficulties with India arc notorious and growing. We must get to the right constitutional conception, which 1 take to be the absolute and unquestioned power and authority of each part of the Empire to settle such questions for itself. India has threatened retaliation as a method of reprisal against Dominions which do not concede equal rights to her nationals. This is, again, a false position arising out of the misconception which 1 have explained. There should be no question cither of retaliation or reprisal. India should be free, to deal with nationals of the Dominions on a basis of reciprocal treatment, and neither on her part nor on the part of the Dominions concerned should there be any resentment or ill-feeling in the matter. Our relations in this regarel should be practically those of friendly sovereign States towards each other. Unless this readjustment of viewpoint is brought about it is feared that the question of the position of Indians in the Empire may continue to grow in gravity. I would therefore suggest that for the resolution of the last conference on the subject there be substituted a resolution affirming tho right of each portion of the Empire to regulate citizenship as well as immigration as domestic questions for its own handling and. not affecting the status or dignity of other portions of the Empire, and expressing the opinion that provisions for reciprocal treatment of the nationals of the States of the Empire should not be looked upon as unfriendly or otherwise affecting the: good relations of these States inter se. It would thus be left to the good sense of each State of the Empire: to say what citizen rights shall be enjoyed, and by whom, within their territorial jurisdiction, and no State of the Empire should have claim to force its citizens on any other State, or resent their exclusion or special treatment by the latter. J. C. Smuts. South African Delegation, Savoy Hotel, W.C. 2, 18th October, 1923.
APPENDIX VI. PAPERS REGARDING NATIONALITY QUESTIONS. PART 1. MEMORANDUM PREPARED BY THE COMMONWEALTH GOVERNMENT FOR CONSIDERATION AT THE IMPERIAL CONFERENCE, 1923. The Commonwealth Government desires to make, certain amendments in the Commonwealth Nationality Act, 1920-1922. This Act gives effect, within the Commonwealth, to the system of Empire: naturalization introeiuced by tho British Act, tho British Nationality and Status of Aliens Act, 1914-1918. As the British Act was framed in consultation with the Dominions, the Commonwealth Government desires that the amendments now suggested, should be discussed at the forthcoming Imperial Conference. The amendments desired relate to — (a.) The constitution of the tribunal to which cases of revocation of naturalization are referred for inquiry. (b.) Readmission to British nationality of British-born women married to aliens. (c.) Naturalization of residents of " B " and " C " mandated territories. (a.) Constitution of the Tribunal to which Cases of Revocation of Naturalization are REFERRED FOR INQUIRY. By section 7 of the British Nationality and Status of Aliens Act, 1914-1918, the Secretary of State is given power to revoke certificates of naturalization, for the various classes of reasons set out in that section. In some of these cases he is given discretion, and in others he is required, before making an order of revocation, to give the person whose certificate is proposed to be revoked an opportunity of claiming that the case: be referred for inquiry to a committee presided over by a person who holds or has held high judicial office, or to the High Court. Section 8 of the, British Act provides that, if the scheme' of Empire naturalization is adopteel by a Dominion, the, Dominion shall have the same, powers of revocation, there being substituted for " High Court," in section 7, the words " High Court or Superior Court " of the Dominion.
