CONFEDERATION AND ANNEXATION.

Appendix to the Journals of the House of Representatives, 1884 Session I, A-04

A.—4

1884. NEW ZEALAND.

CONFEDERATION AND ANNEXATION.

PAPERS EELATINQ TO THE PACIFIC ISLANDS GENERALLY, AND TO THE PRINCIPAL GROUPS: THE LABOUR TRAFFIC: NAVAL DEFENCE OF THE COLONIES: INTERCOLONIAL RECIPROCITY: ETC. ETC. ETC. REPRINTED FROM THE APPENDICES TO THE JOURNALS, N.Z., IN COMPLIANCE WITH THE REPORT OP THE PACIFIC ISLANDS ANNEXATION COMMITTEE, 1883.

Presented to both Houses of the General Assembly by Command of His Excellency.

WELLINGTON.

1884.

CONTENTS.

Section. Paf?e. I. The Islands Generally : Mr. Seed's " Area, Population, Trade, &c. of the principal Groups " .. .. .. .. 1 Mr. Sterndale's " Memoranda on some of the South Sea Islands " .: .. .. .. 18 11. Diplomatic Arrangements .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 76 111. Proposed Trading Companies .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 80 IV. Educational Endowments .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 89 V. Fiji, Friendly Islands, and New Caledonia : Correspondence from 1845 to 1853 .. .. .. 91 VI. Fiji .. .. ~ .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 98 VII.- New Caledonia: Its Convicts .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 112 The San Francisco Mail Service .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 125 VIII. New Hebrides .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 128 IX. Navigator Islands .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 133 Native Labourers .. .. .. .. .. . -. .. .. .. .. 142 Mr. Seed's Visit .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 150 X. Kidnapping .. .. .. .. .. .. ... .. .. .. 159 XI. South-Sea Islanders in Auckland .. .. .. .. .. .. ... .. 166 XII. Naval Defence: New Zealand .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 168 Australasian Colonies .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 178 XIII. Crimes in Pacific Islands .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 180 XIV. Death of Bishop Pattesori .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 187 XV. The High Commissioner and his Court .. .. .. .. ... .. .. 191 The High Commissioner's Reply .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 207 Mr. Cornwall's Petition .. .. .. .. .. ' .. .. .. .. 214 XVI. Bounty Islands : Taking Possession on behalf of New Zealand .. .. .. .. .. 219 XVII. New Guinea .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 222 XVIII. Pacific Telegraph Cable .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 225 XIX. Intercolonial Reciprocity .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 229 1

INDEX TO PRINCIPAL SUBJECTS.

Page Admiralty Islands: Mr. Seed .. .. 13 Auckland, South Sea Islanders in .. .. 166 Banks's Islands: Mr. Seed .. .. 11 Beach, Sir M. E. H.: New Hebrides are no longer within limits of New Zealand .. .. .. .. 129 BSche-de-Mer: Mr. Sterndale .. .. .. 65 Bounty Islands: Taking possession on behalf of New Zealand .. 219 Carnarvon, Earl of: No Australasian Colony can properly undertake part in the government of the Fijis .. 106 Invites New South Wales, Victoria, New Zealand, and Queensland each to contribute £4,000 a year towards cost of government .. 107 Her Majesty's Government have made provisions for temporary aid to Fiji: Review of correspondence with colonies .. .. 107 Her Majesty's Government are not satisfied that it is expedient to take possession of New Guinea (1876) .. .. .... .. 222 Caroline Islands : Mr. Sterndale .. .. 40 Conference, Intercolonial: 1873 : Resolutions respecting Intercolonial Reciprocity .. .. .. .. 255 1877: Resolution, &c. as to a Pacific Telegraph Cable .. .. .. 225 1881: Resolutions as to Naval Defence of Australasia .. .. .. .. 178 1881: The High Commissioner for the Western Pacific, and his Court .. .. 191 Report of Committee on the subject .. 193 Papers printed, including those by " The Vagabond" .. .. ..193 The High Commissioner's reply .. 207 Commodore Wilson's reply .. .. 211 Mr. Commissioner Gorrie's reply .. 211 1881: Proceedings as to Intercolonial Reciprocity .. .. .. ..263 Cook's Islands: Mr. Seed .. .. .. 6 Mr. Sterndale .. .. .. 37 Cornwall, Mr. F.: Complaint of illegal action, in Samoa, by the High Commissioner's Court .. .. 214 Crimes in Pacific Islands : Charge of murder against Thomas Rennell: Mr. Commissioner Gorrie's explanation as to powers of the High Court .. .. .. 184 Power of trial should be given to the Supreme Court of New Zealand .. .. .. 185 Danger Island: Mr. Sterndale .. .. .. 31 Diplomatic Arrangements: British Treaties: Borneo .. .. 76 Sandwich Islands .. .. 76 Tonga .. .. ..77 American Treaty: Samoa .. .. .. 78 Dynamite: Export to New Hebrides and other groups .. .. .. .. .. 131 Educational Endowments: College and Grammar School, or schools, Auckland .. .. .. .. ..89 Industrial School, Wellington .. .. 90 BUice Group: Mr. Seed .. .. .. 13 Fiji: Mr. Seed .. .. .. .. .. 4 Sir G. Grey's views in 1848, as1 to the group .. 91 Earl Grey directs that offers of cession must be declined .. .. .. 95 Mr. Consul Thurston's report as to trade, in 1866 98 Do. 1867 .. .. .. .. 100

♦Page Fiji— continued. Alleged enlistment in New Zealand, for military service in the group (1872) .. .. 103 King Gakobau's Government .. .. 104 To be recognized as ade facto Government .. 105 Mr. Vogel's memorandum as to annexation or. protection by New Zealand .. .. 106 Lord Carnarvon's Beply: No one Australasian Colony can properly undertake part in the direct government of the group .. .. 106 Lord Carnarvon invites New South Wales, Victoria, and Queensland to contribute each_ £4,000 a year towards cost of government .. 107 Lord Carnarvon reviews correspondence with colonies: Her Majesty's Government have made temporary provision .. .. 107 Mr. Vogel's memorandum on the question of colonial contributions generally, towards government in Pacific Islands .. .. 110 Fox, Mr. W.: Navigator Islands .. .. .. .. 133 Cost of prosecutions for kidnapping .. .. 161 Naval Defence .. .. .. .. 169 Application to the Imperial Government for 10,000 Snider rifles, &c. .. .. .. 169 Great Britain should supply adequate defence, • or sanction arrangement with foreign Powers for colony being treated as neutral .. 170 Reply to Lord Kimberley's answer to suggestion re neutrality .. .. .. 171 Proposed departure of the " Virago " .. 173 Friendly Islands: Sir G. Grey's views as to them, in 1848 .. 91 Earl Grey directs that offers of cession must be declined .. .. .. 95 Galapagos Islands: Mr. Seed .. .. .. 16 Gilbert or ICingsmill Group: Mr. Seed .. .. 15 Mr. Sterndale ."". 38 Gisbome, Mr.: As to Tasmania's proposal for commercial federation .. .. .. .. .. 230 Godeffroy and Sons' operations: Mr. Sterndale .. 19 Gordon, Sir A. H. G.: Reply, as High Commissioner, to Report of the Intercolonial Conference, 1881, re his Court 207 Outrages by Natives, 1878 to 1881 .. .. 213 Gorrie, Mr. Commissioner: Explanations re the ease of Thomas Eennell .. 184 Reply to Roport of Intercolonial Conference, 1881, and the letters, &c. of "The Vagabond" .. .. .. .. ..211 Grey, Earl: Offers of cession, as to Fiji, Friendly Islands, &c. in 1848, must be declined .. .. 95 Grey, Sir George : Educational endowments granted by 89 His views, in 1848, as to outrages, and as to Great Britain accepting the cession of the Fijis and the Friendly Islands .. .. 91 France has taken possession of the Isle of Pines and New Caledonia (1853): Great Britain has claims upon them .. .. 96 Norfolk Island and the Pitcairn Islanders (1853) .. .. .. .. ..97 The Now Hebrides a British Possession .. 129 The Australasian Colonies should be allowed by Great Britain to annex Pacific Islands, by agreement, or to occupy them with consent of the inhabitants .. ■ ■ .. 129 As to alleged cruelties to Native labourers in the Navigator group .. .. .. 146 Hervey Group (See " Cook's Islands ").

Page High Commissioner's Court for the Western Pacific: Mr. Commissioner Gorrie's explanations re the Rennell case and the powers of the Court .. 184 New Zealand Government thinks the Supreme Court of the Colony should have power to try British subjects for offences in the Islands 185 The High Commissioner and his Court: Proceedings of the Intercolonial Conference, 1881 .. .. .. .. 191 Eeport of tho Committee, as adopted .. 193 Papers printed for the Conference, including letters, &c. by " The Vagabond " .. 193 The High Commissioner's reply .. .. 207 Commodore Wilson's reply .. .. 211 The Chief Judicial Commissioner's reply.. 211 Mr. F. Cornwall's petition for redress of wrongs inflicted upon him in the Navigator Islands, by the action of the Court .. .. 214 Intercolonial Eociprocity: Tasmania's proposal for a Conference, with a view to Commercial Federation and Intercolonial Free-Trade (1870) .. .. 229 New Zealand declines to join, but is in favour of reciprocal tariff arrangements .. .. 230 Agreement between New South Wales, New Zealand, and Queensland (1870) .. .. 231 Opinion of the Attorney-General of New Zealand (Mr. Prendergast) .. .. .. 233 Tasmanian "Intercolonial Free-Trade Act, 1870 " .. .. .. .. .. 234 New Zealand " Colonial Eeciprocity Bill, 1870" 235 The Imperial Government's objections to these (and other) Bills (1871) .. .. .. 235 Mr. Vogel's memorandum on this Despatch .. 238 Lord Kimberley's review of the whole correspondence (1872).. .. .. .. 240 New South Wales : Despatches, &c... • .. 244 Victoria: Despatches, &c. .. .. .. 246 South Australia: Despatches, &c. .. .. 247 Tasmania: Despatches, &c.. .. .. 247 Mr. Vogel's review of Lord Kimberloy's Despatch .. .. .. .. ..249 Sir John Eose on the Canadian Customs Act, and the Duke of Buckingham and Ghandos's Despatch respecting its provisions .. .. 253 Eesolutions of the Intercolonial Conference, 1873 255 " The Australian Colonies Duties Act, 1873 ".. 256 Memorandum by Mr. Vogel and Mr. Eeynolds, proposing arrangements under the above Act 256 Eeply of Tasmania: "The Intercolonial Customs Duties Act, 1873 " .. 257 Mr. Seed's memoranda on effect of Tasmania's proposals ... .. .. ..258-9 New Zealand declines the proposals .. .. 261 Eeply of Western Australia.. .. .. 261 Eeply of Queensland .. .. .. 262 Proceedings of Intercolonial Conference, 1881 263 Kermadec Islands: Mr. Seed .. .. .. 6 Kidnapping: Alleged charter of New Zealand vessels, for conveying " immigrants "to Fiji .. .. 159 The Imperial Government proposes to legislate: Will the Australian Governments bear the expense ? .. .. .. .. 160 New Zealand will bear the cost of trying, in the colony, offenders who sail from its ports : Memorandum by Mr. Fox .. .. 161 Instructions to Commodore Stirling (1872) .. 162 The "Melanie" and "Challenge:" As to appointing a Queen's Proctor in New South Wales, to prosecute under the Act of 1872 .. 164 Kimberley, Earl of: Cannot advise assumption of sovereignty or protectorate over Navigator group .. 134 As to Great Britain's duty and action in case of a Naval war .. .. .. .. 169 Eeply to the suggestion as to powers to arrange for Colonial neutrality .. .. .. 170 As to Naval force to be maintained in New Zealand waters .. .. .. .. 176 States objections to granting a general power to colonies to make reciprocal tariff arrangements (1871) .. .. .. ..235 Eeviews correspondence with different colonies, respecting Intercolonial Reciprocity, and asks the Governments to consider " the probable effects of a measure which might tend materially to'affect tlie relations of tho colonies " to Great Britain and the rest of the Empire (1872) .. .. .. .... ..240

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Page Kimberley, Earl of— continued. Forwards copy of " The Australian Colonies Duties Act, 1873" .. .. ..255 Kobra Trade: Mr. Sterndale .. .. 75 Ladrones Islands: Mr. Seed .. .. .. 16 Louisiado Archipelago : Mr. Seed .. .. 13 Low Archipelago (The): Trade, &c.: Mr. Sterndale 52 Pearl-fisheries .. .. 54 Marquesas Archipelago : Mr. Seed Mr. Sterndale .. .. 36 Mulgravo Group : Mr. Sterndale .. .. 40 Naval: Instructions to Commodore Stirling re Kidnapping (1872) .. .. .. .. 162 Naval Defence : New Zealand .. .. .. .. IGB Lord Kimberley's view as to Great Britain's duty .. .. .. .. ..169 Departure of tho " Virago " would leave New Zealand waters without a British ship-of-war: General correspondence .. .. .. 172 Mr. Vogel's report of negotiations in England (1871) .. .. .. .. ..175 The Australasian Colonies : Besolutions of Conference of 1881 .. .. .. 178 Navigator Islands: Mr. Seed .. .. .. .. .. 6 Mr. Sterndale .. .. .. 26 Address of New Zealand Legislative Council, and memorandum by Mr. W. Fox, as to establishment of British authority .. 133 Her Majesty's Government cannot advise assumption of protectorate or sovereignty .. 134 Mr. Vogel's memorandum as to United States' arrangement with chiefs .. .. .. 135 The American view of the arrangement .. 136 Further from New Zealand Government: They ask power to negotiate directly with chiefs, if Imperial Government will not interfere .. 137 Mr. Vogel's memorandum : New Zealand should be intrusted to aid in extending British sway to these and other Polynesian islands .. 140 Ditto: As to arrangements New Zealand might make with chiefs .. .. .. 141 Native Labourers in the Group: Alleged cruelties by Mr. Cornwall .. .. .. 143 Ditto : Sir G. Grey's memorandum .. .. 146 Ditto : Messrs. McArthur and Co. are not concerned, or interested, in the plantation hold by Mr. Cornwall .. .. .. .. 149 Mr. Seed's visit .. .. .. .. 150 New Britain and New Ireland: Mr. Seed .. 13 New Caledonia: And Loyalty Islands : Mr. Seed .. .. 9 And Isle of Pines : Sir G. Grey's action on France taking possession in 1853 .. .. 96 Intention of France to send convicts .. 112 As to measures to prevent convicts escaping 114 Eespocting the Bill for establishing French penal settlements .. .. .. 114 Arrival of amnestied Communists, Sc. at Auckland: Mr. Hall's memorandum .. 116 Queensland Bill "to prevent tho influx of foreign and other convicts " .. .. 122 Action of Agent-General, &c. on Mr. Hall's memorandum .. .. . ■ 123 Suggested extension of San Francisco mail service to the group .. .. .. 125 New Hebrides: Mr. Seed .. .. .. .. 10 Arrangement between French and English Governments .. .. .. ■ ■ 128 Sir G. Grey believes the group to be a British possession .. .. .. .. 129 Sir M, E. Hicks Beach : Tho group is no longer within the limits of Now Zealand .. .. 129 Sir G. Grey's reply .. .. .. ..129 Export of dynamite to .. .. '.. 131 New'South Wales and Intercolonial Eeciprocity: ' Despatches on the question generally .. 244 Norfolk Island and the Pitcairn Islanders: Sir G. Grey's proposals (1853) .. .. .. 97 Outrages by Natives: From 1878 to 1881: Eeport by the High Commissioner .... .... .„• • • 213

INDEX

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A.—4.

Pago Pacific Telegraph Cable: Resolution of Intercolonial Conference, 1877 .. 225 I Mr. G. McLean's memorandum, asking aid towards its construction, from the United States .. .. .. .. ..226 Patteson, Bishop: Death of .. .. .. .. .. 187 Memorandum by, respecting the labour-traffic 187 Paumotu Group : Mr. Sterndale.. .. 58 Its trade .. .. 59 Pearl Fisheries, Low Archipelago : Mr. Stemdale.. 54 Pearl-shell and Cocoa-nut Trade : Mr. Sterndalo .. 48 Pearl-shell Trade : Mr. Sterndale .. pfT :61 . Pelew Islands: Mr. Seed .. .. .. 16"* Phcenix Group: Mr. Seed .. .. 16 Philippine Islands: Mr. Seed .. .. 16 Prendergast, Mr.: Opinion re Intercolonial Reciprocity.. .. 233 Eennell, Thomas: Charge of murdering Charles Moller .. .. 180 Sandwich or Hawaiian Islands : Mr. Seed .. 16 Santa Cruz Islands : Mr. Seed .. .. 12 Savage Island: Mr. Sterndale .. .. 25 Seed, Mr. W.: Position of the principal groups .. .. 2 Area, population, trade, &c... .. .. 3 Tonga or Friendly Islands .. .. .. 3 Fiji .. .. .. .. .. 4 Navigator Islands .. .. .. .. (i Cook's Islands .. .. .. .. • 6 Tubai, or Austral Islands .. .. .. 7 Kermadec Islands .. .. .. .. 7 Society Islands .. .. .. .. 7 Marquesas Archipelago .. .. .. 8 | New Caledonia and Loyalty Islands .. .. 9 New Hebrides Islands .. .. 10 Banks's Islands .. .. ... 11 Santa Cruz Islands .. .. 12 The Solomon Archipelago .. .. .. 12 Louisiade Archipelago .. .. 13 New Britain and Now Ireland .. .. 13 Admiralty Islands .. .. .. 13 Tokelau or Union Group .. .. 13 BUice Group .. .. .. 13 Gilbert or Kingsmill Group .. .. 15 Phoenix Group .. .. .. 16 Sandwich or Hawaiian Group .. .. 16 Philippine Islands .. .. .. 16 Pelow Islands .. .. .. 16 Ladrones Islands .. .. .. 16 Galapagos Islands .. .. .. 17 Navigator Group, His visit to .. .. 150 Memoranda as to effect of Tasmania's proposals re Intercolonial Reciprocity .. .. 258 Society Islands : Mr. Seed .. .. .. 7 Solomon Archipelago: Mr. Seed .. .. 12 j South Australia and Commercial Reciprocity : Despatches on the question generally .. 247 South Sea Islanders in Auckland .. .. 166 Sponge fishing : Mr. Storndale .. .. 71 Stemdale, Mr. H. B.: Tonga or the Friendly Isles .. .. 19 Messrs. Johann C. Goddefroy and Son .. 19 Islands north of Samoa on which they have Agents ~ .. .. 43

INDEX.

Page Storndale, Mr. H. B.— continued. Savage Island .. .. .. 25 Palmerston Island . . .. .. 25 Navigator Group .. .. .. .. 26 San Bernardo or Danger Island .. .. 31 Humphrey's Island and Grand Duke Alexander Island .. .. .. 32 The Marquesas .. ..<«... .. 36 Hervqy Qr Cook's Group .. .. 37 Gilbert or Kingsmill Group .. .. 39 Mulgrave Group .. .. .. 40 The Carolines .. .. .. .. 40 Trade and trading arrangements generally .. 44 Sunday Island .. .. .. .. G4 Samoan Group and the United States Tahiti and South-Sea Trado : Mr. Stemdale .. ♦47 Tahiti and Eaiatea Trade : Mr. Sterndale .. "- 51 Tasmania and Intercolonial Reciprocity: Proposal for a Conference .. .. .. 229 "Intercolonial Free-Trade Act, 1870" .. 234 Despatches on the question generally .. 247 Reply to New Zealand's proposals under the Imperial Act, 1873: forwards "Thj Inter- ' colonial Customs Duties Act, 1873 " .. 257 Tokelau, or Union Group : Mr. Seed .. .. 13 Tonga, or the Friendly Isles : Mr. Seed .. .. 3 Mr. Stemdale .. 19 Trading Companies, Proposed : New Zealand and Polynesian Company. .. "80 German Maritime Trading Company .. 84 Trade and Trading Arrangements : Mr. Storndale., 44 Treaties (See "Diplomatic Arrangements"). Tubai or Austral Islands : Mr. Seed .. .. 7 Turtle fishing: Mr. Sterndale .. .. 71 United States: And the Navigator Group: Mr. Sterndale .. 74 Treaty with Samoa .. .. .-. 78 Victoria and Intercolonial Reciprocity: Despatches oil the question generally .. 246 Vogel, J.: New Zealand and Polynesian Company .. 80 Proposed heads of agreement between the New Zealand Government and the Company .. 84 As to New Zealand annexing, or assuming a protectorate over, Fiji .. .. .. 106 Respecting Lord Carnarvon's proposal for colonial contributions towards cost of government in Pacific Islands .. .. .. 110 United States arrangement with chiefs of Navigator Group .. .. .. .. 135 New Zealand should bo intrusted with task of aiding to extend British sway to Polynesian islands .. .. .. .. .. 140 As to arrangements New Zealand might make with chiefs of the Navigator Group .. 141 Negotiations in London (1871) as to defence of New Zealand .. .. .. .. 175 As to New Guinea (1876) .. .. .. 223 Reply to Lord Kimberley's despatch (1871) on Intercolonial Reciprocity .. .. .. 238 Ditto: Despatch of 1872 .. .. .. 249 Wilson, Commodore: Reply to Report of Intercolonial Conference, 1881, and " The Vagabond " letters, &c. .. 211

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I. THE ISLANDS GENEBALLY.

AEEA, POPULATION, TEADE, ETC., OF THE PEINCIPAL GEOUPS. (BY ME. W. SEED, SECRETARY OP CUSTOMS.) Hon. Me. Vogel,— In obedience to your directions, conveyed to me in Mr. Fox's letter from Christchurch, dated the 20th ultimo, I have had a map of the Pacific Ocean made from tho Admiralty sheet charts. In order to save time, I had this done by the photo-lithographic process : it would have taken a long time to construct a chart of this size by hand. I have also collated all the information I could procure as to the area, population, and trade of the principal South Sea Island groups, and of the other tropical islands named in Mr. Fox's letter. This information is appended hereto. For facility of reference I have prefixed to, it a table showing the area, population, imports, and exports of the islands referred to, where statistics of this nature have been procurable ; as also a table showing the latitude and longitude within which the principal groups of islands in the Pacific are situated. I feel that the information here presented is most meagre and incomplete, but it is all I can procure at present, after most careful search in the library of the General Assembly, and in other directions where I thought it likely such information might exist. The general descriptions of the islands have been mainly taken from Findlay's South Pacific Directory; but some of them have been taken from Admiralty Hydrographic notices, from McCulloch's Commercial Dictionary, from Chambers's Encyclopaedia, from missionary notices and reports, and from various books of travel. The statistics have been gathered principally from tho Statesman's Tear Book for 1873, the American Tear Book for 1869, and from the reports from Her Majesty's Consuls, which are printed annually and laid before Parliament. With regard to the government of the various islands, so far as I can ascertain, all the groups that are situated north of the equator (with the exception of the Sandwich Islands, which have a settled form of constitutional government, the Marshall Islands, about which I can gather no information whatever, and the Kingsmill group, part north and part south of the line, and which has no form of government) are either claimed by or are in the possession of some civilized Power. The Philippines, Ladrones, Palaos or Pelew, and the Caroline Islands are all Spanish possessions. The Galapagos belong to the Eepublic of Ecuador. Of the islands in the South Pacific, the Society Islands, Paumotu or Low Archipelago, Loyalty Islands, New Caledonia, and New Hebrides are in the possession of or are claimed by the French. The Tongan Islands are governed by a King, assisted by a Parliament of chiefs. Fiji can scarcely now be said to have a Government; whilst all the rest are a kind of "no-man's land," are without government, and are constantly torn by the debasing and savage wars of the petty chiefs inhabiting them. In relation to the question of annexing the Samoan or other group of islands to New Zealand, I find that a small group in the Indian Ocean, the Seychelles, occupies the position of a dependency of the Mauritius, from which it is distant over 900 miles; there is, therefore, a precedent for distant islands becoming " dependencies of a dependency." The revenue of the Seychelles is principally derived from Customs duties. Tfee duties on goods sent from Mauritius to Seychelles are carried to the credit of the revenue of the dependency. Through this arrangement, which appears only lately to have been made, the Civil Commissioner, in his report to the Governor of Mauritius, dated the 9th February, 1872, says: " The settlement of the much-vexed question as to whether the Seychelles I—A. 4.

I.—The Islands generally: Mr. Seed.

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2

group is a burden to the parent colony or not is now happily solved." From this it would appear that the ordinary revenue of the group is sufficient to meet its expenditure without assistance from the Mauritius. In further relation to this question it may be worthy of consideration whether the plan which is adopted in Ceylon for the government of the native races inhabiting that island would not furnish a useful model for framing a system of government for the Polynesian Islands. Whatever may be done with regard to the occupation of those islands, it is certain that one of-=-the main questions to be considered in connection with that occupation will bo, '.' How are the natives to be governed? " I have been led to refer to the case of Ceylon because, in the course of looking up the information appended hereto, I came across a copy of the Governor's Address on opening the session of the Legislative Council of that colony in September, 1872, in which reference is made to a " Village Communities Ordinance," and to an amendment which it was proposed to make in that Ordinance for the purpose of empowering Police Courts to try breaches of rules made by village communities where no village tribunals exist. The object of this Ordinance is stated to be, "To enabje village communities to frame their own administrative regulations, and to enforce them in Police Courts in districts where it may be inexpedient to establish the village tribunals created by the Ordinance of 1871." The importance of the occupation of some of the Pacific Islands by Great Britain cannot be better set forth than by quoting the following passage from the letter addressed by the late Admiral Washington to the Colonial Office in 1859, on the occasion of his being called upon by that department to furnish some information regarding the Hjis. He remarked, "But on looking into the subject I have been struck by the entire want, by Great Britain, of any advanced position in the Pacific Ocean. We have valuable possessions on either' side, as at Vancouver's and Sydney, but not an islet or a rock in the 7,000 miles of ocean that separate them. The Panama and Sydney mail communication is likely to be established, yet we have no island on which to place a coaling station, and where we could insure fresh supplies . ... and it may hereafter be found very inconvenient that England should be shut out from any station in the Pacific, and that an enemy should have possession of Tongatabu, where there is a good harbour within a few hundred miles of the track of our homeward-bound gold ships from Sydney and Melbourne. Neither forts nor batteries would be necessary to hold the ground. A single cruising ship should suffice for all the wants of the islands. Coral reefs and the hearty good-will of the natives would do the rest." 23rd September, 1873. W. Seed.

I.—The Islands generally: Mr. Seed.

Table showing the Position of the Principal Groups of Islands in the Pacific Ocean.

ISLANDsTlN THE NoKTH PACIFIC. Bet TEN, Names of Gboups. Latitude. Longitude. Latitude. Longitude. Sandwich Islands Ladrone or Mariana Island Pelow Island Marshall Archipelago Gilbert Island .. Galapago Island i. Caroline Islands 18° 54' 12° 24' 6° 53' 4° 45' 3° 0' 1° 42' 1° 0' 154° 50' W. 144° 24' E. 134° 21' E. 165° 22' E. 172° 65' E. 89° 30' W. 137° 33' E. 23° 34' 20° 30' 8° 9' 11° 40' 1° 33' S. 1° 23' S. 11° 21' 164° 32' W. 146° 3' E. 134° 55' E. 172° 30' E. 177° 45' E. 91° 34' W. 162° 52' E. Islands i: the Sout: Pacific. Admiralty Islands Phcenix Islands New Ireland New Britain Solomon Islands Ellice Islands Marquesas Islands Charlotte or Santa Cruz Islands Louisade Archipelago Navigators Islands New Hebrides Islands Low Archipelago Fiji Islands Society Islands New Caledonia Tonga Islands .. 5 .. Cook's Islands Loyalty Islands 1° 57' 2° 41' 2° 46' 4° 4' 4° 3G' 5° 29' 7° 53' 9° 57' 10° 58' 12° 53' 13° 36' 14° 9' 15° 42' 16° 11' 17° 59' 18° 2' 18° 5' 20° 25' 146° 49' E. 171° 8' W. 150° 33' E. 148° 17' E. 151° 55' E. 179° 15' W. 138° 43' W. 105° 41' E. 151° 3' E. 108° 6' W. 1C6° 40' E. 124° 48' W. 176° 51' E. 148° 5' W. 102° 55' E. 173° 40' W. 157° 11' W. 166° 25' E. 2° 55' 4° 37' 4° 51' 6° 30' 12° 20' 10° 41' 10° 30' 12° 15' 11° 30' 15° 57' 20° 15' 25° 3' 19° 48' 17° 53' 22° 46' 22° 52' 24° 26' 22° 32' 147° 48' E. 174° 40' W. 153° 2' E. 152° 15' E. 162° 30' E. • 176° 6' W. 140° 44' W. 167° 11' E. 154° 26' E. 178° 21' W. 170° 11' E. 148° 44' W. 178° 12' W. 152° 12' W, 167° 35' E. 179° 24' W. 171° 48' W. 168° 5' E.

3

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Table showing the Area, Population, and Value of Imports and Exports of the undermentioned Countries.

I.—The Islands generally; Mr. Seed.

Tonga oe Feiendly Islands. ■ The Tonga Archipelago is composed of at least 100 islands and islets, comprised between 18° and 20° S. lat., and 174° and 179° W. long. The three islands of Tonga-tabu, Vavao, and Eoa are alone of any extent, which is from fifteen to twenty miles in length. Seven others, namely, Late, Tofua, Kao, Namuka, Lefuga, Eoa, and Haano, are from five to seven miles in their greatest extent. The rest are much smaller. Many of them are only banks of Sand or coral, covered with some tufts of trees. Tofua, Kao, Late, and the two rocks of Hunga Hapai and Hunga Tonga, are sufficiently high to be distinguished at fifteen or twenty leagues off at sea. Eoa, Namuka, and Vavao are of a moderate height; Tonga-tabu and all the rest are very low. The population of the Tonga Islands, as given by the missionaries in 1839, was 18,500; namely, Eoa, 200; Hapai, 4,000; Vavao, 4,000; Keppel's Island, 1,000; Boscawen Island, 1,300; Tongatabu, 8,000. At that time about 4,500 of the natives were Christians, of whom 2,500 were church members. But a later missionary estimate made it very much more, about 50,000, but this is probably excessive (Erskine, p. 161). The group is divided into three Protestant missionary stations, Tonga-tabu, Hapai, and Vavao, at each of which missionaries reside. Tonga-tabu Group. —This is the principal and southernmost group, taking its name from the best known and largest of the islands. It is of the form of an irregular crescent, whose convexity faces the south and the concavity the north, deeply indented by a lagoon of five miles broad and three miles deep. Immense reefs of coral extend six or eight miles off the island on all its north part, and form different channels, with a useful road for any ship that anchors here. Many islets are disseminated on these corals; the greater parts covered with trees. The island itself is nearly a dead level, with the exception of a few hillocks 30 or 40 feet high. Its highest point is 60 feet. Eoa, or Eooa, lies to the south-east of Tonga-tabu; a channel of three leagues broad separates them. Tasman called it Middleburg. The island is about ten leagues in circuit, and is about 600 feet high. It is rocky and barren, and contains only about 203 inhabitants. Namuka Group. —The principal island of this group is that which gives it the name. Namuka is rather higher than the small surrounding islets, but still is low. It is composed of a steep, rugged, coral rock, 9to 10 feet high, except where there are two sandy beaches; defended, however, by coral reefs to seaward. In the centre of the island is a salt-water lake, without communication by the sea, and about one mile and a half broad. Cook found the island to be well cultivated, chiefly with yams and plantains, with bread-fruit and cocoanut trees interspersed. To the north and east of Namuka the sea is sprinkled with a vast number of small islands. They lie scattered at unequal distances, and are in general as high as Namuka, but only from two to three miles in breadth to half a mile in length, and some less. Most of them are entirely clothed with trees, among which are many cocoa palms, and each forms a prospect like a beautiful garden placed in the sea. The Hapai Group is composed of four larger and numerous smaller islands, connected by coral reefs, so that they are considered by the inhabitants as but forming one island. They are Sbfl. very low. Lifuka is not above seven mil'Ss long, and in some places not above two or throe broad. The east side of it, which is exposed to the trade-wind, has a reef running to a considerable breadth from it, on which the sea breaks with great violence. The Kotoo Group may be almost considered as a portion of the Hapai group, as the distinction Js not so well marked, as in the others, being more or less connected together by coral reefs. The

Area: Square Miles. Population. Value of Imports. Value of Exports. Sandwich or Hawaiian Islands .. Ladrone Islands Caroline and Pelew Islands Navigators Islands Low Archipelago or Paumotu Group Fiji Society Islands 6,000 1,254 905 1,650 square kilometres, 6,600 square miles, 3,300 7,400 square kilometres, 1,175 square miles, 587J 62,959 5,500 i 28,000 34,000 £ (1871) 325,176 £ (1871) 378,41: (1871) 25,000 ?(1871) 45,001 [ 3,500 I 170,000 (1870) 71,950 (1870) 98,73i 21,000 (1871) 120,000 (1871) 90,00( West Indies (including British Guiana*) .. square miles, 89,103 1,190,400 (1871) 6,310,173 £ (1871) 7,374,729 Ceylon 24,454 2,405,287 (1871) 4,797,952 (1871) 3,634,853 Philippine Islands 65,100 51,336 4,319,26 I ' 16,452,168 of British produce, (1871) 463,359 (1870) 3,902,342 To Groat Britain, (1871) 1,391,254 (1870) 5,464,183 Java Mauritius 676 (Census, 1871,") I 316,042 j 193,401 (1871) 1,807,382 (1871) 3,053,054 * British Guiana 76,000 1,572,275 2,383,422

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largest island of the group is called Kotoo, and is scarcely two miles long, and about the same breadth; a coral reef surrounds it. Its N.W. extremity is as low as Hapai, and around it are eight other islands, as shown on the charts. Tofoa, or Toofoa, an active volcanic island, lies to the N.W. of Kotoo, in lat. 19° 45' S., long. 175° 3' W., according to D'Urville, and is about 2,800 feet high. A remarkable lake is said to exist on it, from which the islanders bring small black volcanic pebbles, which are much in request, to ' cover the graves of their friends. It is covered with trees to the summit, and is about five miles in diameter. Eao is a vast rock of a conical figure, and about 5,000 feet high, to the N.E. of Tofoa. Vavau Group. —This, which is the northernmost cluster, is one of the most important, as it is perhaps as much frequented as any. It lies seventy miles N.N.E. of the Hapai group. Vavau is the principal island of the group. Latte or Lettc Island lies to the west of the Vavau group. It is a high island, formerly a volcano. The peak, 1,790 feet high, is in the centre of the island, from which the hill falls *with a pretty gradual slope into the sea. The island is six or seven miles in circumference, and is sufficiently high to be seen at twenty leagues off. Amargura, or Fanoualsi, is the northernmost of the group. It is a barren spot. It is formed of two hills, the N.E. the highest, connected by a very low space, everywhere surrounded by rocky cliffs, except in two places on the west side. The following particulars regarding Tonga-tabu are extracted from Lieut. Meade's account of the South Sea Islands, visited by him in 1865, in H.M.S. " Curacoa:" — " The native population numbers from 9,000 to 10,000, all of whom profess Christianity. " The present King, whose name is George Trebon and title ' Tui Kanakabulu,' governs with the assistance of a Parliament of chiefs, and has reigned for twenty years. There are fifty-four Europeans in the island, who look to the Consular Agent in the Eijis." In Commodore Wilkes's account of this island (1840) he states that " The natives cultivate yams, sweet potatoes, bananas, cocoanuts, bread-fruit, sugar-cane, shaddocks, limes, and the ti (Spondias dulcis) ; the pandanus is much attended to, and is one of their most useful trees, and of it all their mats are made; a little corn is grown, -and they have the paparo apple (Papaya) and water-melon. The missionaries have introduced the sweet orange from Tahiti, and a species of chirimoyer (Aunona). The botany of this island resembles that of the Samoan group. A species of nutmeg was found here, differing from either of the Samoan ones; the trees were full of fruit and much larger; one of them was observed 1|- feet in diameter, and upwards of 40 feet in height." Fiji. Admiral Washington, the late Hydrographer to the Admiralty, in his report dated the 12th March, 1859, in reply to certain questions sent to him by the Colonial Office, states that the "Fiji group consists of some 200 islands, islets, and rocks, 1,900 miles N.E. of Sydney, and 1,200 north of Auckland; the two largest islands may be some 300 miles in circumference : 65 of the islets said to be inhabited." A proposition was made in 1858, by Thakombau, the present King of Fiji, to cede the sovereignty of the group to Great Britain. The British Government thereupon sent Colonel Smythe, R.A., in December, 1859, as a special commissioner to inquire into the nature of the cession, and as to the desirability or otherwise of accepting it. Colonel Smythe, it will be rembered, reported that it was not advisable to accept this offer. The principal islands are—Viti Levu, Vanua Levu, Ovalau, Lakemba, Koro, Moala, Totoia, Vuna, Kandavau, Ngau, Vanua, Valavo Vatata, and Yasawa. The following description of them is abridged from that given in Findlay's South Pacific Directory : — The island of Viti Levu is the largest of the Fijian group. The affix Levu means " great," thus Viti Levu means Great Fiji. It is about thirty miles in length by fifty-five in breadth. Vanua Levu (" great land ") is the great northern island of the group. Its greatest length is about ninety-six miles from E.S.E. to AY.N.W., and its average breadth may be about twenty-five miles. Ovalau is eight miles in length north and south, by seven miles in breadth east and west; it is of volcanic formation, and its rocks are composed of. a conglomerate or pudding-stone ; it is high and rugged throughout. The valleys only extend a short distance into the interior, and leave but little level ground; they are, however, exceedingly fertile and well cultivated. Ovalau is the principal residence of the white men of the group. It possesses a fine harbour, Levuka, on its eastern side. It has always been the favourite residence of the whites, and must continue so to be from its central position with regard to the remainder of the group. Lakemba is the largest island of the eastern group. Its form is nearly round, with an extensive encircling reef. Lakemba is five miles from east to west by three miles north and south, and, like the rest of this (the eastern) group, is of volcanic formation. The soil is similar to that of Vanua, composed of a dark-red loam. Koro, or Goro, is considered by the natives one of the most fruitful islands of the group. It is a high island, though not so much so as the others, and from appearance would be susceptible of cultivation to its very top. The island is nine and three-quarter miles long by four miles wide. The produce of Koro is oil and tortoise shell, and exceeds in quantity that of any other island of the group. Moala, or Monala, is of a triangular form, and may be about eighteen or twenty miles in circuit. It is mountainous and voleg,nic, about 2,000 feet high, and covered with wood, Totoia is of a circular form, six miles in diameter, and when viewed from its peak presents a huge extinct crater, now full of ocean water, of thirty fathoms depth, over a space of three miles diameter; the wash of the tide and swell on the southern side has reduced the rim to low-water level, while the ridge contains peaks nearly 1,200 feet above the sea, surrounding this large but

I.—The Islands generally: Mr. Seed.

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to a vessel inaccessible basin. The island is surrounded by a barrier reef of the triangular form, twenty-two miles in circuit, the elbows of which are two miles off the south-west, the north-west, and the eastern projections of the island. Vuna is one of the principal islands of the group. Its length is twenty-five miles, and breadth five miles; it rises gradually to a central ridge, the height of which is 2,072 feet. The summit is generally covered with clouds. From its gradual rise and its surface being smoother, it is susceptible of a much higher state of cultivation than the other islands. ~ The soil is a reddilh loam, and it appears to be considered the most fruitful of the islands. Kandavau is the south-westernmost of the Fiji Islands; it is twenty-five miles long, and throughout its whole length is high and mountainous, except a small part at its centre, near Malatta Bay. The island is well covered with pine timber, resembling the New Zealand kauri pine, and most of the large canoes used in the Fiji Islands are built here. The people are industrious, and have abundance of provisions. Vanua Valavo is the largest of the group called the Exploring Isles; it is of a serpentine shape, * and fourteen miles in length. Each island of this group has its own separate reef around its shore, and the whole are enclosed within an extensive reef, somewhat in the shape of a triangle, whose sides are twenty-four miles in length. Vairti, or Nairti, is the largest of the Yasawa group, and rises to the height of 954 feet above the sea. Yasawa, or Ya-asaua, is the northernmost island of this group ; it is very narrow, and about ten miles in length; towards its southern end it rises to a peak 780 feet in height. Area. —According to Dr. Petermann's calculation the superficial area of the Fiji group is equal to that of Wales (7,397 English square miles), or eight times that of the lonian Islands. Productions. —Mr. Consul March, in his report for 1869, in speaking of the capabilities of Fiji, says :'-," The productions and resources of Fiji have been described in previous reports; it is sufficient, therefore, to state that these islands, rich and fertile, yield an almost endless variety of vegetable treasures. They abound in edible roots, medical plants, scents, and perfumes, and timber of various descriptions; whilst sugar, coffee, and tobacco grow most luxuriantly, and if cultivated would, I think, prove as remunerative as cotton." Dr. Seeinan's report to the Colonial Office, printed in the Appendix to " Correspondence relative to the Fiji Islands," presented to Parliament in 1862, contains an elaborate description of the productions of Fiji. He remarks that " Colonial produce, properly so called, such' as sugar, coffee, tamarinds, and tobacco, may be expected from Fiji in considerable quantities, as soon as Europeans shall have devoted their attention to the subject, since the plants yielding them, long ago introduced, nourish so well that a judicious outlay of capital might prove a profitable investment. The sugar-cane grows as it were wild in various parts of the group, and a purplo variety, attaining 16 feet in height and a corresponding thickness, is cultivated to some extent. Coffee will one day rank among the staple products of the country, the mountain slopes of the larger islands, especially those of Viti Levu, Vanua Levu, and Kandavau, and, above all, those of the Valley of Namosi, seeming well adapted for its growth." Population. —Colonel Smythe, in 1860, estimated the native population at 200,000, and the permanent white residents at less than 200. Mr. Thurston, formerly Acting Consul at Fiji, in 1867, estimated the natives at 100,000; but this number must be considerably below the mark, for in the report of the Australasian Wesleyan Missionary Society for the year ending March, 1873, there is a return given of 109,250 attendants on public worship. Mr. March, in 1870, estimated the native population at 170,000. In 1868 the number of white settlers had increased to 1,288, and in 1870 to about 4,000, of whom three-fourths were British subjects. Notwithstanding the unsettled condition of Fiji, the progress of the group, especially in the production of cotton, has been remarkable, as will be seen from the following statistics, taken from the commercial reports of the Consul for 1869 and 1870: — 'In 1865 the quantity of cotton exported was 2,400 cwt., valued at £9,300. In 1870 the value was, of Sea Island cotton, £91,500; and of short-staple cotton, £1,200: total, £92,700. The total value of exports in 1870 was £98,735. The approximate total value of imports in that year was £71,950. Most of the articles were of English manufacture, and shipped from Australia and New Zealand. The imports from the latter place amounted to about 2,000 tons; and, judging by the efforts there made to establish regular communication with the South Sea Islands, it is probable that the present year (1871) will see the trade doubled, and competing successfully with that of Sydney, which port has hitherto supplied Fiji with the bulk of its requirements. The principal articles exported in 1870 were, — Cotton, Sea Island ... ... ... ... ... £91,500 Cotton, short staple ... ... ... ... ... 1,200 Cocoanut oil ... ... ... ... ... 4,950 Tortoise shell ... ... ... ... ... 260 Cotton seed ... ... ... ... ... 250 Kauri gum ... ... ... ... ... 100 Other articles ... ... ... ... ... 475 Total ... ... ... £98,735 This augmentation in the trade of Fiji is due to the increasing operations in cotton-planting, and the continued immigration from trie neighbouring colonies. The passenger lists of the vessels reported at the Consulate show that the white population in these islands received an accession of 1,035 souls during the past twelve months (1870).