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The Commonwealth Nationality Act, 1920-1922, conforming to the: British Act, confers ou the Governor-General similar powers of revocation, and provides that the corresponding inquiries shall be, held by a committee presided over by a person who is or has been a Justice of the High Court of Australia, or a Judge: of a Supreme Court of a State, or the officer holding the principal judicial office in a territory, or by the, High Court erf Australia. The classes of persons thus e!esignate:ei as competent to preside over a committee of inquiry hold offices in the Commonwealth which correspond to those named in the British Act. It has been found, however, that in remote parts of the Commonwealth it is sometimes very difficult to arrange: for a president qualified under this section. To facilitate the holding of inquiries, the, Commonwealth Government desires to amend the section to provide that a committee of inquiry may be, presided over by a judge of a District Court or of a County Court (these being Courts the jurisdiction of which is inferior to that of the Supremo Courts, and which sit in parts of the Commonwealth not visited by Judges of tho Supreme Courts) or by a Special or Stipendiary Magistrate—that is, a Magistrate having professional qualifications who sits in a Court of minor jurisdiction. Before making this amendment it is elesircd to have, the concurrence of the Governments of the other parts of the Empire which have adopted the scheme of Empire naturalization. (b.) Readmission to British Nationality of British-born Women married to Aliens. The British Nationality and Status of Aliens Act, 1914, Part II of which has been adopted by the Commonwealth Nationality Act, 1920-1922, provides that a certificate of naturalization shall not be granted to any person under " disability," the definition of which term includes " the status of being a married woman." This provision has, in the Commonwealth, resulted in the infliction of considerable hardship upon certain women of British birth who have married aliens and been deserted by them, but who are nevertheless not eligible: to reacquire their former British nationality. As an illustration, the case may bo cited of a woman born in England who emigrated to South Australia, where, in 1885, she married a German. In 1912 her husband deserted her and returned lo Germany. Since his departure, he has not written to her, not sent her money, and she has lrad to esarn a living as best she could. She was the mother of ten children. The eldest son served in the Light Horse in the late war, and returned to Australia a cripple. In .1920 the woman had a paralytic stroke and was ill for a considerable time, and partially lost her memory. Fourteen of her male' relations, including sons, grandsons, and nephews, served in the late war, and three of them were killed, yet this woman is not entitled to the privileges of a British subject. Other women of British birth marrieel to aliens have also been deserted by their husbanels or be:en separated from them and have been precluded from exercising privileges which they enjoyed prior to marriage. In this connection attention is invited to the war-time, provision of the British Act, and the, corresponding section 18 (3) of the Commonwealth Nationality Act, 1920-1922, which permit of the readmission of married women to British nationality where the husband is a subject of a State at war with His Majesty. Although this provision is applicable only during war-time, it establishes a principle which it is thought might with advantage be extended to British-born women in meritorious cases at all times. The Commonwealth Government desires to ascertain whether the Imperial Government and the Governments of the Dominions which have adopted Part II of the British Act would be agreeable to an amendment which would confer upon British-born women the right of reacepuiring British nationality in cases where they have lost such nationality through marriage with aliens and have been deserted by their husbands. In this connection it is pointed out that if the power under section 5 (2) of the British Act (and section 10 (2) of the Commonwealth Nationality Act) to grant naturalization in special cases to " minors," who are as a class subject to the same general " disability " as " married womejn," were extended to cover " married women of British birth," all requirements would be met. (c.) Naturalization of Residents of " B " and " C " Mandated Territories. The Permanent Mandates Commission of the: League of Nations, at its session in August, 1922, adopted for submission ter the Council of the League a resolution that mandatory Powers to which " B " and " C " mandated territories have: be:en entrusted might make arrangements, in conformity with their own laws, for the individual acquisition of their nationality by inhabitants of these; territories. The Commonwealth Government is advised that under the existing law British nationality cannot be acquired by residents (not being in the service of the Crown) of mandated territories. It accordingly suggests that the British Act should be amended so that residence in a " B " or " C " mandated territory should count as residence in His Majesty's dominions for the purpose of qualifying by residence for naturalization. When the British Act has been amended, a corresjjonding amendment can be made in the Commonwealth Act. Prime Minister's Department, Melbourne, 26th July, 1923. PART 2. GRANT OF NATURALIZATION TO PERSONS RESIDENT IN MANDATED TERRITORIES. Joint Memorandum prepared in the Home Office and Colonial Office. The Commonwealth Government have asked that the question of amending tho British Nationality and Status of Aliens Act, 1914, so as to permit of the grant of naturalization to persons resident in mandated territories may be brought before the Imperial Conference. It is understood that the Commonwealth Government have in mind Imperial naturalization, and the amendment which they suggest is one to tho effect that residence in " B " or " C " mandated territories should count as residence in His Majesty's dominions for the purpose of qualifying by residence for naturalization.