I.—The Islands generally: Mr. Seed.

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Navigatoks Islands. The following description of this group is by the Eev. J. Powell, F.L.S., of the Samoan Mission:-— " Samoa is the native name of the Navigators group, which lies between 13° 30' and 14° 20' S. lat., and 169° 24' and 172° 50' W. long. Its number of inhabited islands is ten, with a population of about 34,700. It is 265 miles long, and includes an area of 1,650 square miles. All the islands are of volcanic origin, and contain several craters, the largest of which, if we except the harbour of Pangopango, Tutuila, is on Savaii. " The variety and beauty of the appearance of these islands almost baffle description. The effect upon visitors of a first sight of them is enchanting, nor is much of the enchantment lost after a long acquaintance with them. " The first island that comes in sight of voyagers arriving from the eastward is Ta'u, the largest of the three islands that constitute the group, which the natives call Manu'a. It is about six miles long, four and a half broad, and sixteen in circumference, and contains 100 square miles. " About six miles west of Ta'u is the island of Olosenga. This is a very rocky island, three miles long, 500 yards wide, and about 1,500 feet high. It contains twenty-four square miles. It is precipitous on every side, least so on the north-east, most on the north and south-west. On the latter side, about 200 feet from the shore, rises up a mural precipice 1,200 feet high. The principal village is situated, in times of peace, on the strip of land in front of this precipice. In times of war the people live on the mountain. " About two miles and a half off the eastern point of the island a volcanic eruption burst out from the deep ocean in September, 1866. " Ofu, the smallest of the three islands included in the Manu'an group, is neither so high nor so precipitous as Olosenga. It is separated from the latter by only a narrow, shallow strait, about a fourth of a mile wide. A double-pointed crag off its eastern extremity, together with the precipitous, craggy nature of Olosenga, give to the neighbourhood a remarkably romantic appearance. The population of the Manua'n group is about 1,500. " Aunuu. —Sixty miles west of Ofu is the island of Tutuila. A mile from Tutuila, off its southeast point, is the little island of Aunuu. This island is about five miles in circumference. Populalation, 200. " Tutuila is a most beautiful island. It is seventeen miles long, five wide, and sixty in circumference, and contains 240 square miles. Its population in 1866 was 3,948. It has a mountain range running along almost its entire length from east to west. From the main ridge spurs branch off north and south. The island appears to have been formed by a number of volcanoes, situated in a line extending in a direction from east by north tp west by south. As these have thrown up their burning lava and scoria they have formed one united ridge, and many craters on both its north and south sides, with wide openings towards the sea. The spurs running down from the ridges are the sides of these craters, and near their junction with the main ridge there occur at intervals along the island mountains towering far above the ridge and spurs. Thus are formed mountains and ridges, slopes and valleys, and bays of varied forms and sizes, which, covered with the luxuriant vegetation which a moist tropical atmosphere producss, furnish scenes of surpassing beauty. " Upolu is situated north-west by west of Tutuila, at a distance of about thirty-six miles. It is about forty miles long, thirteen broad, and 130 in circumference. It contains 560 square miles, and has a population of about 15,600. " Manono. —Two miles from the western point of Upolu, and encircled by its reef, is the island of Manono. It is nearly of a triangular shape, and less than five miles in circumference. It contains nine square miles. It has a mountain a few hundred feet high, from whose summit can bg obtained a splendid view of Upolu and Savii. It is itself ' one entire garden, in looking at which the eye can scarcely tire.' It has a population of about 1,000. This island held a very extensive political supremacy over Upolu till the war of 1847-54, in which she lost that supremacy, and was obliged to take her place on a level with those over whom she had formerly exercised much despotic power. " Apolima is about two miles from Manono. It is a crater somewhat resembling a horseshoe, while its depth may well suggest the idea of the hand with the fingers contracted, which is the meaning of the name. Its highest part is 472 feet above the sea. The population is about 200. " Savaii. —This island is the largest of the group. Its most eastern point is about ten miles from the western point of Upolo. It is about forty-eight miles long, twenty-two broad, and 150 in circumference. It contains 700 square miles. It has a high mountain-chain running along its length, the highest point of which is more than 4,000 feet above the sea-level. This is the edge of a large crater. The volcanoes which formed this island seem not to have been extinct so long as those which formed the other islands of the group." The native population of Samoa at the beginning of 1872 was estimated at from 33,000 to 34,000. Of Europeans there were then about 250 on the group. The value of imports in 1871 was set down at £25,000; but the year before they amounted to £42,000. The exports in 1871 were valued at £45,000, and consisted chiefly of cobra (dried cocoanut). Further particulars regarding the Navigators Islands can be gathered from Mr. Seed's report on them, dated the 13th February, 1872, and printed in E.-2, "Further Papers relative to the San Francisco Mail Service," presented to the General Assembly in the session of 1872. Cook's Islands. This group of islands, which lie scattered over a considerable space, extending from lat. 18° 54' S. to 21° 57' S., and from long. 157° 20' W. to 160° W., without any intimate connection between each other, consists of nine or ten separate islands, the greater part of which were discovered by Cook; hence the appropriateness of their collective appellation.

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Mangaia is the south-easternmost of the group, is of volcanic origin, and is about thirty miles in circumference ; population, 2,000. The productions of the island are numerous and cheap; they consist of pigs, turkeys, fowls, ducks, yams, sweet potatoes, pineapples, which the inhabitants obtain, in spite of the poverty of the soil, by assiduous labour and care, but little common to these islanders. Barotonga is a beautiful island; it is a mass of mountains, which are high,- and present a remarkable and romantic appearance. It has several good boat harbours. The productions of this island, which is much more fertile than Mangaia, are exactly the same. The population does not exceed 4,000. Atui resembles Mangaia in appearance and extent. It is a mere bank of coral, 10 or 12 feet high, steep and rugged, except where there are small sandy beaches and some clefts, where the ascent is gradual. Mitiero is a low island, from three to four miles long and one mile wide. Mauhi or Parry Island is also a low island ; it is about two miles in diameter, well woodad, and inhabited. Hervey Islands. —This group consists of three islands, surrounded by a reef, which may be six leagues in circumference. Aitutahi presents a most fruitful appearance, its shores being bordered by flat land, on which are innumerable cocoanut and other trees, the higher ground being beautifully interspersed with lawns. It is eighteen miles in circuit. Population, 2,000. TOBAI OB AtTSTBAL ISLANDS. This is a dispersed group lying between lat. 21° 50' S. and 23° 42' S., and long. 147° 11' and 154 W., to the southward of the Society Islands and Low Archipelago. They have not been much frequented, as they are small, and do not offer mariy inducements for the calls of passing navigators. Keemadbc Islands Are a scattered group of small rocky islets to the north-east of New Zealand, within lat. 29° 15' 30" and 31° 37' 30" S., and long. 177° 54' 52" and 179° 14' W. Society Islands. Tahiti. —The area of Tahiti and its dependencies is 1,175 square kilometers; the area of Paumotu Islands, 6,600 square kilometers. Tahiti is about thirty-two miles long from N.W. to S.E. Tetuaroa is a small low island, or rather group of small low islets, about six miles in length, enclosed in a reef about ten leagues in circuit. Moorea, or Eimeo, is ,ten miles distant from Tahiti. There are several large villages on the southern side of the island. Coffee, cotton, sugar, and all other tropical plants succeed well at Eimeo, and sugar is made to a considerable extent. Tapamanoa. —Length from E. to W. is about six miles. Huaheine is the easternmost of the group, which was called the Society Islands by Cook. It is about twenty miles in circumference. Baiatea, or Ulietea, is situate about 130 miles to the N.W. of Tahiti. It is about forty miles in circumference, of mountainous character, covered with vegetation, and well watered. The soil is exceedingly fertile. Taha, or Otaha, lies to the northward of, and is about half the size of, Eaiatea. Bola-Bola, or Bora-Bora, is four and a half leagues N.W. of Tahua, to which it is inferior in extent. Marua, or Maupiti, is the westernmost of the group. It is a small island of about six miles in circumference. Tubai, or Motu Iti, is the northernmost of the group, and consists merely of some very small low islets, connected by a reef about ten miles N. of Bola-Bola. Population (foreigners from all quarters included) spread over Tahiti and the whole of its numerous dependencies is approximately estimated at 21,000, of whom some 500 or 600 are1 Chinamen, labourers, domestic servants, and artisans, whilst a large number are natives of distant islands in the Pacific, imported as contract labourers. Imports, during the years 1869, 1870, and 1871, valued approximately at from £110,000 to £120,000 per annum. About one-third of this consisted of British or British-colonial products and manufactures, imported for the most part from Australia and New Zealand. Exports. —Value of Tahitian and other island products:— In 1869 ... ... ... ... ... ... £105,000 „ 1870 ... ... ... ... ... ... 96,000 „ 1871 ... ... ... ... ... ... 90,000 Cotton was the principal item of export. The value of it in 1871 amounted to about one-half the total value of exports. The apparent falling-off in 1870 and 1871 was owing to a reduction of the valuation of this chief article of export. The important position of New Zealand in relation to the South Sea Islands is shown by the following passage from the British Consul's report from Tahiti for 1871, from which the above figure? are taken:— " The countries for which^the exports of island produce were destined maybe stated as follows : England (chiefly through New"* Zealand or Australia), France, California, Chili, and lately some to Hamburg. "The foreign merchandise mentioned in the return as re-exported was mainly that portion re-shipped for islands in the Pacific beyond the limits of the French Protectorate over Tahiti."

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Government. —Tahiti is nominally under the French Protectorate, which was established in 1844, but practically their power is absolute. Papeite is the seat of Government. It stands at the foot of the highest mountain of the island. The ground here is level, but there is not much space between it and the foot of the mountains. It is covered with the richest and most beautiful vegetation. Commodore E. A. Powell, C.8., of H.M.S. "Topaze," who visited Tahiti in 1867, in speaking of the French occupation of the Society Islands, says : " The French appear to be,, very liberal in their government, and the natives have only to pay a small capitation-tax, in default of which they give so many days' work. The Protestant religion is not interfered with, and the missionary schools are encouraged; order is preserved, and the only restrictions on the natives are for their own benefit. On comparing the state of this island with that of others where European influence is not felt, I am of opinion that the presence of tho French at Tahiti has been very beneficial, and it is to be regretted that their settlements in the Marquesas have been abandoned, although doubtless they were expensive to keep up." Low Archipelago or Paumotu Group. This vast collection of coral islands, one of the wonders of the Pacific, extends over sixteen degrees of longitude, without taking into consideration the detached islands to the S.E. of it. They are all of the:n of similar character, and exhibit very great sameness in their features. When they are seen at a distance, which cannot be great on account of their lowness, the aspect is one of surpassing beauty, if the dry part of the island or belt is sufficiently covered with trees ; but much of this beauty is dispelled on a nearer approach, as the vegetation is usually found to be scanty and wiry. The archipelago, like the adjoining groups of the Marquesas and the Society Islands, are under the French Protectorate. There are seventy-eight islands; eighteen are uninhabited, and sixteen are still occupied by savage tribes. These are in the south-eastern parts of the group, farthest removed from- the civilizing neighbourhood of Tahiti. The western portion is divided by the French into four groups or circles; that to the west with eight islands, the north with five, the centre with fourteen, the eastern of seventeen islands. They are all coralline or lagoon reefs, with three exceptions, and a few have entrances for large vessels. The native population of the entire archipelago only amounts to 3,500, of which 700 are still uncivilized. There has been much improvement of late in their houses and clothing, to procure which they have opened some branches of industry, the chief of which is cocoanut oil and mother-of-pearl shell. Marquesas Archipelago. The Marquesas Archipelago is composed of two tolerably distinct groups, lying in a general N.W. and S.E. direction, between the parallels of lat. 7° 50' and 10° 31' S., and long. 138° 39' and 140° 46' W. They are all of volcanic origin, very high, and may be seSn in clear weather at fifteen or twenty leagues distance. The sovereignty of the group was ceded to France by a treaty with Admiral Du Petit Thouars, in May, 1842, and a military colony was established in Taiohai Bay, at Nukahiva, but the result was in no way commensurate with the expense of the establishment; and this, after the experiment lasted seventeen years, was abandoned on the Ist January, 1859. Nuka-Hiva is the principal island of the Marquesas Archipelago. It is seventeen miles in length from east to west, and ten miles broad. It has been frequently visited and described, and its inhabitants are perhaps the best known of any in the archipelago. The population of this island was estimated by Captain Krusenstern, when he visited it in 1804, at 18,000. Notwithstanding the opinion of Krusenstern that his estimate for so large an island was low in 1804, it is reduced to 8,000 by the estimate of M. de Tessan in 1838, and to 2,690 by Lieutenant Jouan in 1856. 0-hiva-oa, or La Dominica, is the most fertile, the most populous (6,000 inhabitants), and the most important for its productions of the whole archipelago. It is about twenty-one miles long from E. by N. to S. by W., and seven miles in its average breadth. The following remarks are from the report of Commodore E. A. Powell, C.8., of H.M.S. "Topaze,". 1867:— " Magdalena Island. —On June 8, at 9 a.m., the island of Magdalena was sighted, bearing W. -J N., and distant forty miles, the summit of the high mountain being observed in the clouds. The eastern side of the island is extremely rugged, steep ridges coming down from the central mountain, and terminating in high precipices over the sea. Very few of the valleys or gorges appear to reach the beach, so that, independent of a dangerous surf which dashed against the rocks, landing would have been quite impracticable. On the north and south sides of the island the land sloped more regularly towards the sea, but there was no landing. " Point Venus, on the south side, is a perpendicular rocky cliff, about 700 feet high, overhanging the sea, which breaks within a few yards of its base; from some points of view the break assumes the appearance of a reef extending out farther than it really does. Bon Eepos Bay is immediately round Point Venus, on the western side of the island, and the best anchorage is about a mile from the shore in seventeen fathoms, opposite a shingly beach, with the valley well open. This bay is open to westerly winds, which, according to the native account, blow occasionally with great force from December to March, which would appear to be the bad months. A heavy surf rolls continually on the beach, but landing can be effected on the rocks on the north side of the bay. Water can be obtained, but with difficulty, as boats must lie a considerable distance from the beach where the stream comes down. The valley, which winds up among the hills from the bottom of the bay, is very beautiful, being covered with the rich foliage of tropical fruit trees, whilst the native cottages and huts, sheltered under the breadfruit, cocoanut, and orange trees, add greatly to the attractiveness of the scene. " Fruits of all descriptions are to be procured in sufficient quantities to refresh a large ship's

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company, but moat and vegetables are very scarce, pigs and poultry being the only animal food. The inhabitants are supposed to be less than 500 in number, and are said to be fast decreasing: this may be attributed to the prevailing custom of polygamy, as well as to continual warfare, which exists between the tribes inhabiting the two principal valleys. " The French have practically given up all control over the natives, whose only intercourse with foreigners is confined to the crews of the few whalers that occasionally call for supplies. They are to all appearance in the same primitive state they were described to be in one hundred ye"ars ago; for, though some have Polynesian Bibles and all profess Christianity,-they still practise the same heathenish rites and entertain the same superstitions as formerly, whilst cannibalism yet exists in connection with prisoners of war. " The men, who are of ordinary stature, with good features, are rendered hideous by tattooing ; the women are fairer than the men, and pleasant-looking, as they are only tattooed on the face, with a few blue marks on the lips. The only apparent difference between what we saw and read in early accounts was the conduct of the women, all of whom wore a becoming robe of tappa or native cloth, and were very modest in demeanour, whatever their morals may be." San Christina Island was sighted on June 10. The " Topaze" remained here two days without experiencing any difficulty from the swell or squalls from the mountains. There is no doubt, however, that a heavy swell sets in from the S.W. The landing-place, constructed by the French authorities at considerable expense, was washed away, and there were other marks of destruction by the waves. It was also reported that vessels had been driven to sea by the force of the violent gusts down the valley, and altogether the bay has such a bad character that whalers seldom visit it, although it is believed to be the only place where it would be advisable for ships to anchor. The formation of the'island, with its steep shore on the east and numerous valleys on the west sides, closely resembles Magdalena Island, and. the facilities for watering and obtaining supplies are about the same. There are wild cattle on the mountains, but difficult to get at, and still more difficult to carry away when shot. The inhabitants of this island are far inferior in appearance and manner to those of Magdalena Island; they do not number more than 300, and from disease and other causes are fast decreasing. The French had a considerable settlement here some few years since, but they have now entirely abandoned,it, and fort, house, and gardens have fallen into a state of decay. Dominica Island. —Whilst the " Topaze" remained in Resolution Bay, Commodore Powell proceeded to Dominica Island with two boats. After skirting the shore around Tava Bay without being able to land, the boats made for a small round island (not marked in the charts) at the entrance of Taogon Bay, and, passing to the eastward of it, a small land-locked harbour was discovered, known to the French as Traitors' Bay, where the landing is good, and: water can be obtained with great facility. Ships of 1,000 tons could here refit with great sectirity. The French have no settlement on Dominica, but there are two or three priests on the island, one of whom stated that they had entirely failed in making converts, and that in his opinion there was not a native Christian. He also described the inhabitants as being inveterate cannibals, always at war with each other, much addicted to drunkenness and other bad habits. The priests had succeeded in cultivating cotton, and had lately sold their produce for £2,000. The island has some well-watered, beautiful valleys, and was described as being extremely rich, and well suited for coffee, sugar, and other tropical productions. It was extremely difficult to arrive at any correct estimate of the number of inhabitants, but they are said to amount to about 1,500, and decreasing. The men are tall and able-bodied, but the women are depraved and illlooking. Nouha-Hiva or Marchand Island. —The "Topaze" left San Christina Island on the 12th June, and sighted Cape Martin, Nouka-Hiva, at daylight the following morning. The French have reduced their establishment here to a resident, four soldiers, and a captain of the port, who also acts as pilot. The French authorities insist upon vessels taking the pilot, although he cannot possibly be of any service, as the only difficulties to contend with are baffling winds. The payment amounts to 200 francs going in, and the same sum going out; and'this charge has effectually kept out whalers that formerly were accustomed to frequent the bay. ■ The island of Nouka-Hiva offers great resources for cultivation, for its valleys are broad, well watered, and possess rich soil. Tropical fruits abound, as in the other islands; but the guava, recently introduced, is fast overrunning the land, and destroying the bread-fruit and many other valuable trees. In 1864-65 the small-pox raged here with great virulence, and carried off all but a few hundreds of the natives; in the Happar and Taipi Valleys, where the population numbered nearly 2,000, only about 150 are left. These valleys have been purchased by an English land company, but as yet no steps have been taken to people or cultivate them. New Caledonia and Loyalty Islands. New Caledonia belongs to the French. It lies about 720 miles B.N.E. of the coast of Queensland in Australia, in lat. 20° to 22° 30' S., long 164° to 167° E. It is about 200 miles in length, thirty miles in breadth, and has a population estimated at 60,000. It is of volcanic origin, is traversed in the direction of its length, from north-west to south-east, by a range of mountains, which in some cases reach the height of about 8,000 feet, and is surrounded by sandbanks and coral reefs. There are secure harbours at Port Balade and Port St. Vincent, the former on the north-east, the latter on the south-west part of the island, the valleys the soil is fruitful, producing the cocoanut, banana, mango, bread-fruit, &c. The sugar-cane is cultivated, and the vine grows wild. The coasts support considerable tracts" of forest, but the mountains are barren. The inhabitants, who resemble the Papuan race, consist of different tribes, some of which are cannibals. New Caledonia was dis2—A. 4.

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covered by Captain Cook in 1774. In 1854 the French took official possession of it, and it is now comprised under the same government with Otaheite and the Marquesas Isles. The Loyalty Islands May be considered as part of the New Caledonia group, running parallel with the trend of that island at a distance of fifty to sixty miles. They consist of three principal islands, Mare, Lifu, Uea; between the former two are five smaller islets. New Hebrides Islands. This group extends from lat. 13° 16' to 20° 15' S., and from long. 166° 40' to 170° 20' E., and includes the following islands: Aneiteum, Tana, Erromango, Vate or Sandwich Island, Api, Ambrym, Whitsun, Aurora, Lepers, Mallicollo, and Espiritu Santo. The last named is the largest of the group. It is twenty-two leagues in length, and about half that breadth. Mallicollo is eighteen leagues in length and eight leagues broad. Erromango has acquired a sad notoriety from the massacre there of the indefatigable missionary Mr. Williams, the well-known author of "Missionary Enterprise." Aneiteum, Tana, and Vato are thus described by Lieut, the Hon. Herbert Meade, E.N., who visited these islands in H.M.S. " Curacoa " in 1865 :— " Aneiteum is about fourteen miles long by eight broad, and bears a population of 2,200, which is at present stationary, or very slightly decreasing. The natives are all Christians; the first teachers (Samoan) were placed here in 1841. The last case of cannibalism occurred, thirteen years ago. Every person in the island above five years old can read more or less, and attends school. Crime is rare, life and property secure. Mr. Inglis, the missionary, states that their standard of morality is at present a high one, but asserts that before Christianity took hold on them they were as bad as any in the group. The climate is damp and rather unhealthy. Cotton grows well. There are about twenty Europeans, traders and others, usually in the island. The island is volcanic, but reef-bound. Hurricanes frequent and severe. " Tana is about twenty-five miles long by twelve broad, and the population is between 10,000 and 20,000; but since the introduction of European diseases and weapons there has been a steady decrease. In 1861 a third of the people died of the measles. The state of morals is extremely low; the natives assert that the present excessive licentiousness was introduced by the whites who formerly resided on the island. The chiefs endeavour to get drunk every night on kava. The women do all the work, the men the fighting, which is their constant employment. Cannibalism is the custom all over the island. " Vate. —This island is from thirty to thirty-five miles long, and about fifteen broad. Population, which is said to be decreasing, is estimated at 10,000 to 12,000. Climate rather damp, but healthy enough if care be taken. One village, Erakor, is Christian, and in another are a few favourable to the faith; but all the other people are up to their ears in paganism, cannibalism, murder of old men, widows, and children, and all the other ills that affect the heathen morals at dead lowwater. The cotton-plant, which has lately been introduced, does well. The Government is carried on by petty chiefs, who mostly rule over independent villages. Earthquakes common, sometimes severe." The following description of the New Hebrides is by Commander Thomas C. Tilly, E.N., lately in command of the Melanesian Mission schooner " Southern Cross :"— " General Remarks. —The fine weather or dry season among the New Hebrides and Solomon Islands may be said to extend from May to October, both months inclusive, and the wet season from November to April; occasionally much rain falls in the so-called dry season, and is generally accompanied by a change of wind from the eastward. The normal direction of the trade-winds is from E.S.E., but the stronger winds, which usually succeed calms, are from S.E., and as a rule such may be expected when the wind veers round to E. or N.E. " When in the vicinity of the islands the prevailing trades are frequently interrupted, and calms occur, followed by easterly and north-easterly breezes accompanied with rain; occasionally the wind backs round, by way of north to west, and the trade direcction is resumed with what is known among the Banks Islands as the ' Lan San,' or strong S.E. wind. " Hurricanes prevail during the whole of the wet season, and blow with greatest violence during the months of January and February. It does not appear that they are of frequent occurrence, but the information on the subject derived from the natives is very vague. "It is said that storms are experienced more frequently at Aneiteum Island, at the southern extremity of the New Hebrides range, than amongst the islands farther to the northward, and have been described as blowing with sufficient violence to destroy trees, huts, &c, their length of duration varying from two to four or even six days. They generally commence from the westward, from which quarter it blows hardest, and veer round by way of north, causing the sea to advance as a wave on the shore; whilst between Arnota, Vanua Lava, and Valua Islands the sea breaks as on a reef. " The approximate mean temperature of the air amongst Banks Islands, during May and June, was 84°, and that of the sea generally corresponded with the temperature of the air at 9 a.m. " Population. —The natives of the New Hebrides group are dark in colour, of moderate stature, and in some places, as at Pentecost and Mallicollo Islands, are robust muscular men, with woolly hair. For weapons they have clubs, spears, bows and arrows —the latter generally poisoned—and, in some places, tomahawks. Their canoes are rude in shape, clumsily made, and fitted with outriggers. They hav<?no recognized chiefs; and, as their lives are characterized by suspicion and constant quarrelling, there is no security for either life or property. "Although an appearance of friendly confidence will often tend to allay their natural feelings of distrust, strangers visiting those islands would do well to maintain a constant watchfulness, and use every precaution against being taken by surprise.

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"Productions. —The productions of the islands composing the New Hebrides, including Banks Islands, consist of bread-fruit, cocoanuts, sago, bananas, nutmegs, sugar-cane, taro, arrowroot, sweet potatoes, and yams. Pigs are also occasionally procurable at Banks Islands, but principally at Mai Island. The best articles for barter consist of beads, fish-hooks, calico, axes, and, in some of the less frequented islands, iron hoops, and iron cut into short lengths. "Mai or Three Hills Island has three elevations, which are respectively 1,850,1,450, and 1,400 feet high; the eastern and highest hill, Eave-na, is the most regular in outline, with a gentle slope from its summit, whilst its sides are thickly cultivated. The island lies about N.E. and^S.W. for a distance of six miles, the average breadth being about two and a half miles. "A supply of pigs and yams, the latter very good, may be procured; the barter used by the ' Southern Cross' being caiico and tomahawks. No fresh-water is obtainable, and but little firewood. The population has been estimated to be about 800 or 1,200, and in this small island no less than three dialects are spoken. The character of the natives is noisy and quarrelsome, and during communication strangers should be on their guard against surprise. The arms of these islanders consist of clubs, tomahawks, bows, and poisoned arrows; and they daub their faces, as well as other parts of their bodies, with turmeric. They possess only a few canoes. "Api or Tasiho Island. —This island is about twenty-five miles in length in a N.W. and S.B. direction, and from six to ten miles in breadth. It is of a very fertile character, well wooded, with a high range on its western part, and numerous appearances of streams or where water may be found after rain. The island is apparently thickly inhabited, and the natives in character and appearance resemble the inhabitants of Mai Island. " Namuku Islet, off the centre of the south side of Api Island, rises to the height of 500 feet, and forms a conspicuous object. " Lopevi Island resembles Star or Meralaba Island in appearance, but with a sharper cone. The crater was very active, and only a few inhabitants and but little vegetation remain." Ambrym Island. —The population appeared to be numerous, and the natives at the village on the north part of the island appeared very friendly; but at other places arrows were occasionally shot at the bishop's boat, probably in consequence of some injury received at the hands of traders. The canoes, like those of other islands of the group, are clumsily made, and would probably contain ten or twelve men. Mallicollo Island. —The north-east coast of this island is bordered with a succession of islets and fringe reefs, which in some places run out some distance. At the islet of Orumbau, which has 1 a white sandy beach along its N.E. face, and somewhat bluff at its S.E. extreme, the reef projects about half a mile from its northern end. This islet, which lies in lat. 16° 4' S., long. 167° 21' E., is covered with cocoanut trees, and has a good landing-place on a steep beach at its inner or western side, with deep water close to the beach. The natives were friendly on the only occasion the islet was visited; from 200 to 300 were assembled on the beach, and the island may possibly contain about 500 inhabitants. St. Esprit Island. —The Bay of St. Philip is not so deep as it appears on the charts; the position of the mouth of the Eiver Jordan, which flows into the head of the bay, was found to be in lat. 15° 9' 41" S., long. 166° 53' 15" E. This is a most convenient place for watering, as the boats pull into the river, where any quantity of good fresh water may be obtained. The ordinary trade-wind comes beautifully fresh and cool over the land, whilst the temperature is about 4° lower than in other parts of the group, and occasionally sea breezes from northward contend with the trade-winds when light. Lepers' Island. —The magnificent mountain of this island, rising to the height of 4,000 feet, resembles a whale's back in outline, and from the sea assumes a most imposing appearance. An abundance of yams and cocoanuts are grown on the island, but in consequence of the swell on all the beaches it is difficult to land a ship's boat; and the natives, though apparently energetic, have not yet accustomed themselves to bring off' supplies in their canoes, which, though numerous, are small. Pentecost or Whitsuntide Island lies N.N.W. and S.S.E., with moderately high ranges, and occasional fringe reefs on its western or lee side, extending in some cases half a mile off shore. There are two good watering-places towards the south-west end of the island, where boats may lie a few fathoms off running streams; but it should be borne in mind that the beds of the streams are liable to change after heavy rains. It is apparently more thickly populated and highly cultivated^ than the neighbouring island of Aurora. Communication was established with the natives at Vunmarama, a village at the north-west point of the island, where, in general, a good supply of yams, &c, may be obtained. At the southern portion of the island the canoes are large, and the people dark, tall, and muscular. Banks Islands. These lie to the northward of the New Hebrides, between lat. 13° 16' and 14° 10' S., and long. 167° 17' and 158° 34' E. Vanua Lava, the largest of the Banks Islands, is fifteen miles in length north and south, and is a remarkable looking island, with several high rounded mountains, the highest, to the north-west, being some 2,800 feet above the sea. In the Suretamiti Mountain are several hot springs always steaming, whilst a stream impregnated with sulphur runs down to the sea on the north-west coast, and a similar one falls into Port Patteson on the eastern side. There are two waterfalls on the western side, one single and the other double. The population of Vanua Lava amounts to about 1,500. The natives were quiet and friendly. Santa Maria or Gana IslaifH, the second largest of the Banks Islands, lies between the parallels 14° 12' and 14° 22' S., and between the meridians 167° 23' and. 167° 36' E. The main range of mountains, about 2,000 feet high, lies on an east and west direction, and excepting on the south side, where the land falls in ridges, the slopes are regular to the shore; the island is well

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wooded and cultivated, but during the usual trade-winds landing would be very difficult, even if practicable, on the southern and eastern sides. The information respecting this island is somewhat limited, owing to the quarrelsome nature of the inhabitants of the western side, who s.eldom failed to shoot arrows after the boat on her leaving the shore. This occurred at Lakona, a village near the waterfall at the north end of the western bay. Although the natives at Lakona proved themselves unfriendly, those at Losolava, Avire, and Tarosag were disposed to be friendly to strangers, though quarrelling amongst themselves. The population appeared to be great, but the island cannot -.be recommended to strangers for obtaining supplies, in consequence of the uncertain nature of communication with inhabitants. Mola or Sugar-Loaf Island, is about eight or ten miles in circumference, and derives its English name from its peculiar shape. It lies about nine miles to the eastward of Port Patteson, in lat. 13° 49' S., long. 167° 39' 30" E., and attains an elevation of 1,350 feet. The island is better known by Bishop Patteson than any other; the inhabitants are quite friendly, and some of them understand a little English. The number of villages amount to forty-two, with an aggregate population of about 2,000, but no recognized cEiefs. The weapons of the natives consist of spears, clubs, bows, and poisoned arrows, li'uit, sugar-cane, taro, potatoes, and yams, and occasionally pigs, are to be procured; the articles of barter being beads, fish-hooks (very small fish-hooks at Mota), calico, and axes. Valua or Saddle Island lies between lat. 13° 36' and 13° 41' S., and long. 167° 34' and 167° 41' E., and is about eight miles long, north-east and south-west. Araa, Island. — Off the S.W. end of Valua Island is the small island of Araa. The distance between Araa and the main island can be waded. The natives, numbering from 2,000 to 3,000, are friendly and well disposed. Urep/wapara or Bligh Island, about sixteen miles to the north-west of Eowo Eeef, attains an elevation of 1,950 feet, is nearly circular in form, and about twelve miles in circumference; it is steep, too, except a few fringed reefs close in on its lee side; is well watered, and produces abundance of taro, though but little else. Santa Gruz Islands. This group is composed of seven larger islands, Vanikoro, Santa Cruz (Nitendi), Guerta, Volcano (Tinakoro), Edgecombe, Ourry, and Lord Howe, besides several smaller ones to the north and northeast of Volcano Island. Vanikoro is the southernmost of the group. It is an important island in the eyes of Exxropeans, not from its extent or riches, but from its being the scene of the disastrous loss of the two ships of La Perouse in 1788, an event which was not ascertained with any certainty until May, 1826, or thirty-eight years afterwards. The group forming the Vanikoro Islands is composed of two of unequal extent: the first is not less than thirty miles in circumference ; the other is not more than nine miles. They are both high, and covered with trees to the water's edge. Vanikoro has but a slender population. The coasts are alone inhabited, all the interior being only a dense forest, wild and nearly impenetrable. Santa Cruz Island is thus described by Captain Tilley : — " Santa Cruz Island is about fifteen or sixteen miles in length, with fringe reefs along the shore, but apparently no off-lying dangers. The north point, near the centre of the island, was found to be in lat. 10° 40' S., long. 166° 3'. The high land extends close out on its north-east side, but towards the north-west the hills slope at some distance from the extreme, leaving a considerable extent of low land near the coast. The island is well wooded and watered, the streams in some places running through the villages into the sea. " The natives are a fine athletic-looking race, and come off readily to the ship, bringing pigs, breadfruit, and yams; mats, in the manufacture of which great skill is displayed, are also offered for sale. The appearance of the canoes, houses, &c, evinces great ingenuity. Canoes with outriggers, and mostly limewashed, have a neat appearance; they have also large sea-going double canoes. The villages are large, and hreses surrounded by stone fences. On the north side the villages are close to the sea, with from 300 to 400 inhabitants to each. " The natives are apparently merry and good-natured, but not to be trusted; for without any known reason they attacked the bishop's boat on leaving a village at the north-west extremity of the island, and nearly succeeded in cutting it off. Three of the crew were wounded with arrows, and of these two died from the effects of their wounds. Their bows are formidable-looking weapons, being 7 feet in length, with arrows in proportion." The Solomon Aeohipelago Extends north-west and south-east for the space of 2CO leagues. It is composed of eight or ten principal islands, and many other smaller ones. The largest are Bougainville, Choiseul, Ysabel, Gaudalcanar, Malayta, and San Christoval. The last named is stated to be seventy-three miles long and twenty-three miles broad at its widest part. Malayta is seventy miles long; Ysabel, 120 miles long and twenty-five miles in its maximum breadth. The sizes of Bougainville and Choiseul have not been ascertained, but they must be of greater area than those named above. The structure of these islands is throughout the same; it is a long chain of mountains, often very lofty, which form their axes in the general direction of the group. On either side the slopes incline gently towards the sea; the shores generally appear low, and often furnished with a belt of mangroves, the edge of which is washed by the salt-water. An active and vigorous vegetation covers the whole of the land, and it is only here and there that in rare intervals the soil may be seen, or only covered with ferns, or often consumed by fire intentionally. The principal islands have all the advantages of extensive land; extended plains and large rivers descend from the hills, and, if we may judge by the trees which cover the land, the soil is of great fertility. The inhabitants of these islands are generally shorter than those of the groups previously described, and appear to be characterized by greater energy and activity than are usually exhibited.

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Their canoes are exceedingly graceful and light, and without the outriggers common to all others. The natives also possess large war canoes carrying from thirty to sixty men, and in these they traverse great distances, sometimes beyond the sight of land. They are skilful in carving, and most of their implements are inlaid with the mother-of-pearl shell. Louisiade Archipelago, "Or Near the south-east end of New Guinea, embraces the following islands : Adele Island, Eoussel Island, the Benard Islands, St. Aignan Island, Do Boyne-'lslands, the Bonvouloir Isles, D'Entrecasteaux Islands, and the Trobriand Islands. Eoussel and St. Aignan are the largest of the group; the last named is about twenty-seven miles in length. The others are small'coral-islands. This gro'up is but imperfectly known, and little or no intercourse appears to have been had with the natives, who are said to be numerous. The known productions of the islands are cocoanuts, yams, bananas, and sweet potatoes. It is probable that fuller information regarding this group will result from Captain Moresby's recent visit to the coasts of New Guinea in H.M. ship "Basilisk," under his command. New Britain and New Ireland Are two large islands situated between the eastern part of New Guinea and the equator; contiguous to them are numerous smaller islands. The western part of New Britain is thus described by M. D'Urville, who visited it in 1827 :—■ " Earely has nature imprinted so delicious an aspect on a country untouched by the hand of man, with such an agreeble diversity of surface and, beautiful effects of perspective. The coast throughout quite safe, accessible, and washed by tranquil waves ; the land gently rising in the form of an amphitheatre in various places, here and there shaded by dark forests, or by less thick vegetation, and more particularly by extensive tracts of greensward, the yellowish tints of which contrasted richly with the darker shades of the more sombre forests and woods surrounding them. The two peaks of Mount Gloucester crowned this smiling scene with their imposing masses, their majestic summits frequently hidden in the clouds. In all the western quarter, and at twelve miles distance, our horizon was occupied by the undulating lines of Eook Island, which, with New Britain, forms the Strait of Dampier." Admiralty Islands. The largest of this group is Admiralty Island, the centre of which is in lat. 2° 18' S., long. 146° 44' E. Some of the islands of this group are described as being thickly populated by an apparently happy and contented people. They appear to live principally on cocoanuts, which are abundant on the islands. Tokelau or Union Group, Ellice Geoup, and Gilbert or Kingsmill Group. These islands are thus described by the Eev. J. S. Whitmee, of the London Missionary Society, who visited them, in the mission barque " John Williams," in 1870 : — " Tokelau or Union Group. "This group consists of three clusters of islets, named respectively Takaofo, Nukunono, and Atafu. The islets of each cluster are connected by a reef, forming one of the numerous atolls to be found in the Pacific. These reefs are more or less circular in form, enclosing a lagoon in the centre. The land is formed on the raised reef by the washing of sand and broken coral from the sea during rough weather. In some of the older atolls the land is connected and forms a continuous ring round the lagoon; but more commonly land exists only here and there along the reef, thus forming a ring of islands, some from one mile to six miles in length, covered with cocoanut and palm and other trees, and some only a few yards across, upon which two or three stunted cocoanuts barely manage to exist, while others again are mere sandbanks destitute of all vegetable life. " Takaofo (Bowditch Island), lat. 9° 26', long. 171° 12' W.—The most easterly in the group, consists of more than twenty small islands, encircling a lagoon eight miles long by five miles wide. All the islands are very barren, yielding little except cocoanuts, palms, and a species of edible pandanus. Upon these and fish, which are plentiful, the people entirely subsist, and they appear to thrive very well upon them. The population of the island is only 223 at the present time, and more than twothirds of the adults are females. " Ata/to-(Duke of York Island), in lat. 8° 33' S., and long. 172° 25' W.—This atoll is of similar formation to Takaofo, but the lagoon is smaller. The islands studding the annular reef are about twenty in number, and consist of sand and broken coral washed up by the action of the waves, without the slightest trace of soil. Here I had a peep into the secret of island formation. As I was walking on one side of the island on which the village is situated I noticed a series of sandy mounds running parallel with the coast, and varying from 10 to 50 feet in breadth. Some had cocoanut palms and pandanus already growing on them and producing fruit, on others the vegetation was of a more recent growth, while others were bare, or with only a few of the pandanus fruit, which had by some accident been cast upon them, sprouting and giving promise for the future. The outer mound was fully 50 feet across it, and had been washed up during heavy weather at the beginning of the present year. The population of the island is 136, it having been greatly diminished by Peruvian slavers. " Ellice Group. "Nukulaelae (Mitchell Island or Group).—lt lies in lat. 9° 18' S., and long. 179° 48' E. There are several small islands encircling this lagoon, on one of the largest of which is the village. The population is very small, only ninety at the present time. This is the place where the Peruvian slavers made the greatest havoc in 1863.