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2. In this connection, the Commonwealth Government have referred to the proposal submitted to the Council of the League of Nations by tho Permanent Mandates Commission in August, 1922, which was in the following terms : " It is open to mandatory Powers to whom ' B ' and ' C ' mandated territories have been entrusted to make arrangement in conformity with their own laws for the individual and purely voluntary acquisition of their nationality by inhabitants of these territories." 3. The matter was considered by the Council of the League in April, 1923, and the following resolutions were adopted : — (1.) The status of tho native inhabitants of a mandated territory is distinct from that of the, nationals of the mandatory Powers, and cannot be identified therewith by any process having general application. (2.) The native inhabitants of a mandated territory are not invested with the nationality of tho mandatory Power by reason of the protection extended to them. (3.) It is not inconsistent with (1) and (2) above that individual inhabitants of the: territory should voluntarily obtain naturalization from the mandatory Power in accordance with arrangements which it is open to such Power to make with this object under its own law. 4. Hitherto naturalization, except on the ground of service under the: Crown in foreign countries, has depended on residence in British territory, and it has been considered undesirable to allow naturalization on account of residence in protectorates, on the ground that it is contrary to sounel principle to exercise such a high right of sovereignty as that involved in changing the nationality of an inhabitant in a territory which does not form part of His Majesty's dominions. Only two exceptions to this principle have' been admitted —namely, in Southern and Northern Rhodesia—where local naturalization has been provided for by Orders in Council. 5. If provision is to be made for Imperial naturalization in mandated territories, and it woulel appear from the, resolutions of the Council of the League of Nations quoted above that tho League entertains no objection to this as regards " B " and. " C " mandated territories, it will be necessary to make similar provision in protectorates to which these territories are analogous. 6. The position is different as regards protected States where there are local rulers and the native inhabitants arc subjects of those rulers. It would hardly bo possible for His Majesty to take power to enable such subjects of the local rulers to transfer their allegiance to himself, and even if naturalization in such territories were confined to persons who were not subjects of the local rulers it is probable that the local rulers would object to such action as an infringement oi their own sovereign rights and powers. Somewhat similar objections would apply to a proposition to provide for Imperial naturalization in " A " mandated territories, the position of which is analogous to that of protected States. 7. If a general desire is expressed for such a change in the: law as is proposed by the Commonwealth Government, the most convenient method of procedure would appear to be that, when next legislation amending the Act of 1914 is introduced, provision should, at the same time be made enabling the Act to be applied by Order of His Majesty in Council (or, in the case of territories mandated to Dominions, Order of tho Governor-General in Council), to the territories in question, subject to such modifications and adaptations as may be necessary. Having regard to the difficulty which arises in connection with protected States and " A " mandated territories, it would be desirable not to provide generally for the application of the Act to " any territory under His Majesty's protection or in respect of which a mandate on behalf of the League of Nations has bee_ accepted by His Majesty," but to provide for its application to certain individual territories specified in a schedule to the Act. This schedule would include " B " and " C " mandated territories and most of the protectorates, as to which no difficulty in regard to sovereignty occurs, but would not include " A " mandated territories or protected States. 8. Nationality of Children born to British Subjects in Mandated Territories.-— Somewhat similar considerations underlie another epuestion which arises out of the scheme for the continuance of British nationality amongst successive generations born abroad contained in the British Nationality and Status of Aliens Act, 1922. It would appear that, as regards the children of British subjects born in " B " and " C " mandated territories, there is no necessity to go through tho procedure contemplated in the Act of 1922 in order that they may obtain British nationality at birth and retain it at majority. It would seem that they are to be deemed to be " born in a place where by treaty, capitulation, grant, usage, sufferance, or other lawful moans His Majesty exercises jurisdiction over British subjects," and they therefore acquire British nationality at birth in their own right under the: proviso to section 1 (1) of the Act of 1914, as amended in 1922. Children born in protectorates appear to be in the same position. On the other hand, children born in protected States and in "A" mandated territories would appear not to acquire or retain British nationality except in pursuance of the procedure laid down in the Act of 1922 in regard to registration at birtli and assertion of British nationality at majority. 10th September, 1923. PART 3. NATIONALITY OF MARRIED WOMEN. Memorandum prepared in the Home Office. 1. The: Commonwealth Government have asked that the question of the readmissions to British nationality of British-born women married to aliens may be placed on the agenda of the Imperial Conference. 2. Whether the cases which the Commonwealth Government have in mind are confined to those of women who have been abandoned by, or for some reason have been permanently separated, but not divorced, from their alien husbands, or whether they include also cases of British-born women living with their alien husbands, the discussion of the, question must necessarily bring into consideration tho general question of the nationality of married women, which has attracted considerable attention in recent years, both within the British Empire and in certain foreign countries.
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3. The existing British law relating to the nationality of married women is statutory, and is based on the principle of a common nationality for husband and wife. The matter was first dealt with, partially, in the Naturalization Act, 1844 ; next, more completely, in the Naturalization Act, 1870 ; and now by section 10 of the British Nationality and Status of Aliens Act, 1914, in which the general rulo is expressed as follows: The wife of a British subject shall be doeuned to be: a British subject, and the wife: of an alien shall be deemed, to be an alien. This rule is followed by the majority of civilized countries, though the Legislature of tho United States of America has recently reversed it. 4. 'Previously to the statutes quoted, and under the common law of England, British nationality could neither be: acquired nor lost by marriage. This position does not seem to have been the result of any deliberate policy of the law in favour of independent nationalities for husband and wife, but followed incidentally from the application of the two general rules which at common law governed our nationality law. Thus, in tho first place, women, equally with men, were subject to the general rule Nemo potest exuere patriam, and as the result of this rule a British woman could not divest herself of her British nationality by the voluntary act of marriage. Secondly, the principle governing the acquisition of British nationality at common law was " birth within the allegiance," and British nationality could not be acquired in any other way. To this rule the voluntary act of marriage was no exception, and accordingly an alien woman did not at common law acquire British nationality on marriage to a British subject. 5. To the above general rule, quoted from the Act of 1914, there are certain important exceptions (some contained in the Act of 19.14 originally, and others introduced by the amending Act of 1918). These exceptions are — (a.) Where a British subject, during the continuance of his marriage, becomes an alien by naturalization or otherwise, his wife can remain British if she makes a declaration erf her desire to do so. (British Nationality anil Status of Aliens Act, 1914, section 10.) (b.) 'Hie British-born wife of any alien who is the subject of a State at war with His Majesty can become British by the grant of a certificate, of naturalization upon a declaration by her that she wishes to resume British nationality. (Amendment of section 10 of the above Act by the Act of 1918.) (c.) The wife of a naturalized British subject whose, certificate is revoked retains hor British nationality unless the order of revocation directs that she shall cease to be a British subject. (Section 7a of the principal Act, inserted by the Act of 1918.) 6. In April, 1922, a Bill was introduceel into the House of Commdhs by Sir John Butcher in which it was proposed to make important alterations in the existing law, and to provide, inter alia, that a British woman shall not lose her British nationality by marriage with, an alien, and that an alien shall not acquire British, nationality merely by marriage with a British subject. This Bill was referred to a Select Committee of tho House of Commons for examination and report, but the proceedings of the Committee were interrupted before any report was made by the dissolution of Parliament. 7. In 1923, on the motion of Sir John Butcher, a joint committee of both Houses of Parliament was appointed " to examine tho British law as to the nationality of married women ; to consider in their legal and practical aspects the questions involved in the possession by husband and wife of the same or of different nationalities ; and, with due regard to the operation of the laws of foreign countries, to report what, if any, alteration of the British law is desired." 8. This committee, after hearing a considerable amount of evidence, was unable to agree a to the form of a report. The proceedings of the joint committee have not yet been published,* but advance copies of a portion of the proceedings, containing two alternative draft reports which wore laid before that committee (one by the chairman and one by Sir John Butcher), have been secured for the use of the Imperial Conference. These draft reports disclose numerous considerations which may be advanced in favour of or against any 7 substantial alteration of the existing law. 9. A summary of the points and arguments urged in favour of an alteration of the law will be found in paragraph 9of the chairman's report. It may be stated generally that the main arguments proceed from (a) the demand of various women's organizations that married women should have the same right as men of individual choice and self-determination in respect of their national status ; and (b) the special grievances of British-born women who have become aliens by marriage, and are subject, as such, to certain disabilities and incapacities— e.g., franchise disqualification. 10. As regards (a), it has to bo considered, inter alia, whether the theoretical value of the principle of self-determination is not outweighed by the, practical disadvantage (affecting, inter alia, the children) involved in a difference of nationalities between the parents, disadvantages ranging from the regions of diplomatic protection and private international law to the position of the family as a unit of society (sec paragraphs 10 and 11 of the, chairman's report and the second section of Sir John Butcher's report). 11. As regards (6), it has to be considered whether the disabilities and incapacities in question are such as to justify a change in the law of nationality, or whether a remedy for most, if not all, of the grievances of British-born women cannot be found in specific legislative provisions dealing with the particular subject-matter (see paragraphs 10 (i) and 14 of the chairman's report). Home Office, October, 1923. PART 4. -VALIDITY OF MARRIAGES BETWEEN BRITISH SUBJECTS AND FOREIGNERS. Correspondence between the Secretary of State for the Colonies and the GovernorGeneral of the Commonwealth of Australia. (a.) From the Governor-General to the Secretary of State. (No. 381.) Sir,— 4th October, 1922. I have the honour, at the instance of my Prime Minister, to inform you that, a question has been raised in regard to the, validity of marriages contracted between Australians and foreigners. * Since published as House of Commons Paper No. 115 of 1923.