I.—The Islands generally: Mr. Seed.

A.— l

14

"Funafuti (Ellice Island). —We reached this atoll the day after leaving Nukulaelae. Its position is in lat. 8° 29' S., and long. 179° 21' B. The lagoon is twelve miles or more in one direction by five or six miles in the other. In two places there is a sufficient depth of water over the reef to allow vessels to go inside the lagoon. Captain Fowler took the vessel inside and anchored. The island presents an appearance very similar to the others we had visited. Some of them were evidently older than any we had hitherto seen, except Quiros Island. The island on which the village stands could boast of a nearer approach to a legitimate soil; consequently more variety of food is produced. Besides the cocoanut palm, which is almost sure to be found wherever a sandbank raises its head above low-water mark, and the pandanus, we found here a few breadfruit trees and bananas, with two species of the edible arum or taro. One of these grows to an immense size; and, although to our palates it appeared to be quantity without quality, it doubtless is an aeceptible addition to the alimentary stores of those whose daily fare is chiefly confined to cocoanuts, pandanus, fruit, and fish. The way the people cultivate the taro, bananas, &c, in these islands is worthy of a brief notice in passing. They dig large trenches, like wide moats, alone the centre of the islands. Some of these are from 100 to 200 yards across them, and from 6to 8 feet deep. To carry out the sand from these trenches must have been the work of generations. These low levels are moist, and on them they make as much soil as possible by throwing in decayed wood and leaves, and here they plant every thing which requires special care. Nothing edible but the cocoanut and the pandanus grows on the upper sand. We brought two cases of useful plants from Samoa, and distributed them amongst the islands we visited, in order to add to the temporal as'well the spiritual well-being of the people. These were very gladly received. " Vaitupu (Tracy Island), lat. 7° 31' S., long. 178° 46' E.—We reached this island the morning after we left Funafuti, October 7. It is nearly round, about four miles across, and has a salt-water lagoon in the centre, completely shut off from the sea by a ring-like strip of land about half a mile across. The island is evidently older than some of the others we have visited, and is more productive. Cocoanut palms are very abundant and very productive. There is also a good supply of taro, and there are some bananas. There people are the most advanced we have yet visited. They were delighted to see the missionary ship, and gave us a hearty reception. The population amounts to 376 ; and besides these there were thirty or forty natives of Nintao, a heathen island in the group, here on a visit. Before we went ashore we were struck with the appearance of the settlement, which is very pretty. A neat stone chapel stands in the foreground, behind which is the teacher's house, while on either side are ranged the houses of the natives. " Nukufetau (De Peyster Island), in lat. 7° 51' S., and long. 178° 35' E., was the next atoll at which we called. We arrived on Sunday morning, October 9. Here there is a large lagoon, surrounded by a coral reef, on which a number of islands have been formed. The village is on one of the larger islands. There is a passage into the lagoon by which ships may enter, so we went in and anchored. The description of Funafuti will apply equally well to Nukufetau, except that the lagoon in the latter is smaller and more circular in form. The population of the island is 202. "Nui (Netherland Island). —We reached this island the morning after leaving Nukufetau, October 11. It lies in lat. 7° 15' S., and long. 177° E. It is a single island, nearly circular, with a lagoon on one side of it partly open to the sea, but with no entrance fcr ships. Its productions are similar to those of Vaitupu, and very abundant. The people are very different from those peopling the rest of the Ellice group. All the other islands have been peopled from Samoa. The Samoan language is the basis of theirs, and they have traditions of their forefathers being drifted from Samoa to Vaitupu, whence they spread to the other islands. On Nui the people trace their origin to the Gilbert group, and they speak the language of that group, which is totally different from the Samoan. Here, for the first time, I had to speak entirely through an interpreter. The entire population is 212. "Niutao (Speiden Island).—This island is in lat. 6° 8' S., and long. 177° 22' E. It lies to windward of Nui, and we had light winds and calms on the way, so we were more than two days in reaching it. We landed on the morning-of October 15. The island is of similar formation to the others we had visited, but has, I was told, two lagoons. I saw one. It is very shallow, and not more than one mile across. The belt of land around is not less than fron three-quarters of a mile to one mile broad. This lagoon is situated in one end of the island, and I was told there is a similar one at the other end, but I had no time to visit it. The island is plentifully supplied with cocoanut palms and bananas, but there is not much besides of an edible nature. At the time of our visit there was a scarcity of food on account of a long-continued drought. The population on the island at present is about 360; but over 100 people are away at other islands, many of them at Vaitupu. " Nunoniaga (Hudson Island).—This island lies to the west of Niutao. I determined not to detain the vessel to call at the island, but to proceed at once to the north, and visit the Gilbert group. " Nanomea (St. Augustine Island) is in lat. 5° 38' S., and long. 176° 17' E. This is the last island in the Ellice group. As a call there would have taken us fifty miles to leeward of our course for the Gilbert Islands, we proceeded first to that group, and called at this island on our return south. But I will give my notice of it here, and finish with this group before describing our work in the other. "We reached Nanomea on Sunday morning, October 23. There are two islands within three or four miles of each other, connected by a reef, which is dry at low water. The westerly island is named Lakena. It is nearly round, two miles or more across, well stocked with cocoanut and other trees, and has a deep fresh-water lagoon in its centre. The natives described it as being unfathomable ; but by tha| they would only mean they cannot dive to the bottom. This and Quiros are the only two islands where I have found fresh-water lagoons." Lakena is not inhabited, but is used by the people on the other island for the cultivation of food. Nanomea is the name of the other island, which is about four miles long, by one or two wide. It has a shallow salt-water lagoon towards the east end, partially open to the sea.

I.—The Islands generally: Mr. Seed.

15

A.—4.

" The inhabitants of the island are, taken altogether, the finest race of men, so far as muscular development goes, I have ever seen. They are almost a race of giants. I believe nine out of every ten would measure 6 feet or more high, and their breadth is proportionate to their height. "As a race the Ellice Islanders are very quiet and peaceable. Quarrels are rare, and ordinary disputes are settled by the authority of the king or chiefs. On some of the islands wars are unknown. An old man on Vaitupu brought me a hatchet made out of the back of a turtle, and I asked if it had ever been used in war. He replied that he h&d never heard of war art Vaitupu. " Gilbert or Kingsmill Group. " This group of islands lies between the parallels of about 4° N. and 2° 36' S. lat., and 172° and 178° E. long. There are, I believe, sixteen islands in the group, nine to the north and seven to the south of the equator. " Arorae (Hurd Island), in lat. 2° 36' S., and long. 177° E.—This island is from three to four miles long. At one end it is not more than half a mile across, at the other end it appeared from the ship to be a mile and a half broad. I was told there is a small lagoon at the wider end, but I had no time to visit it. Erom the number of houses, which are almost continuous for two and a half or three miles, one would suppose the population to be very great; but we only saw about four hundred, although we walked nearly the whole length over which the villages extended. The small number of people in comparison with the number of houses was soon accounted for. They had been taken away by what the natives themselves described as ' the men-stealing vessels. 1 We could not find out the number who had been ' stolen,' but some said there were ' many taken, and few remaining.' When we landed we found the people armed with knives and hatchets, while one man shouldered an old firelock, and had a revolver stuck in his belt. Our vessel was at first supposed to be a ' man-stealing ship,' and the poor creatures had determined to defend themselves against their ' civilized' assailants. As we were approaching the shore in our boat a canoe met us, and we informed the men of the object of our viaiu. One of them had been to a Christian island, and knew there was no harm to fear from a missionary ship; so the canoe preceded our boat to the shore, and carried the news of our peaceful and friendly intentions. " Tamana (Eotch Island), in lat. 2° 30' S., and long. 176° 7' E., was the next island at which we called. It is not more than two and a half or three miles long, and from one to two miles wide. There is no lagoon. The island is well supplied with cocoanut palms and pandanus, and, although it was suffering from drought when we were there, there seemed to be no lack of food. Good water is procured in abundance by sinking wells in the centre of the island. Many of the people were away working at their plantations when we were there ; but I estimated the number of those we saw at about 600. All the males were naked, as on Arorae. We found a very bitter feeling existing against 'men-stealing vessels,' and especially against those from Tahiti. " Onoatoa (Francis Island), in lat. I°s6' S., and long. 175° 44' E., was sighted before dark on the same day (October 19), and we were off one end of it early next morning. This is an atoll, with a number of islands partially surrounding a lagoon eight or ten miles across. Besides this large lagoon, there are several small shallow lagoons in various parts of the larger islands. Where we landed there was very little soil. The cocoanut and pandanus trees grow out of the sand, but on other parts there is more soil, and the people said they had plenty of food. When we were there they had been several months without rain, and the vegetation was very much parched up. "Peru, in lat. 1° 18' S., and long. 176° E.—This is an island Several miles long, and varying from half a mile to a mile or more wide. It is not an atoll like most of the islands we visited, but there are several shallow lagoons in it, some very small, surrounded by the land, and dry at low tide, others larger and open on one side to the reef which runs round the island. The island itself is formed of successive ridges of sand, broken coral, and shells. These ridges are most of them from 30 to 50 feet across, and the hollows formed between them are generally from 4 to 6 feet in depth. For some distance, at that end of the island which I examined, they run across, and in the middle they run parallel with the sides of, the island. The whole extent examined presented the same appearance, and the ridges were so regular that they gave one the idea of being artificially formed. The waves must exert a mighty force during heavy weather to form these extensive ridges. There is little doubt but each ridge is the result of a single storm. I have already referred, in the notice of Atafu, in the Tokelau group, to a similar ridge of smaller dimensions which was thrown up during the present year; and I have seen several small islands of broken coral and shells, which were formed on the reefs in Samoa during a hurricane of a few hours' duration. "The productions of Peru are in every respect similar to those of other islands in the group. The natives appear to value the pandanus even more than the cocoanut palm. They consume immense quantities of the fruit raw; and the variety which they cultivate in the Gilbert group (which is much superior to that found in the Ellice Islands, and immeasurably superior to the kind cultivated in Samoa), produces a very palatable fruit. The women prepare a kind of cake by baking the fruit till it becomes soft; they then pound a large number together in a fine mat, and spread the prepared pulp in cakes two or three feet wide by six or eight long and one-sixth of an inch thick. The whole is then dried in the sun, and made into a roll like an ancient manuscript. This keeps for a length of time, and tastes something like old dates. "Peru was the last island in the Gilbert group which we visited. We had information from Tapeteuea (Drummond Island), the nearest island to Peru, that the Sandwich Island missionaries were already there; and we concluded that they had also occupied another island to the north of Drummond Island, but on the.^outh of the equator, about which we had no information. Only one other island remained, viz., Nukunau (Byron Island), which lies considerably to the east of Peru. As this was directly to windward of us, and would have been a dead beat, we made no attempt to go there this year."

I,—The Islands generally: Mr. Seed.

A.—4,

16

I.—The Islands generally: Mr. Seed.

Phcenix Gkoup. This group consists of seven or eight small low coral islands, extending from lat. 2° 53' to 5° 38' S., and from long. 170° 40' to 174° 22' W. Their names are Swallow Island, Enderbury's Island, Birney's Island, Gardner or Kemin's Island, McKean's Island, Hull Island, and Sydney Island. The following were visited by Commodore Wilkes, from whose description of them the particulars here given are taken : — Kemin's or Gardner Island, in 4° 37' 42" S., long. 174? 40' 18" W., is a low coral island, having a shallow lagoon in the centre, into which there is no navigable passage. McKean's Island is in long. 174° 17' 26" "W., and lat. 3° 35' 10" S., and lies about N.N.E., sixty miles from Kemin's Island. It is composed of coral, sand, and blocks, and is three-quarters of a mile long by half a mile wide. Enderbury's Island is in lat. 3° 8' S., long. 171° 8' 30" W. It is three miles long by two and a half wide, and is only covered in parts with a stunted-vegetation. Hull Island lies in long. 172° 20' 52" W., and lat. 4° 29' 48" S. It has a little fresh water upon it, and a few cocoanut trees. Sandwich ob Hawaiian Islands. . Sandwich or Hawaiian Islands, forming the Kingdom of Hawaii, are a rich, beautiful, and interesting chain, eight in number, exclusive of one or two small islets. The chain runs from southeast to north-west, and lies in the middle of the Pacific Ocean, in lat. 19° 22' N., long. 155° 160' W. Area, 6,000 square miles. The names, with the areas of the respective islands, proceeding from the south-east of the group, are —Hawaii (formerly Owhyee), 4,000 square miles; Maui, 620; Oahu, 530; Kaui, 500; Molokai, 167; Lanai, 100; Niihau, about 70; and Kahoolaui, about 60 square miles. Population. —The official census of 1866 puts the total population of the group at 62,959 souls, of whom 4,194 were foreigners (exclusive of Chinamen), and 58,765 natives. Imports in 1871, $1,625,884, £325,176. Exports in 1871, $1,892,069, £378,413. Sugar continues to be the great staple of this group of islands, and shows an advance of 2,977,034 lb. over last year, the whole export of 1871 having amounted to 21,660,7731b. Shipping. —There were fifty-seven Hawaiian registered vessels of 8,068 tons—one of them a steamer of 414 tons; 163 merchant vessels, of the united tonnage of 102,172 tons, arrived at the port of Honolulu in 1871, from all parts of the world. Of these, eighty-nine, of 65,112 tons, were American; forty-four, of 24,267 tons, were British. Government. —In 1840 the King, Kamehameha 111., granted a Constitution, consisting of King, Assembly of Nobles, and Representative Council. In 1843 the independence of the Hawaiian Kingdom was formally declared by the French and English Governments. Philippine Islands. Area, 3,100 geographical square miles, or 65,100 English square miles. Population, 4,319,269. Total exports to Great Britain in 1871 were of the value of £1,391,254. Imports of British produce, value £463,359. The chief article of exports in 1871 was unrefined sugar, of the value of £604,114. Of the imports in 1871 the value of £290,203, or considerably more than one-half, was represented by cotton manufactures. The commercial intercourse between the Philippine Islands (as well as the rest of the colonial possessions of Spain) and the United Kingdom has been steadily declining for a number of years. Caroline Islands and Pelew Islands. Area, 43'1 geographical square miles, or 905 English square miles. Population, 28,000. Pelew Islands. A group of islands in the North Pacific Ocean 450miles east of the Philippines, in lat. 7° to 8° 30' N., long. 134° to 136° E., at the western extremity of the Caroline Archipelago. The group includes about twenty islands, which form a chain running about 120 miles from S.S.W. to N.N.E. The principal island is Babelthouap, twenty-eight miles by fourteen, containing a mountain from whose summit a view of the whole group is obtained. As seen from the sea the islands appear mountainous and rugged; but the soil is rich and fertile, and water is abundant. Bread-fruit, cocoanuts, bananas, sugar-cane, lemons, oranges, and other tropical trees and fruits, are grown. Cattle, fowls, and goats thrive, and fish abound on the coasts. The inhabitants, who are estimated at about 10,000 in number, are of the Malay race. They show considerable ingenuity in building their canoes, are active agriculturists, and entertain exceedingly primitive notions regarding dress, as the men go entirely naked and the women nearly so. In 1783 the " Antelope " was wrecked upon the Pelew Islands, and the crew were treated by the natives with the greatest kindness. Further acquaintance with white men, however, seems to have altered their disposition, and several vessels while visiting these islands, within comparatively recent years, have narrowly escaped being cut off. The islands are said to have begn discovered by the Spaniards in 1545. Ladeones Islands. A group of about twenty islands, the northernmost Australasian group, in lat. 13-J- 0 to 20^° N., and long. 145J°to 147° E. They are disposed in a row, almost due north and south. Their united area

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is about 1,254 square miles. They are mountainous, well watered, and wooded; among the trees : are the bread-fruit, banana, the cocoanut; fruitful in rice, maize, cotton, and indigo. European domestic animals are now very common. At the time when they were discovered the population was reckoned at 100,000, but the present population is only about 5,500. The inhabitants, who are docile, religious, kind, and hospitable, resemble in physiognomy those of the Philippine Islands. The islands are very important to the Spaniards in a commercial point of view. The largest island in Guajan, ninety miles in circumference ; on it is the capital, San Ignacio de Agamea, the seat of the Spanish Governor. Galapagos Islands. . The Galapagos Islands are a group lying on the equator, extending IJ° on each side of it, and about 600 miles from the west coast of the Bepublic of Ecuador, to which they belong. There are six principal islands, nine smaller, and many islets, scarcely deserving to be distinguished from mere rocks. The largest island, Albemarle, is sixty miles in length and about fifteen miles broad, the highest point being 4,700 feet above the level of the sea. The constitution of the whole is volcanic. With the exception of some ejected fragments of granite, which have been most curiously glazed and altered by the heat, every part consists of lava, or of sandstone resulting from the attrition of such materials. The higher islands generally have one or more principal craters towards their centre, and in their flanks smaller orifices. Mr. Darwin affirms that there must be, in all the islands of the archipelago, at least 2,000 craters. Considering that these islands are placed directly under the equator, the climate is far from being excessively hot—a circumstance which, perhaps, is chiefly owing to the singularly low temperature of the surrounding sea.

West Indies (1871).

I.—The Islands generally: Mr. Seed.

Java. Area of Java, including Madura, is 51,336 English square miles. Population, according to census of 1871, 16,452,168, or 320 per square mile. The population has nearly quadrupled since the year 1816. Imports in 1870, merchandise ... ... ... ... ... £3,704,929 specie ... ... ... ... ... 197,413 £3,902,341 Exports in 1870, merchandise ... ... ... ... ... £5,102,353 specie ... ... ... ... ... 361,830 £5,464,183 The principles articles of export from Java are sugar, coffee, rice, indigo, and tobacco. With the exception of rice, about one-half of which is shipped from Borneo and China, nearly four-fifths of these exports go to the Netherlands. The exports from Java to the United Kingdom in 1871 consisted principally of rice, of the value of £383,757. The chief articles of British home produce imported into Java in 1871 was cottons, including cotton yarns, of the value of £600,866. The exports from Java to the United Kingdom have increased enormously during the past few years, having risen from the value of £13,773 in 1867 to £470,235 in 1871. The total exports from Java to the United Kingdom in 1871 were valued at £470,234. The total value of British home produce into Java in 1871 was £826,476. Shipping. —There are 420 vessels of all sizes registered in Netherlands India. Cinchona cultivation in Java, under the special care of the Government, is increasing yearly. Ceylon. Area, 24,454 square miles. The total population, according to the census of March, 1872, was 2,405,287. Of the total population in 1870, 2,128,884, including 2,847 military, 4,732 were British, 14,201 other whites of European descent, and the rest coloured. Total value of imports in 1871, £4,797,952. 3—A. 4.

Name. Area: Square Miles. Population. Total Imports. Total Exports. Bahamas Turk Islands ... Jamaica Leeward Islands St. Lucia St. Vincent Barbadoes Grenada Tobago Trinidad British Guiana... ... 3,021 420 6,400 731 250 131 166 133 97 1,754 76,000 39,162 4,723 441,264 117,732 31,811 35,688 162,042 37,795 17,054 109;638 193,491 £ 283,970 35,345 1,300,212 506,149 196,286 137,474 1,069,861 104,475 61,448 1,042,678 1,572,275 £ 190,253 18,855 1,283,036 670,457 147,172 221,140 973,020 127,184 82,616 1,277,574 2,383,422 Total West Indies 89,103 1,190,400 6,310,173 7,374,729

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I^—The Islands geueraly: Mr. Seed.

Total value of exports in 1871, £3,634,358. The staple exports are coffee, cinnamon, cocoanut oil, and coir, the respective values of which articles exported in 1871 were :— Coffee ... ... ... ... ... ... £2,432,427 Cinnamon ... ... ... ... ... 68,410 Cocoanut oil ... ... ... ... ... 257,770 Coir ... ... ... ... ... ... 45,448 The greatest part of the exports go to the United Kingdom. The great bulk of the imports are from the United Kingdom and from British possessions in India. Maueitius. Area, 676 square miles. Population, census, April, 1871, 316,042. Total value of imports in 1871, deducting specie, £1,807,382. Total value of exports in 1871, deducting specie, £3,053,054. The principal article of export is sugar. In 1871 the quantity exported was 123,000 tons, valued at £2,819,344. Average price per cwt., £1 2s. 7d. The Mauritius has several small dependencies between lat. 3° and 20° S., and long. 50° and 70° E. The chief of these is the Seychelles Islands, between lat. 4° and s°, about 930 miles north from the Mauritius, one of which, Mah6, is sixteen miles long by from three to four miles broad, fertile, well watered, very healthy, and having a population of about 7,000. Mahe, its chief town, has on its north-east side about 100 wooden houses and a garrison of thirty men. Seychelles, a dependency of Mauritius. The staple article of export is cocoanut oil. The quantity exported in 1871 was 253,070 gallons. The total value of imports, 1871, was £61,780. The total value of exports, 1871, was £40,598. Eevenue in 1871, £9,787. Total expenditure in 1871, £8,035. Lab u an. Area, forty-five square miles. Population, 4,898. Total imports in 1870, £122,983. Total exports in 1870, £61,218. The chief articles of export, the produce of the island, or brought into the island from Borneo for exportation, are bees'-wax, birds'-nests, camphor, coals, gutta-percha, indiarubber, hides, pearls, seed-pearls, rattans, sago, tortoiseshell, and trepang. Boeneo (Beunei). The popiolation of the town of Brunei is a branch of the Malay race, and is estimated to number between 30,000 and 40,000 people. The trade is conducted with Labuan, Singapore, and places on the coast of Borneo, The value of exports from Brunei in 1871 was roughly put down at between £40,000 and £50,000, and the imports at £46,000 or £47,000.