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It is thought that it would probably be within the powers of the Commonwealth Parliament to enact that all such marriages shall be valid, but that validity would probably not be recognized outside Australia if the foreigner was not, by the law of his country of domicile, capable of contracting the marriage. Such legislation, however, would not go far to improve the: position, and, while: Imperial legislation extending to all the Dominions would advance matters a little further, it is considered that it would be inadvisable to interfere with the; established rules of international law in this connection. In order that some action might be taken which would lead to a satisfactory settlement of the question, my Ministers have suggested that His Majesty's Government might be asked to consider the desirability of discussing the matter at an Imperial Conference, with a view to international arrangements being made which would be: acceptable to all parties concerned ; and I should be glad if you would be so good as to take tho necessary steps to give; effect thereto. I have, &c, Forster. (b.) From the, Secretary of State to the Governor-General. (No. .133.) My Lord,— 6th April, 1923. I have, the honour to acknowledge the receipt of Your Excellency's despatch, No. 381, of the 4th October, regarding the validity of marriages contracted between Australians and foreigners, and to request you to inform your Ministers that the question of the validity of marriages between British subjects and foreigners has on many occasions in the past formed the subject of consideration by His Majesty's Government. 2. As regards such marriages contracted in foreign countries according to the lex loci, it has long since been found necessary, in order to satisfy the requirements of foreign marriage laws, to authorize His Majesty's consular officers to issue certificates in individual casos, varying from a statement that the publication of banns in this country is not required in the case of such marriages, to statements that, the parties having gone: through the antecedent formalities required by law for enabling them to be married, at His Majesty's consulate under the provisions of the Foreign Marriage Act, 1892, there is no obstacle to the celebration of their marriage. Certificates according to the particular requirements of the foreign law concerned have in this way for a good many years past been issued by His Majesty's consular officers in France, Belgium, Germany, Switzerland, Italy, Hungary, and Sweden. On the other hand, in the case of marriages contracted in this country, the, French Government have since 1904 authorized French consular officers in this country to issue certificates to French citizens marrying British subjects, to the effect that the formalities of French law have been complied with ; while, in the, case of Belgium, by an agreement of November, 1888, a similar certificate is issued by the Belgian legation. 3. Under the provisions of the Foreign Marriage Act, 1892, and of the Foreign. Marriages Order in Council, 1913, His Majesty's consular officers are in many cases empowered to solemnize marriages between parties of whom one is a British subject. This Act and Order in Council form the subject of Chapter XXX of the Consular Instructions. In this connection reference is invited to Viscount Milner's despatch, Dominions No. 506, of the 17th December, 1920, and connected correspondence, as to officers who are empowered to issue the certificates required by Article 10 of the Foreign Marriages Order in Council, 1913. I enclose a copy of a printed memorandum,* which, while summarizing in a convenient form the formalities to be observed under the Act and Order in Council, exhibits also information which has been compiled as regards foreign lex loci marriages and marriages between British subjects and various classes of foreigners. Copies of this memorandum were forwarded in the late Viscount Harcourt's despatch, No. 468, of the 30th July, 1914. 4. On the 29th November, 1906, the Marriage with Foreigers Act, 1906 '(6 Edw. VII, Ch. 40), was passed. This Act, in section 1, provides that any British subject desiring to be married in a, foreign country to a foreigner according to the: law of that country may give notice to the Registrar, or, if abroad, to the marriage officer — i.e., His Majesty's consular officer —and apply for a certificate that after proper notices have been given no legal impediment to tiro marriage, has been shown to exist. In section 2, as regards marriages in the United Kingdom, it is provided that, where, arrangements have been made with a foreign country for the issue by the proper olfieesrs of that country of certificates that after proper notices have bce:n given no impediment according to the; law of that country has boon shown to exist, His Majesty may by Order in Council require the production, of such certificate before the, marriage can be solemnized. Section 3 provides for the: issue of an Order in Council making general regulations prescribing the forms to be used. 5. After the passing of this Act a considerable correspondence, which extended over several years, took place with foreign Governments with a view to ascertaining the possibility of giving effect, in the case both of sections 1 and 2 of the Act, to the arrangements contemplated. While it was found, that in the case of some countries a certificate, of the nature contemplated by section 1 was unnecessary, and that, in the case of some, no arrangements of the nature contemplated by section 2 were possible, the correspondence showed that in the case of a number of foreign countries such, arrangements were possible, though the requirements of the various foreign laws created difficulties as to the forms of certificates which would be required. Concurrently with this correspondence His Majesty's representatives abroad were instructed to obtain and communicate to the Foreign Office the texts of the marriage laws of foreign countries, with a view to a more complete study of the question, and these laws as received were translated, and have been published in Parliamentary Paper (Miscellaneous) No 11, 1911 (Cd. 5993), of which a copy is enclosed. 6. As the outcome, of the correspondence referred to above, the preparation of the form of certificate to be given by the Registrar (and, mutatis mutandis, by His Majesty's consular officers)
* Foreign Office Memorandum entitled "Marriages Abroad and in the United Kingdom " (not reproduced).