MEMOEANDA ON SOME OF THE SOUTH SEA ISLANDS. (By Mr. H. B. Steendale.)

I.—The Islands generally: Mr. Sterndale.

Mr. Steendale to the Hon. J. Vogbl. Sib,— Auckland, 28th March, 1874. In obedience to your request, I have the honour to forward to you certain memoranda concerning the resources of the greater number of those islands of the Pacific upon which I have at any time resided or with which I have been engaged in trade. The lands to which these papers relate are those only which are inhabited by the copper-coloured Polynesians or Maoris, as they all call themselves —that is to say, tribes from the same original stock as the aborigines of New Zealand, and speaking dialects of the same language. Concerning the Melanesian Isles, or those inhabited by the Papuan race, which include New Caledonia, the New Hebrides, the Solomon Isles, and New Guinea, I have no information to offer, never having been to them, or having had anything to do with their people. This much, however, is well understood: that they are very rich in a variety of valuable products; and, to obtain information concerning them, the most ready means with which I am acquainted would be to make inquiry among the labour-traders frequenting the port of Levuka, in Fiji, many of those men being of long experience in those localities, and sufficiently intelligent to relate truthfully what they have seen. Concerning the Fijis I offer no remarks, as they are now so generally well known, from the elaborate reports of Her Majesty's Commissioners, and from various other sources. I have also avoided mentioning the Sandwich Islands, since, being under an enlightened Government of their own, and on the track of the mail steamers, information concerning them is very extensively diffused. For similar reasons^ I have omitted the islands of the Society Group, they being a dependency of France; and as concerns those of them which prefer independence, as well as the Paumotus or Low Archipelago, I have thought it unnecessary to repeat what I have already published in the Daily Southern Cross.

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In conclusion, I may remark that whatsoever I have recorded with respect to the condition of the islanders and the commercial resources of their lands has been gathered in every instance from personal experience. Such facts as I may have incidentally mentioned, but have not myself seen, I have derived from the most reliable testimony. I might have made this report much more voluminous, but the shortness of the time permitted me for its preparation prevented the possibility of my doing so. Trusting that these memoranda may be found useful, as well as not void of a certain degree of interest, seeing that so much of them relates to localities concerning which very little circumstantial information has as yet been circulated in civilized States, I have, &c, The Hon. Julius Vogel, &c. H. B. Steendale.

I.—The Islands generally: Mr. Sterndale.

In dealing with the question of the trade of the Port of Auckland with the islands of the Pacific, it is not necessary that I should enter into any description of the resources or prospects of the Fijis, for the reason that ample information with respect to them has been very generally diffused throughout the Australasian Colonies and Great Britain. Next to the Fijis, with which Auckland more than any other city of the Southern Hemisphere ought to be regarded as geographically en rapport, the most profitable field of commercial adventure is obviously the great Archipelago of Tonga, or the " Friendly Isles," as they were denominated by Cook, though some now say unjustly, as there is a story extant, upon the authority of Mariner, that the chiefs of Tonga did intend to have treacherously attacked and massacred his company, but allowed the favourable opportunity for so doing to escape them, in consequence of disagreements among themselves as to the programme of operations. However true or otherwise that may be—and in any case it is not to be wondered at on the part of a barbarous and (as the Tonguese notoriously were) piratical people, upon almost their first introduction to strangers possessing so many and to them so surprising articles of utility, the exhibition of which could not fail to operate upon their darkened minds as an extreme temptation to possess by whatsoever means—all that is long past; and the Tonguese at the present time have a just claim to be regarded as the most energetic, enlightened, and systematically desirous to avail themselves of the benefits of European civilization of any of the semi-barbarous peoples of the South Sea: if, perhaps, we except the Earotongans, who, their numbers being comparatively . small and their land of limited area, can never be expected to exercise so great an influence over the commercial progress of the Pacific as the Tonguese, from whom they take a pride in declaring that their ancient progenitors were a wandering colony. The archipelago of Tonga consists of about one hundred islands, large and small, and includes, properly speaking, three groups • —Tonga, HapSi, and Vavao. The total population has been variously estimated, but is probably not less than 25,000. Tongatabu, upon which is the seat of the General Government, is in the form of an irregular crescent, enclosing a lagoon five miles by three in extent. The highest point is less than 100 feet above high water. The formation of the islands is volcanic, intermixed with coral atolls and reefs of considerable extent. The land generally consists of volcanic ashes, densely overgrown with palms and other trees. The true wealth of the Tonga group consists in the luxuriance of these cocoanut groves, of which the annual yield is enormous. In former years very great quantities of oil were manufactured by the Tonguese, but they now chiefly turn their attention to the making of kobra, of which the Hamburg firm of Messrs. Johann Caesar Godeffroy and Son have in a great measure monopolized the trade in these latitudes. They have established warehouses and maintain a staff of trading agents upon each of the principal islands of the Friendly group— i.e., Tongatabu, Lefonga, and Vavao. Bound all the intermediate isles they keep several small vessels cruising at all seasons of the year. These carry their cargoes to the dep6ts, from whence they are transhipped into large vessels, whose commanders receive their instructions from the agent of Messrs. Godeffroy, whose head-quarters are at the settlement of Apia, in Samoa. Although there are Sydney traders (and occasionally some small vessels from Auckland) who visit the Friendly Isles, the amount of business which they are enabled to do there is very limited. The most successful of them have been Captain Bobinson, of the barque " Botumah," and Captain Lyons, of the brig " Ocean" (both of which vessels have been lately lost). They were accustomed to trade among the Friendly Isles before the advent of the Germans, and secured a continuance of trade in consequence of having given a considerable amount of credit both to native chiefs and to Europeans who had established themselves upon the islands. These liabilities they permitted, to a certain extent, to run on from year to year, and thereby they secured to themselves a continuance of custom, although necessarily on a very small scale in comparison with the gigantic operations of the Godeffroys. These last, in the year 1870, secured to themselves what almost amounted to a monopoly of the kobra trade of the Friendly Isles, by advancing to the King a large sum of money, of which he was greatly in need. At the same time they succeeded in introducing into his dominions what is known in the Pacific as "iron money," i.e., Bolivian silver coin, which is regarded as base metal, and passes current nowhere in the South Sea with the exception of Samoa, where the Messrs. Godeffroy imported it in great quantities, and, in spite of the determined opposition of the English Consul and traders, established it as the regular currency of the place. They had a double object in so doing :in the first place, they obtain this coin (chiefly in half-dollar pieces) at a reduced value, and circulate them at 50 cents, or what else they are supposed to represent; furthermore, seeing that no other merchants will receive this"" money or have anything to do with; it, they secure to themselves the custom of whatsoever persons will take it from them, which all the inhabitants of the Samoan group, with the exception of some English traders of small business, for several years past have done without objection. After repeated failures (induced by the determined opposition of the Wesley an missionaries), they

20

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succeeded in thrusting this depreciated currency upon the Tonguese, at least to a great extent, the King having stipulated in the Commercial Treaty concluded by Herr Kegel, the representative of the Hamburg firm, that not more than one-half of the coin circulated by them in his dominions should be Bolivian—a proviso obviously void of all practical effect, insomuch as the Government of Tonga have no means of estimating what amount of specie is in circulation among its subjects during a year. The annual poll-tax per adult is $6, generally paid in kind. A license is also levied upon all persons engaged in business; foreigners, likewise, niusir pay for permission to reside upon the Friendly Islands. I have said that the missionaries objected to the introduction of the Bolivian money. This was not the case in Tonga only; they set their faces against it in Samoa and elsowhere. The reason of their opposition was a very natural one. They were in former years, before war weakened their influence, accustomed to derive a considerable revenue from the islands, which was paid in coin. It did not, of course, fall in with their views to accept for a dollar a coin which they were * unable elsewhere to negotiate at more than 75 cents. "When Mr. B. B. Nicholson, of Melbourne, owned the guano diggings at Maldon Island (now Grice and Sumner), he obtained his labour among the Christian natives of the Hervey group, and paid them in Bolivian coin for a time; but the Superintendent of the Mission in those seas sent a circular to all the chiefs under their influence, advising them not to permit any of their people to be hired as guano-diggers unless their employers would bind themselves to pay wages in English or United States coin : for the reason that, very much of the money directly or indirectly finding its way in the end into the coffers of the mission, the directors naturally enough resisted the idea of their disciples bringing to them contributions of this objectionable " iron money." As an instance of the great quantity of specie with which the Friendly Islands have been inundated, as also as an evidence of the resources of the islands themselves, I may cite the fact that in the year 1870 the employes of Measrs. Godeffroy obtained among them over 700 tons of kobra, and in the following year more than double that quantity, the greater part of which they paid for in the first place in silver coin, of which, however, a large percentage immediately returned to their hands in the shape of payment for European goods, upon which their profits are very great, insomuch as a strict regulation exists among them that to no person whatsoever (including the servants of the firm) are they permitted to sell any article of trade at less than 100 per cent, advance on the cost price, exclusive of freight or commission. One remarkable circumstance in respect to the operations of this famous mercantile house, and to which their great success may be in some degree attributed, is that they pay, as a rule, very low wages but liberal commissions. Thus, masters of ships belonging to them, and ranging from 500 to 1,000 tons, receive no more than $25 per month on voyages which extend from one to three years out and home; but over and above this they are allowed 3 per cent, on the net profits of the adventure. In this connection, having introduced the subject of the Messrs. Godeffroy, I may as well describe (as far as is known to me) the origin and organization of their operations in this part of the Pacific. Previous to the year 1857, this famous firm, which is counted among the wealthiest of the merchants of Hamburg, maintained a fleet of vessels, of which a certain number traded about the Indian Sea, under the direction of an agent established at Cochin; others made periodical voyages to the Spanish main, making their places of rendezvous at Valparaiso. At Cochin they maintained a large cocoanut-oil-pressing establishment. At Valparaiso their captains took their instructions from a general agent, whose subordinates resided at Coquimbo, Valdivia, Talcuano, Guayaquil, San Jose de Guatemala, and elsewhere. They traded chiefly in saltpetre, copper, and cochineal. At this time it was customary for Tahitian traders to dispose of their produce in Valparaiso, and to return to the Society Islands with cargoes of flour, &c, for the supply of the French garrison. The attention of Mr. Anselm, the agent of Messrs. Godeffroy, was attracted to their operations. He visited the Society Isles, and, perceiving the great profits which Messrs. Hort Brothers and John Brander were making by the traffic in cocoanut oil and pearl shell, he established an agency in the Paumotus. Messrs. Hort and Brander had separately branch establishments in the Navigator Isles, which they made an intermediate station between Tahiti and Sydney. Anselm, following their example, removed himself there, and, under instructions from principals in Hamburg, made it the head-quarters of their operations in the Pacific. He was lost at sea, but the establishment which he founded flourished and assumed gigantic proportions. By the exercise of great tact and a show of liberality in dealing with the natives, he and his successor (Mr. Theodore Weber) in a great measure swallowed up the trade of the Samoan group, and in a manner thrust both Hort and Brander off their own ground, as far as that portion of the Pacific was concerned. At the present time (for, although my personal experience of them does not extend beyond a date of about two years back, I am given to understand that no change has taken place in their modus operandi), their establishment at Apia, in the Navigator Isles, consists of a superintendent (who is also Consul for Germany), a cashier, eleven clerks, a harbourmaster, two engineers, ten carpenters, two coopers, four plantation managers, a surgeon, and a land surveyor. These constitute the permanent staff, and are all Europeans, chiefly Germans. In addition to these, they employ very many supernumeraries, having among them men of different nationalities, including half-breeds, Portuguese, and Chinamen ; and as plantation labourers, usaally about 400 Polynesians imported by them from elsewhere into Samoa, of whom a portion are natives of Savage Island, but the ■-■greater number of the Kingsmill and Marshall groups. Their property comprises a commodious harbour, a building yard for small vessels, an extensive settlement, three plantations containing an aggregate of 400 acres of cultivation, and somewhere about 25,000 acres of purchased land, of which the greater proportion is not to be surpassed in fertility in any region.

I.—The Islands generally: Mr. Sterndale.

21

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of the tropical world. It was bought at a low rate, not, upon an average, exceeding 75 cents per acre, and paid for chiefly in ammunition and arms, or such articles of barter as are most in vogue among semi-barbarous people. The titles are unexceptionable and perfectly secure. The lands themselves consist of alluvial valleys and elevated plateaux of deep rich volcanic soil, covered in many extensive tracts with valuable timber, intersected by large streams available for the floating of logs, and affording on every hand water-power for the driving of mills. In addition to the virgin soil, at least one-third of their whole property consists of ancient cultivations, abaneloned in consequence of intertribal wars, in some cases quite lately, in others-during former generations. During the progress of the civil strife which has prevailed for several years back upon the Middle Island of Samoa, the Messrs. Godeffroy enjoyed exceptional advantages in dealing with the natives, from the fact of their possessing a manufactory of arms at Liege, in Belgium, whereby they were enabled to supply the belligerents at a very cheap rate with the material of war. As an instance of the ridiculously low price at which the most valuable lands were bartered away during these disturbances, I will mention that, in the month of May, 1870, Mr. Borne, of Sydney, purj chased, in my presence, a block of land at Salafata (a secure harbour visited by whaleships), consisting of 320 acres of the richest soil covered with cocoanut and breadfruit trees, having a stream of water so flowing into the sea that a ship of any size might be moored to the rock beside it, and fill all her watercasks with a hose, for a Snider firelock and 100 rounds of Boxer cartridge, of which the value in Shanghai, where it had been purchased, was £2 10s. ! Some idea of the magnitude of their operations may be gathered from the fact that, during the year 1870 (at which time I was in their employment), no less than eight large vessels, to wit, the " Johann Ca_sar," the "Peter Godeffroy," "La Bochelle," the "Wandram," the " Susanne," the "Iserbrook," and two other barques, of which I have forgotten the names (one, I believe, was called the " Victoria "), ranging from 200 to 1,000 tons, loaded in Samoa and the neighbouring isles, and sailed for Europe. During the past few years the agents of Messrs. Godeffroy abandoned the Paumotus and other islands claimed as dependencies of France, principally for the reason that at that time (about seven years since) mother-of-pearl commanded an exceptionally low price; but more in consequence of a determination to strike out a new line for themselves, in preference to following in the wake of Messrs. Moerenhout, Hort, Brander, and other old-established merchants, who had made Tahiti their head-quarters. With this view, they pushed their agencies southward into the Friendly archipelago, including Nieue (Savage Island), Niuafou, Fotuna, and Wallis Island; northward throughout the whole range of the Kingsmills and the isles in their neighbourhood, that is to say, Tokerau, the Ellis and Gilbert groups, and the Marshalls or Ballicks, through the Carolines; and to Yap, a great island at the entrance of the Luzon Sea, where they purchased 3,000 acres of land, formed a settlement, and established a large depot intended as an intermediate station between their trading post at the Navigator Islands and their old-established agencies in China and Cochin. An examination of the chart will show how vast was the scope of their operations, when we come to consider that, between the two points I have last mentioned—that is, Samoa and Tap (which may be considered as one of the Palos, known to the English as Pelew Islands) —they have, or had lately, an agent in their employment upon every productive island inhabited by the copper-coloured race, upon which the natives are as yet sufficiently well disposed to permit a white man to reside. I append a list of these islands and of their products as far as they are known to me. The manager for Messrs. Godeffroy, in the choice of his employes on the various isles of the Pacific, takes no account of nationality ; most of his agents are naturally English or American, as most of the mariners who have run wild in these seas during past years, and so got a thorough knowledge of the native language and habits, are sure to be. He is a very shrewd man of the world, although young. lam speaking of Theodore Weber, who really made Godeffroy's business what it is, but has now retired. A Mr. Poppe supplies his place. He had but three questions usually to put to a man who'sought employment of him : " Can you speak the language ? " " Can you live among the natives without quarrelling with them?" " Can you keep your mouth shut ?"—.._., concerning your master's business when you meet with white men. To a man who can return satisfactory answers to these queries, Godeffroy never refuses employment. He gets the means of transport to those isles upon which he is to be at home ; everything necessary to build a storehouse, and a stock of trade to put into it. They pay no salaries : they simply trust a man with so much goods, and expect of him, within a reasonable time, so much produce at a fixed rate. There is another stipulation upon which they lay great weight: " Have a woman of your own, no matter what island you take her from ; for a trader without a wife is a man in eternal hot water." Lastly, they impose the condition, " Give no assistance to missionaries either by word or deed (beyond what is demanded of you by common humanity), but, wheresoever you may find them, use your best influence with the natives to obstruct and exclude them." It would occupy too much space for me to explain the reasons of this last condition :it is enough to say that it originated on very simple grounds. Throughout the Pacific, for the past twenty-five years, there has been a constant struggle for the mastery between missionaries and merchants, each being intensely jealous of the influence over native affairs obtained by the other. Merchants make the greatest profits out of savages, for the reason that savages are content to sell their produce for blue beads, tomahawks, and tobacco. When these savages are brought under the influence of the missionaries, they are instructed to demand payment in piece goods wherewith to clothe themselves, and in coin for the purpose of subscribing to the funds of the missionary societies. This reduces the profits of the merchants, who bitterly resent such interference. Moreover, the English missionaries were for years the grand opponents of the Messrs. Godeffroy in the matter of the circulation of-Bolivian coin ; and, although the firm came off victors, they have never forgotten or forgiven their ancient antagonists. Another peculiar feature of the Godeffroy system is, the sending of their vessels to sea from their head-quarters at Samoa with sealed orders, so that no one on board knows positively where they are

I.—The Islands generally: Mr. Sternaale.

-fiLi1""" X

22

bound to until, in a certain latitude, the master opens his instructions in the presence of the mate. Furthermore, they ship no man as mate who is not fully competent to fulfil the duties of the captain in case of need; and they do not insure their ships. It has been a matter of conjecture with many, what could have been the object of Messrs. Godeffroy in purchasing such a vast tract of land on Samoa. I have enjoyed peculiar facilities of knowing their exact intentions. Very much of their land is so elevated as to possess a mild temperature, well suited to the European constitution; it consists of fertile plateaux, anciently inhabited and cultivated. Their idea was to,subdivide it among German immigrants, to whom they would lease it in small lots, with the option of purchase, Godeffroy providing means of transport and all necessaries to begin with. It was intended for them to cultivate corn, coffee, tobacco, cinchona, and other produce which had been scientifically and successfully experimented upon ; while the low lands in the vicinity of the sea-beach were to be devoted to the growth of cocoa palms, sugar-cane, rice, jute, &c, by the labour of Chinese, who were intended to be brought over in families and established as tenants on a small scale, so as to do away entirely with the idea of servitude. The Franco-German war prevented the realization of this scheme at the time intended. The results, there can be no doubt, would have been very great and very beneficial. It is to be hoped that the idea, which they have been compelled to abandon in consequence of the present Imperial German policy of discouragement to emigration in any form, may be acted upon by our own countrymen at no distant date. The suitability of the Samoan Isles (especially that of Upolu, which the Messrs. Godeffroy selected as the nucleus of their operations) for European colonization will be better understood if I have the opportunity to describe their local conditions and resources, as far as they are known to me, as I purpose to do. It is not too much to say that the Tonguese from some very ancient time possessed a civilization peculiar to themselves. They have more moral stamina, energy, and self-reliance than any other existing race of the Pacific. Had they been acquainted, formerly, with the use of metals, they would have subdued all Polynesia. Their immense war canoes, rigged with a lateen yard 100 feet long, and crowded with a whole tribe of several hundreds of people, in which they made voyages to Fiji, Samoa, and even to much greater distances, were miracles of patient ingenuity as concerns their construction, and needed indomitable daring for their navigation. It has been stated by some travellers that the Tonguese are not well affected towards Europeans ; but the eagerness which they have displayed to adopt our civilization, and the manner in which they have modelled their government and framed their laws wholly upon the advice and under the direction of English missionaries, is a proof to the contrary. At the present time their condition is most prosperous. Their lands are inexhaustibly fertile, industriously cultivated, and intersected by good roads. Wheresoever a traveller may turn in Tonga, he but wanders in gardens. There is no want, squalor,, or beggary to be seen there. All are clothed in such manner as is suitable to their climate and condition ; all can read and write, and are familiar with the Gospel. In their manners, they are courteous and dignified ; in their dealings, they are honest and manly; in their domestic habits, they are cleanly even to fastidiousness. With the exception of the Marquesans, who are their inferiors in mental good qualities, the Tonguese are physically unquestionably the finest specimens of mankind to be found anywhere in the world south of the equator. Dr. Berthold Seemann, who some ten years ago was sent to the Pacific by Her Majesty's Government on a mission of inspection, declares in his report, " All entitled to pronounce an opinion on the subject have agreed that there are few spots in the world where one sees so many handsome people together as in Tonga." He goes on to say, " The unqualified praise given to their good looks by all voyagers has made them rather conceited, and their success in war haughty and arrogant in the extreme." This is nothing but human nature :in any land he that wins the day will claim the laurel. The Tonga, have fought very much, and almost always at a disadvantage—that is to say, on foreign soil, to which they had to transport themselves by sea —yet in most cases they have been the victors. The history of Maafu, who is at present one of the most powerful of their chiefs, presents tbe strongest proof of their bravery and sagacity. He began active life in 1~12, by hiring himself and small companies of his people to unprincipled trading captains, for the purpose of making voyages to the New Hebrides, and there cutting sandalwood by force of arms. Having gained much experience in these affrays, he invaded Fiji in 1848, and for a series of years carried fire and sword into a great part of it. Indeed, it is well understood that he would have made himself absolute master of the whole of that great archipelago, had not the Governments of England and the United States instructed their representatives to arrest his operations. When at the height of his power, his force consisted of 3,000 of his own countrymen and a like number of Fijian allies. He still maintains a very strong body of followers, his magazines are well stored, and he has many pieces of cannon. As his expeditions have been chiefly conducted by sea, it will easily be understood that he must be a man of great daring and perseverance. The Government of Tonga is liberal, enlightened, and respectable. It is Protestant, but there is no oppression of other creeds permitted. The laws are just and strictly enforced; there is no respect of persons before the law: the King himself sets the example of obedience. The statutes are printed, and distinctly understood by all the people. All the great islands are divided by broad roads, laid out by a European engineer; they are formed and kept in repair by the labour of such as have been convicted of crimes. There is an efficient police, and for the defence of thecountry all the able-bodied men are supplied with arms (i.e., a musket and bayonet) by their Government, and are required to attend a^egular drill twice every week. The musketry instructors are Europeans of experience, having both served in wars, one under General Sherman, the other with Garibaldi. They receive a liberal salary and good quarters from the King, who also maintains a secretary, a land surveyor, a surgeon, and several skilled mechanics, all Europeans.

I. —The Isalnds generally: Mr. Sterndale.

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The laws of Tonga forbid the sale of land to foreigners; but it is permitted to be leased upon liberal conditions for so long a term as to be tantamount to absolute sale. All traders, planters, or permanent foreign residents not in the service of the Government are obliged to take out a license. Spirits and some other articles pay a heavy duty. All the people contribute to the support of the State. The tax upon an adult male is $6 per annum. The Government is administered by the King personally, assisted by a Council. On each of the great islands there resides a Governor. They are men of superior intelligence ; they speak English, dress well, and live in handsome houses built after the European fashion, of imported, materials. A short time ago I had occasion to visit the Governor of Vavao. His name is David (that of the King is George, and of Maafu Charley: all high-caste Tonguese take great pride in English names). David is a man of huge stature, and of so noble a presence that he looks not much the worse from having lost an eye in the wars. He wore.a very handsome uniform, which had been made to his order in Sydney, and, together with Ids sword and accessories, had cost him £200. His house would be regarded in the Australian Colonies as a fitting residence for any high official personage below the rank of a Viceroy. It is constructed of imported materials ; all the interior panelled and polished, the furniture of every room being elegant and costly, and imported from New South Wales. In the centre of the building is a large dining-hall, with stained glass doors at each end. It is only used on state occasions. Here the table was laid with every requisite, fine linen, plate, and cut glass. The cook was a Chinaman, the pantler a negro. A better or more elegantly served dinner one would scarcely expect in Sydney; everything was in profusion, even to champagne and sodawater. This David, like all his colleagues in the Government of Tonga, apes the manners of a British officer. One remark he made was very characteristic of the man. I perceived on a Sunday afternoon that he did not leave the house, although his people were all at church for the second time. I inquired the reason, and he replied, " I have been this morning; too much church is not good. I have been told that English gentlemen do not go to church more than once in the day. We got our religion and our laws from the English : why, then, should we not imitate their customs in other respects?" This is but the expression of the general feeling of the ruling race of Tonga. They have been so long accustomed to act by Englisn advice that, when a time of trouble overtakes them (and it is approaching surely and rapidly, and may arrive at any moment), it is upon England that they will seek to lean. In the Tonguese character there is a certain amount oi craft, which may be wickedness or wisdom; but they possess one peculiarity of which Polynesians are generally altogether deficient—they can keep a secret; and in politics they will not show their hand either to friend or foe. If one chances now to question any man of influence in Tonga as to the immediate future of his islands, his countenance falls, he seeks to change the subject, or becomes sombre, silent, and even suspicious. The reason is plain enough. There is a dark cloud hanging over the Friendly Isles, which must burst shortly and rain blood, unless some strong Power mercifully steps in to disperse the elements of mischief. There has been a war in Samoa (now said to be terminated). It has lasted for more than four years, and has in a great measure devastated the most fertile island of that group. It has been conducted upon a most sanguinary principle, and has left behind a legacy of misery from which it will take many years to recover. The same, if not prevented, is about to happen in Tonga, but with even more disastrous results, forasmuch as these political animosities have been intensified by long anticipation. The Tonga men are better fighters than the Samoans, are better trained in the use of arms, and are more extensively supplied with them. Every Tongaman well knows, when he goes to parade with his firelock and pouch, that all this marching and drilling, this paying of tax to pay muskets and cannon, is not meant for any mere purpose of display, but that it is the preparation for a long and cruel strife, in which powerful chiefs, well accustomed to the horrors of war and well provided with the means of its prosecution, will enlist their partisans against each other, to decide by force of arms who shall be the successor to the present King, who, from his extreme age and infirmity, may be expected to die any day. Yet, though all understand what is about to occur, they are reticent as to their individual intentions; few men caring to declare, even to their friends, which of the candidates they purpose to support. The case stands thus: King George was a polygamist and had many children. When converted to Christianity, for which he has displayed much zeal, he divorced all his wives but one (of course the youngest), thereby bastardizing all his elder sons. These purpose to fight for the succession, each having followers and supporters. David, among the rest, declares his intention to strike a blow for the sovereignty; and, to introduce a still more formidable element of discord, Maafu, who claims the kingdom of Tonga on pretence of being the bravest man in it, will, as he says, throw his sword into the scale, and bring into the field not only all the old companions of his former wars, but a horde of merciless Fijian allies, who will repay with interest upon the unhappy inhabitants of Tonga the wrongs which their countrymen have inflicted upon Fiji. From the geographical conditions, the transport of the combatants must be conducted by sea, and European merchants, who have experience of the trade of the group, and who consequently perfectly comprehend the situation, have been for years back anticipating the explosion, and making preparations to supply the material of war in this struggle, which they justly regard as inevitable. Those who are acquainted with the history of the sanguinary civil strife which followed the introduction of Christianity into the Friendly Islands will readily understand what the nature of the conflict will be. It is lamentable to think that a people possessed of qualities so amiable, and in many aspects ho worthy of respect, should be delivered over to a reign of violence and bloodshed (in which none can hope to profit but merciless conquerors and unprincipled speculators), at the very time when, having recently emerged from barbarism, they have shown so great progress in the arts of peace and the knowledge of God. Surely, it seems the manifest duty of whatsoever great nation is now most interested in the prosperity of Polynesia, to take some steps to avert these calamities. One

I.—The Islands generally: Mr. Sterndale.

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I.—The Islands generally: Mr. Sterndale.

would think that, if no other consideration would influence Her Majesty's Government to move in the matter, the question of the security of the lives and the property of British subjects located in the Friendly Isles (and the number and amount are very considerable) ought to sufficiently demonstrate the necessity of intervention, before it be too late, to arrest the progress of events which the whole civilized world cannot fail to deplore. The firm of Godeffroy, in Tonga as elsewhere, confine their attention chiefly to the trade in dried cocoanut (or kobra, as it is called there, though it has other names in different groups, such as popo and takataka). They will purchase oil if it comes in their way; but tkey prefer the dried nut, upon which the profits are greater, for the reason thai they can buy it at a cheaper rate, and when transported to Europe (Hamburg and Bremen being the principal markets), where crushed in hydraulic presses of enormous power, they obtain from it a quality of oil altogether different from that which can be manufactured in the Pacific Islands by any primitive or inexpensive method, being clear, colourless, and free from any rancid taste or smell; in addition to which the residue of the substance of the nut, after crushing, is sold to great advantage as food for cattle, in a form similar to that of the linseed cake which has been for many years in so great demand. , Among the other products successfully cultivated in the Friendly Isles, the most notable are coffee—of which there are several extensive plantations—cotton, arrowroot, and tapioca. Among the indigenous products, one most worthy of attention is the Tuitui, or candle-nut, which grows wild all over the group. It contains a great deal of a valuable oil, which is well appreciated in the English markeo. It is fine and clear, and burns with a bright flame. No use is made of it by the natives, except to polish woodwork or to burn in lamps. It is used also as candles, the kernels, which are about the size of those of a walnut, being strung upon a thin slip of wood and burned like a torch. The croton-oil plant is also indigenous, but has not been utilized in any way, excepting for fences. There are some deposits of pearl shell in the Friendly Isles, but the shells are commonly small. Pearls of fine quality but not of large size are often obtainable at a very cheap rate. Hawksbill turtle-shell, or " tortoise-shell," as the traders persist in calling it, is not so plentiful in Tonga as in Fiji. Green turtle is, however, very abundant. It is a mistake to suppose this shell of no value, as at the present time the manufacturers of Europe readily buy all manner of shell no matter how thin or broken up it may be, for the reason that they have a process of melting it down into sheets, and afterwards cutting it into all sorts of articles of use and ornament by machinery. Fungus of the kind called Taringa More is obtained in Tonga, and is usually purchased by traders at 10 cents per lb. for transport to China. Beche-de-mer-gathermg is an old-established industry everywhere in this latitude. There are three kinds—the red, the black, and the grey ; the last is of the best quality. They are well cured, but not usually sorted or separated by the natives, who sell them to the traders at a rate per barrel corresponding to five cents per lb. The market value of this article in China has lately fluctuated between £60 and £100 per ton. Sperm whales are common at certain seasons in the Friendly Group ; indeed, of late years, a pestilence has been caused several times by the natives feeding to excess upon their carcases. Among the vegetable products of the Friendly Isles, a very remarkable one is the Masi, or Tappa tree, from the bark of which the native clothing is made. It is propagated by cuttings grown 2 feet or 3 feet apart in plantations. It is'allowed to grow from 10 to 15 feet high, when it is about the thickness of a gun-barrel. It is very possible that it might be successfully cultivated for the manufacture of paper. It is probable that the bark of a species of banian very common in the islands, and of which coarse cloth is made, would prove profitable for this purpose, to which, however, the bleached leaves of the screw-palm (Pandanus) seem better adapted than any material with which lam acquainted. In these islands are several valuable kinds of indigenous fibres. To say nothing of Kaa, or cocoanut sinnet, there is that of the Yaka, which is very strong, so much so that the best fishing-nets are made of it; also Mati, or Boaa as it is called in some places, as likewise that of a species of Hibiscus, which grows wild in great quantity. It is called Kalakalau, and is used for the making of fringes and petticoats. The fibre is white, of a silvery lustre, and very str'ong. But one of the most beautiful of raw materials to be met with in the Pacific, and of which it is surprising that no advantageous use has as yet been made, is the long fibre obtained from the stalks of the Puraka plant, a gigantic species of Arum, of which the leaves are as much as 6 feet long by 4 feet in width, and the root sometimes as large as a five-gallon keg. From this fibre some beautiful fabrics are made : a sample of it was many years ago sent to London by a missionary of the Hervey group, and there it was made into a bonnet and presented to the Queen. An endeavour was made at one time to introduce it into the market, but it seems now to be neglected or forgotten. In the Friendly Islands, as well as in the neighbouring groups, are found great quantities of the Ti, called by the Europeans the Dragon-tree. The root, when cooked, contains a most extraordinary quantity of saccharine matter: indeed, it seems as though it had been boiled in syrup. Bum is distilled from it in the Friendly Islands, as well as from sugarcane, of which there is great abundance. As to vegetable products, whatever can be said concerning the Friendly Isles applies to Fiji, with this difference, that those of Fiji are more varied, from the more extended area and greater altitude of the latter group creating a diversity of temperature. There are to be found, in great profusion, all those trees and plants of which I have made mention, as likewise many others equally valuable and marketable, wild and indigenous, such as many valuable dye-woods, with ginger, turmeric, and cinnamon. There is also a nutmeg, but not that of commerce, though the true nutmeg exists on Samoa. Ciikewise upon the Fijis are extensive forests of valuable timber trees, such as are not found in Tonga. Copper and other minerals are also spoken of as existing there, n the interior of Viti Levu, but of this I have no personal knowledge.

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Among the industries of Tonga, one very notable is the breeding of sheep, which for some years past has been pursued with success, chiefly on the large and fertile island of Eooa, leased for that purpose from the Tonguese King by certain gentlemen from New Zealand. Nieue, or Savage Island (so named by Captain Cook, from the extreme ferocity with which its natives attacked his company on their landing there), if it can be said to belong to any group whatever, ought to be tributary to the kingdom of Tonga, but it has never been so, although the piratical Tonguese invaded it on more than one occasion, as they did all the islands in their neighbourhood, : even to the Navigators, where the remains of immense trenches, jind of causeways paved with stone, still bear witness to their bravery and perseverance. Savage Island is about 36 miles in circumference and about 200 feet high at the highest point. It consists entirely of upheaved coral, and has no lagoon (as has been said). There is anchorage in several places (though it has been reported otherwise), and great pools of fresh water in caverns of the coast. There are about 3,000 inhabitants, who profess Christianity, but are of a very low type of intellect; nevertheless they are industrious, kindly disposed, and on the whole a good people, though exhibiting occasional outbreaks of barbarism. They are of a different race from the TongueSe or Samoans, being allied to the Tokerau and Kingsmill natives. The land has a barren aspect from the sea. It consists entirely of broken coral, pierced with great crevasses, being only an uplifted reef; but there is good soil upon it, and the place is productive, yielding a great quantity of arrowroot, and good cotton. Fungus is plentiful. Cocoanuts have been introduced from Samoa. They raise great quantities of yams, and have very many hogs. They trade with Godeffroy, who maiHtains an agent among them. Two English missionaries with their families live on Savage Island, in very comfortable style. They endeavour to prevent the people from visiting other lands, on the ground that they learn bad habits. 'Nevertheless, the Savage Islanders, or Nieues as they are called, are very fond of hiring themselves out to work away from their home, and they are some of the most valuable labourers in the Pacific, being very strong, very tractable, very good-natured, and very quick to learn any simple labour or handicraft. The wages for which they engage are usually $5 per month and their food, and a great many of them are to be found on the plantations of Tahiti, Samoa, and Fiji. Eastward of Nieue some 500 miles is Palmerston Island. This was the first discovered in the South Sea, being the San Pablo of Magalhaens. It has no harbour, but there is good anchorage in a bight on the lee side. The land is low, in the form of a coral ring, upon which are nine or ten islets, from one to three miles long, enclosing a lagoon about eight miles in diameter. There is a large pond of fresh water. Arrowroot, turmeric, and other plants grow wild. The cocoanut groves are very dense. The trees are uncultivated, as there are no permanent inhabitants. In their present state they are capable of yielding 100 tons of kobra in the year. With proper attention, this return would be enormously increased. Here is a great deal of Tomano timber of large size : it is valuable for ship-building, being like Spanish mahogany. There is also a great quantity of a wood which is called Nangiia, which is not generally known to Europeans, and has never been utilized by them. It is never found except on desert shores, on the brink of lagoons, where its roots are bathed by the tide. Its peculiarities are great weight, intense hardness, and close grain. It is used by savages as a substitute for iron, but it is altogether different from the Too, (ironwood so called). They make fish-hooks of it, and various implements. For all the uses to which lignum vita is applied, it is still better adapted. I possess some samples of it which have been experimented upon by wood-engravers, who pronounce it excellently well suited to the requirements of their art. For this purpose alone, it would, if extensively known, become valuable as an article of commerce; boxwood, which is at present the only material generally employed in wood-engraving, being exceedingly expensive, fluctuating in price between 2d. and Is. 6d. the square inch. Logs of Nangiia wood are obtainable on Palmerston's and other similar isles in great quantity, of a diameter of 18 inches. A few turtle fishers and beche-de-mer curers have made a temporary sojourn on Palmerston's for many years past. Mr. John Brander, of Tahiti, professes to claim it, having registered it in the Consulate of that place in his name, in consequence of a captain in his employment having removed some beachcombers from it, and accepted their assurance that he might have the island for taking them away. But Mr. Brander has never attempted to make any systematic use of it. It might be rendered a most profitable settlement, very much more so than Caroline Island, which, it is reported, was a few months since sold to Messrs. Holder, Brothers, of London, for a large sum of money. Between Vavao and the Samoan group are several islands, of which the most remarkable is Niuafou. It has no harbour, and is volcanic, being the lip of a great crater, which smokes very much, and deposits large quantities of sulphur. The fertility of the land is astonishing. Cocoanuts are in immense quantity and of an extraordinary size, each shell being upon an average equal in capacity to a gallon measure. There are several villages of about 800 inhabitants. This is one of the best kobra-trading stations in the South Pacific. Whether the unusual size of the cocoanuts of Niuafou is owing to any peculiar local conditions, such as the heat of the soil from the vicinity of the volcano, I am unable to say, but I am of opinion that they are a distinct species. The same are found upon Fotuna and Alofa, two very fertile and populous islands, a short distance to the westward. The people of Niuafou are Protestant; those of Fotuna and Alofa, Eoman Catholic. They are industrious and hospitable; although, a few years ago, they were such determined cannibals that it was common for them to I steal their neighbours' children for food, and this not from want, as they lived in the midst of abundance of hogs, vegetableSjgand fish. In this neighbourhood, north-west of these last, is Wallis Island (Uvea). It is lofty and fertile, and in the centre of a great lagoon, with several entrances, which constitute a magnificent harbour. There is a large population, all Boman Catholic; among them reside the French Bishop of Oceana 4—A. 4.

I.—The Islands generally: Mr. Sterndale.