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under section 1 of the Act of 1906 was commenced, but various difficulties have so far delayed its completion. When this has been done it will be possible again to approach foreign governments in the matter and to endeavour to bring about the further arrangements contempleted under section 2of the Act. 7. It is noted that Ministers suggest that the matter might be discussed at an Imperial Conference, and a copy of the correspondence is accordingly being sent to the other Dominions and to the Secretary of State for India. I have, &c, Devonshire.
APPENDIX VII. ADDRESS BY HIS HIGHNESS THE MAHARAJAH OP ALWAR, ON THE DUSSEHRA FESTIVAL. 19th October, 1923. The Maharajah of Alwar: Prime Minister and friends, it is a curious coincidence —I hope, a happy coincidence. —that to-day in this room we should be discussing questions relating to military, naval, and air matters, all connected with the defence of the Empire, on the exact day when in India is being celebrated our greatest festival of the year. It is a festival to commemorate the march of Shri Ram, one of our greatest incarnations, to Ceylon, where he achieved victory. The anniversary is celebrated nowadays in India inspecting our military troops and units —in other words, examining the means of war, or, more, correctly speaking, the means of peace. We may thus in a sense be celebrating the Dussehra festival to-day by examining the means of defence of our Empire. Friends, I wish you all, in the name of my country, as an. Indian, in the name of the princes, as one of their order, our cordial and sincere Dussehra greetings to each anel all of you. Let us hope: that this quiet, almost unostentatious, work that we are, doing, or trying to do, will lead to co-ordination anel co-operation erf all the: forces erf the Empire to secure real peace, not only within but also without.
APPENDIX VIII. REPLY FROM HIS MAJESTY THE KING, EMPEROR OF INDIA, TO THE ADDRESS FROM THE CONFERENCE. It has been a great satisfaction to the Queen and myself to receive from the Prime Minister of Great Britain the address presented by the members of the Imperial Conference at the close of their sessions. We thank you most cordially for these inspiring words. The last few weeks have given me a happy opportunity to renew personal touch with some of my Ministers from the overseas Dominions, and of making the acquaintance of others on whom their present high responsibilities have fallen since, the last Conference. As Emperor of India, I welcome the members of the Conference from that great country. I know that its many peoples will rejoice, that the, problems brought on their behalf to the attention of the Conference have been dealt with so fully and sympathetically. No one can. follow closely, as I have done, the work of successive. Conferences without realizing the immense value of such meetings. First comes the spread of mutual knowledge: of the conditions obtaining in all parts of the Empire, then the increase, of good feeling that springs naturally from such knowledge, and, lastly, the hearty desire, to co-operate in strengthening the bonds which unite us, so that, however distracted, the world may be; the British Commonwealth shall stand steadfast and undismayed. I thank you one and all for your labours. I am confident that these will redound to the security, happiness, and prosperity of all the nations and peoples of my Empire. 14th November, 1923. George, R.I.
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IMPERIAL CONFERENCE, 1923., Appendix to the Journals of the House of Representatives, 1924 Session I, A-06
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83,595IMPERIAL CONFERENCE, 1923. Appendix to the Journals of the House of Representatives, 1924 Session I, A-06
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