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I.—The Islands generally: Mr. Sterndale.

and a community of priests, friars, and nuns. There is a very handsome cathedral of cut stone. One cannot help being struck with astonishment to find such works in a place so remote from civilization. The trade of Wallis Island is in kobra and beche-de-mer. The Samoan or Navigator group extends over 4° of longitude. The three largest islands are visible one from the other. They are lofty and volcanic, being a chain of extinct craters. Of their beauty and fertility no adequate conception can be formed by those who have not seen them. Savaii is the largest of them, being somewhere about 250 miles round, with a height approaching 4,000 feet. It is of a conical form, and rises from the sea like a vast dome of green vegetation. There is only one harbour for large ships on Savaii, but a great trade is conducted around its coast by small schooners owned by the merchants of Apia, in the neighbouring island. There are a number of Europeans on Savaii, probably not less than 100; they are chiefly English, employed in the purchase of kobra from the natives, although some are engaged in cotton-planting. Of the population of the whole Samoan group, which amounts to about 40,000, more than onethird reside upon Savaii. Nevertheless, only along the coast-line and for a few miles inland is it inhabited, the interior being a mere wilderness of the most gorgeous tropical vegetation; groves, dense even to darkness, of palms and plantains, citrons and mangos, bread-fruit everywhere, and wild yams trailing themselves into a matted jungle. On the flanks of the great mountain are tracts of forest, in which a man might wander for weeks without finding his way out, of the most valuable timber trees, of gigantic size, Asi, Mamala, Maridi, To, Tainu, Tomano, Vii. These forests are traversed by ravines, with innumerable waterfalls for the turning of saw-mills, and streams for the floatage of logs. In these woodland wastes, seldom penetrated by the natives except for the purpose of boar-hunting or pigeon-catching, are to be found growing in abundance many indigenous products as yet unregarded by traders, such as—Ginger; the true nutmeg of commerce (not alone that bastard kind so well known in Fiji); a sort ,of wild fibre which, in its manner of growing out of a pod, resembles cotton, but in lustre is equal to silk, and which has never yet been utilized in any way, though it grows in patches of sometimes hundreds of acres in extent; and various species of cane of the trailing kind, among them the true Bate, or rattan of the East Indies, which is used for so great a variety of purposes, and in many parts of the world constitutes an important article of commerce. The distance between Savaii and Upolu is only eight miles from reef to reef. Upolu, although the second in altitude and area, is the finest island of the Samoan group, from its superior fertility, and from its possessing large and secure harbours. Savaii is immensely productive, but Upolu, in comparison, is as a garden to a wilderness. The Island of Upolu, like Savaii, is only inhabited upon the sea-coast. This was not the case formerly, as the whole interior exhibits evidence of ancient prosperous settlement. It consists of sloping ridges and wide elevated plateaux, rising one behind the other up to the crown of the central range, very much of which displays vast areas of rich table-land covered with luxuriant forests, in whose silent depths are to be seen the ruins of ancient villages and buildings of strange orm, composed of massive stonework. One easily recognizes the fact that all the available land in those localities has been at one time industriously cultivated, from the remains of boundarywalls, causeways, reservoirs and ditches for purposes of irrigation, and similar works, affording proof that in some early unknown time the population was much more dense as well as more energetic and industrious than at present. The soil of these mountain table-lands is of the most productive nature, deep, loose, and porous, of a chocolate colour, and capable of being cultivated with but little labour, as we see that in former times it has been. The lighter portions of the forest, from the looseness of the soil, are very easy to eradicate. The heavy timber, by reason of its valuable character and the facilities of transport to the seacoast, or the abundance of water-power for the purpose of having it sawn up on' the spot, would more than repay the cost of its removal. There cannot be a more glorious prospect than, when sailing along some parts of the coast of Upolu, to view the great expanse of cocoanut groves extending far inland, spreading over the surface of gentle slopes, intersected by bridle-paths, along which one may ride frequently a dozen miles and meet with scarcely any vegetation beyond the same apparently-interminable forest of palm, breadfruit, and bananas. There are upon the island many horses of a very good breed, imported from Sydney. Cattle in like manner do remarkably well, and are increasing rapidly. Neither in their case nor in that of .the horse has the stock deteriorated from change of climate. As concerns the rearing of sheep, it does not appear that the experiment has been tried; but goats do well. Swine are in great plenty; they are likewise wild in the forests, where they grow to a large size, and are exceedingly fierce. Dr. Seemann, in his valuable work upon Fiji, speaks of fever as " the curse of the Samoan group." He was quite mistaken, and one need not wonder at it, seeing that he had not been to Samoa, where they speak of fever and dysentery being the curse of Fiji. There are few diseases indigenous to Samoa, which is, without exception, one of the healthiest climates in the world. The European ladies, of whom there are seldom less than a dozen residing in the settlement of Apia, enjoy excellent health. Their children are robust, rosy, and vigorous. The only strictly indigenous disease with which I am acquainted is elephantiasis, which, although unsightly and troublesome, is not supposed to shorten a man's days, neither is it likely to do so, judging from the number of very aged persons who are to be seen suffering from it. It is accompanied by intermittent fever on Samoa, as elsewhere. Its causes are unknown, but it is well understood to be aggravated by drinking haiua, to the use of which Europeans of long residence on Samoa are generally addicted. The truth is that in the Navigator Islands, as in Fiji, disease of any kind (if we except elephantiasis and its incipient febrile symptoms) is to be attributed, not to the effects of climate, but to those of intoxicating drink. When one considers the astonishing quantity of alcoholic drink, chiefly " square

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gin," consumed during any one month in either Apia or Levuka by so disproportionate a number of white settlers, one need not be surprised at hearing an outcry about disease. As concerns the mental capacity and disposition of the Samoans, little more need bo said than I have already said with respect to the Tonguese. They are, on the whole, possibly of a less energetic and more lazy disposition. Both tribes are originally from one stock, though long separated, and now differing from each other in many social customs and habits of thought. Thws a system of religion, settled government, or unity of action, which has for many generations characterized the Tonguese, are unknown in Samoa. Frequent wars have taken place between them in past generations. The Tonguese invaded Samoa from time to time, and settled considerable tracts of Upolu and Savaii. They left behind them evidences of their presence in huge fortifications and highways paved with stone. Whether they were finally expelled by force of arms or left of their own accord, is doubtful. The Samoans still greatly fear the Tonguese. From the earliest times the Samoans appear not to have advanced in any degree. They are> well affected towards strangers, especially English, but do not exhibit any great anxiety to abandon thsir ancient usages. They are naturally of a simple mind, hospitable, peaceable, and generous. Though they have been for some time past at war among themselves, they do not love civil strife for its own sake, neither was the quarrel of their own seeking; it was thrust upon them by the intrigues of foreigners, who fomented mischief among them to serve their own purposes. It is in connection with these unhappy disturbances that they have shown almost the only signs of advancement which have become apparent in their condition since their first acquaintance with civilized man nearly half a century ago, inasmuch as they have invested largely in muskets and other weapons, and have devoted much attention to rendering themselves familiar with their use. As regards their mental disposition, they are the best of all the people of the Pacific, if we except, perhaps, the islanders of the Hervey and Austral Isles, or those of the Union group, who are, of course, quite exceptional, inasmuch as until visited by white men they were altogether destitute of weapons of offence. The Samoans respect the proprieties, and enforce a code of morals which, though not perhaps including every enactment desirable, has nevertheless operated to preserve their self-respect, and to render them immeasurably superior in the matter of good behaviour to the Marquesans, Hawaiians, or natives of the Society Isles. They are not by disposition cruel, or prone to the shedding of blood; on the contrary, they had from old time many merciful and excellent laws, such as the providing of sanctuaries or places of refuge, where a man should be secure from the vengeance of those whom he might have offended, and an institution of public reconciliation, whereby the life of a man could be saved even when regarded as justly forfeited in consequence of some evil deed. Moreover, in all their wars they respected the lives of non-combatants; such as infirm persons, children, and women. They were never cannibals, sacrificers, or idolators in any shape. Treachery is no part of their nature, nor is ingratitude ; they treat their women with great respect, and their children with extravagant affection. In the matter of a bargain their word is entirely to be depended upon ; they will never go back from a promise of which they have been truly made to comprehend the conditions. Thus, in all their land-sale transactions —and they have sold very large areas, not in blocks but in small portions, a section of 100 acres frequently comprising twenty or more separate lots, the property of different members of a family—no disputes subsequent to the original transfer have ever been known to take place in cases where the conditions of the bargain had been truly interpreted to the vendors. They have been of late years very much addicted to thieving from plantations, and they have been known even to take hogs, Indian corn, and other produce, by force of arms ; but they would protest, and with much show of reason, that they were compelled of necessity to support themselves in time of war, by taking what they might find to their hand. On the whole, throughout all their troubles, they showed great respect for the property of Europeans, and a very praiseworthy desire to bring to justice any of their own people who maliciously injured or annoyed them. War, which so demoralizes even the most enlightened of Christian peoples, could not fail to bring out in high relief many dark traits in the character of these Samoan barbarians ; but when free from its evil influences they have no sympathy with violence or dishonesty, and I believe that all British officers who in the discharge of duty have been brought into contact with them have described them as courteous, right-minded, and open to conviction. The centre of commercial operations upon the Samoan group is situated at Apia, on the north coast of Upolu. Here is a large harbour, presenting accommodation for a very great number of ships. It is regarded as perfectly secure unless it might be in December, January, and February, when the north wind at times drives in the sea, though it has seldom happened that when proper care has been exercised any casualties have resulted to shipping. The settlement, which has the appearance of a long straggling village, extends along the water's edge, and consists of about two hundred houses, the property of Europeans, including the large establishment of the Messrs. Godeffroy, the German, English, and American Consulates, a fraternity of French Eoman Catholic priests, a school conducted by the Sisters of Mercy, an English mission, half a dozen large stores and some retail shops, six or seven publichouses, a billiard saloon, a bakery, two smithies, and two steam cotton-gins. The trade of the port is very considerable. It has not been unusual for several years past to Bee as many as six or seven large vessels loading in the harbour at one time. Their freighcs are, however, not the product of Upolo alone, but are collected in small vessels and brought there, as to a central depot, from the other islands of the Navigator group, from some more distant as Nieue, Manihiki, Tokarau, the Ellis group, Uvea jFottuna, and elsewhere. The bulk of these cargoes consists of dried cocoanut, and the trade is chiefly in the hands of Messrs. Godeffroy; but another German firm, Messrs. -Hedemann, Euge, and Co., have lately established themselves at Apia in the same line. There are also other articles of export—cotton, fungus, ginger, arrowroot, pearl shell, and beche-de-mer. Some of these products are indigenous; others are obtained elsewhere by small

I.—The Islands generally: Mr. Sterndale.

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vessels belonging to the port of Apia. Besides the permanent residents, there is a large floating population of mariners and traders continually on the move between Apia and the neighbouring groups of islands, especially the vast archipelago which extends between the Navigators and the Eallicks, and which is commonly spoken of under the general denomination of " Kingsmills." Many guano ships also visit Apia on their way to or from Maldon Island, or the stations of the American Guano Company which are still nearer to Samoa, to wit, Baker's, Enderbury's, McKean's, Howland's, and others known as the Phoenix Group. This American Guano Compaliy have professed, according to statements published some years back, to owi'fourteen islands in that vicinity : but to some of those they pretend to claim they have no right whatever ; they are not acquainted with the precise locality of some ; and others havo no actual existence, although laid down upon the charts. I may hero remark that if the guano trade be really a profitable one, which I imagine it to be from the amount of capital invested in it, her-e is a wide field for its prosecution, inasmuch as between the equator and the tenth parallel of latitude, and in a line between Tokerau -and Nukuhiva, are several islands apparently covered with" this valuable deposit, and not only unclaimed by men of any nation, but either not mentioned at all upon the charts or laid down at long distances from their true position. Such are the islands of Eoggewein, Peregrino, and Dudosa, all of which do actually exist, though nowhere near the positions ascribed to them on the charts ; and they would long before now have become known as dangerous obstructions to navigation, were it not for the fact that vessels have seldom had occasion to traverse that part of the ocean in which they are. The population of the whole Samoan group is commonly estimated at about 40,000, of which one-half reside upon Upolu, which includes Manono, a small island attached to it by a coral reef at its south-western extremity. This Manono is only five miles in circumference —an isle rocky and conical, rising in a sort of terrace, covered in every available spot with villages and cultivations. Notwithstanding its limited area the chiefs ,of Manono have been regarded from old time as entitled to the greatest amount of consideration accorded to any in the Samoan group : not, perhaps, from their greater bravery (as they boast), but from the peculiar conformation of their island and that of Apolirna, which they also possess, which form a sort of impregnable natural fortress wherein during former ages they resisted successfully the piratical incursions of the Tonguese and others. The natural resources of the island of Upolo are very great. The temperature of the Navigator Isles is so mild that, although within 15° of the Equator, Europeans are enabled to perform, at all seasons of the year, all manner of outdoor work without inconvenience or detriment to their constitutions. The great age to which the ancient beachcombers (that is to say, Europeans who half a century ago deserted from ships at these islands, or, having escaped from durance vile in the penal settlements of Australia, made themselves a home upon them) have usually arrived, is a proof of the adaptability of the climate to the European constitution. There is evidence enough of this in the fact that smiths, carpenters, timber-cutters, and men engaged in various outdoor hard labour, pursue their occupations without inconvenience. Thus wood-sawyers (Englishmen) toil in their sawpits at all times of the year alike, from dawn till dark, without shade of any kind to their sawpits. They cut the same number of feet as they have been wont to do in Australia during a day's work; they enjoy robust health, and do not complain of the climate or its temperature. It appears as though all the valuable vegetable products of the tropics would flourish upon Upolo. Cotton succeeds well, and has run wild in all the sea-coast lands—unfortunately, it would seem, for, being of the kidney species, it prevents the Sea Island from being propagated to advantage, as the bees and other insects, carrying the pollen of the wild cotton flowers, inoculate the Sea Island and cause it to become coarse. Large tracts of sugarcane and maize are cultivated by the Germans; they have also planted coffee with great success, and rice of a kind enormously prolific, which is grown upon elevated plateaux without irrigation, it being of a species not requiring to be flooded at any time with water. Whence they obtained the seed I have not heard, but I imagine from South America. Legumes and cereals of the temperate zone have been planted successfully by the Germans, and notably by the French priests, some of whom have been now resident on Upolo for nearly thirty years, and have acclimatized maiiy useful plants and trees. Cabbages, cauliflowers, peas, all kinds of beans, carrots, and asparagus, cucumbers, and melons of every kind, with the pot-herbs of Europe, are to be seen in their gardens, and of the most luxuriant growth. Potatoes, however, turn to komotes in the second season in the low"lands, and onions do not exceed a grapeshot in magnitude, though there is reason to believe that both these vegetables would grow very well upon the level summits of the high mountain lands. Barley and the various kinds of millet produce abundant crops, and English grass mixed with clover takes ready hold of the ground and spreads rapidly. Among the products more especially suited to the climate and local conditions of Samoa, as proved from experiment, may be enumerated cotton, coffee, sugar, tamarinds, tobacco, indigo, vanilla, rice, cinnamon (a tree analogous to which is found indigenous), true nutmegs, ginger, arrowroot, and the various oil-producing trees. Among those which could unquestionably be introduced with success may be more particularly mentioned cinchona and tea. Eor the cultivation of the latter no climate or country presents more favourable conditions. I speak with confidence, having a thoroughly practical knowledge of the subject. There is no reason why Englishmen, having once conquered the popular prejudice that tea cannot be successfully cultivated or manufactured by Europeans, or outside of certain localities, should not enter upon this industry in the great islands of the Pacific ; especially as the amount of labour required is so small in comparison" with that necessary for the cultivation and preparation of coffee, sugar, cotton, or tobacco. Tea adapts itself to various temperatures in a manner impossible to coffee, is extremely hardy, and bears a crop which defies rains or hurricanes; it luxuriates on high and sloping lands, especially those of ancient forest, where the giant trees are allowed at intervals to remain, affording a shade in which it

I.—The Islands generally: Mr. Sterndale.

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delights. It is of all products one of the most suited to the high woodlands of Samoa. The seed would be easily procurable from China, and if gathered at the fitting season, and packed in damp sand or sugar, would arrive in good germinating condition. The tea shrub yields its first payable crop in the third year from the planting of the seed. For the plantation labour the services of Polynesians are suitable and easily procurable. The skilled workmen required for the manipulation of the leaf arc to be met with in Hawaii, or can be obtained from China at a low rate of remuneration. I have said that the Messrs. Godeffroy have purchased from the natives of Samoa about 25,000 acres of valuable land. The greater proportion of this property Is situated upon Upolo, and consists of a triangular block extending nearly five miles along the sea-coast, and inland to the crown of the dividing sierra. All of this is easily accessible from the shore by bridle-tracks, which can in most cases be made practicable for wheeled conveyances at a trifling expense. They employ wagons in their plantation work. The area of their cultivations at present (or up to within the last two years) comprises about 500 acres. They employ usually about 400 (reported at present to be 1,200) imported labourers, chiefly from the Kingsmill Isles, besides a number of Samoans, Rarotongans* and. Nieues. The wages of the Kingsmill or Line islanders, as they are called, are two dollars per month and their food; the term of their' service three years, at the expiration of which they are returned to their homes or re-engaged at their own option. The original engagements of these people on their own land were at the rate of one dollar per month, which was increased to two by their employers after a few months of training to the plantation work, in which they showed themselves industrious and tractable. Messrs. Godeffroy and Son deservedly rank amongst the most enlightened merchants of Europe; and in no respect is this more apparent than in the wise regulations framed by them for the conduct of their plantations on Samoa. The Kingsmill islanders, on arrival upon their estates, present an example of the lowest type of Pacific savages—naked, brutal, and wolfish in aspect; having lived absolutely without laws ; having subsisted only upon cocoanuts, fish, and the fruit of the screw-palm; seamed with the scars of incessant affrays, the result of the state of chronic intoxication in which their brains have been steeped from childhood from the use of the fermented toddy of the cocoanut tree ; a large proportion being afflicted with cutaneous diseases and various forms of syphilis, introduced among them by the crews of whaling ships. They are comfortably lodged, decently clothed, well fed, and trained to honesty and peaceful industry. They arrive filthy, lazy, and ferocious. After six months of plantation life they do not resemble the same beings, and, at the expiration of their agreements, they are so far improved as to be as unfit for communion with their brutal brethren in their native isles as they were previously for contact with civilized humanity. The regulations of the Messrs. Godeffroy with respect ,to their imported labourers provide that these people shall in no case be engaged by their agents without their own consent, backed by that of their chiefs and relatives. The overseers appointed to accompany them in the field are either their own countrymen or foreigners who have been many years domesticated among them. Their dwellings are of sawn timber—large, airy, and clean. Their food consists of pork, fish, taro, yams, plantains, breadfruit, and a daily ration of wholesome bread (baked for them in brick ovens) of maize meal, of which they are very fond. Besides this regular allowance they have green corn, cocoanuts, melons, and other vegetable food ad libitum. They have nine hours of labour, from 6to 11 and from 12 to 4 o'clock. They are in no case permitted to be beaten by their overseers. If punishment is found necessary, as in aggravated cases of bodily violence or crime, such as among savages must sometimes be expected, punishment varying from one to four dozen stripes with a cat, such as is used in ships-of-war, is administered in the presence of the Consul. They are under the supervision of a properly-qualified European surgeon, and are supplied with all needful medicines and comforts for the sick, for which no charge whatever is made to them. Missionaries of both the Protestant and Catholic denomination are allowed every facility to visit or instruct them, but, being of a low order of intellect, they have not been known as yet to benefit by such teachings. On the Sunday they are not required to do any manner of work. Their matrimonial arrangements are not interfered with. They are permitted to form such connections as they please, provided that peace be preserved. It would be well for planters throughout the tropics, if the system pursued by the Messrs. Godeffroy were more generally known and adopted. All the other establishments on Samoa, where imported labour is employed, are conducted on the same .humane and just principles. The scheme propounded by the Messrs. Godeffroy for the settlement of their property on the Island of Upolo, if carried out according to their intentions, could not have failed to have been productive of important results, not only as concerns the advancement of the Samoan group, but in the furtherance of civilization and commercial enterprise throughout all Central Polynesia. The Government of the North German Confederation regarded the project with paternal interest. Several personal interviews and a voluminous correspondence upon the subject took place between Cffisar Godeffroy, sen. and Herr von Bismarck. They had been personal friends from their youth, and the astute Chancellor did not hesitate to lend his influence to the advancement of a plan of colonization which, while it promised advantageous employment for the energies of a number of the better class of German adventurers, would secure to the rising navy of the Confederation the possession of one of the most central and best-supplied harbours of rendezvous in the Pacific. The matter had not been long under discussion when the approbation of the Government assumed a practical shape. Elaborate plans prepared upon the ground by a surveyor of the locality intended for settlement were laid before the authorities in Berlin ; a programme of the system of colonization to be initiated was drawn up; extraordinary powers were delegated to the Consul of Samoa; grants of arms of precision from the Government arsenals were made for the protection of the settlement; and the "Hertha" (the first, it was said, of the Continental ironclads which passed through the

I.—The Islands generally: Mr. Sterndale.

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30

I. —The Islands generally: Mr. Sterndale.

Suez Canal) received orders to proceed from China to the Navigator Isles, to settle all outstanding disputes between the Germans and the chiefs of those islands, and by a judicious display of power to prepare the way for the first detachment of military settlers, who were to take their departure from Hamburg so soon as her commander should have submitted his report. At the same time arrangements had been made by the Messrs. Godeffroy with their agent in Valparaiso to ship from thence to Samoa a number of mules and their Chilian drivers, for the purpose of opening a regular communication between the north and south coasts of Upolu over the great central dividing range. Orders were likewise given to the manager of their establishment in Cochin to despatch from thence several Chinese families, who had been for some years at that place in the employment of the firm, in order to commence systematically upon suitable lands in Samoa the cultivation of rice and other oriental products. But the " Hertha " was countermanded in the Indian Sea upon the declaration of war between France and Germany. The long hostilities which followed, and the ruinous blockade of Hamburg, succeeded by the anti-emigration policy inaugurated by the German Imperial Government, involved the house of Godeffroy in commercial difficulties, upset their wisely-arranged plans, and caused a scheme so pregnant with hopeful promise to be abandoned and forgotten. It seems truly unfortunate that ideas so grand, and so certain to be productive of good, should be permitted to fall to the ground, and it is not too much to hope that sooner or later other equally enterprising capitalists, supported by the influence of an enlightened Government, may take advantage of these suggestions, and carry out to a successful conclusion some similar project to that initiated by those liberal-minded merchants of Hamburg. Godeffroy, sen. (as well as his son), is spoken of as having all his life exhibited a strong to England. One of his vessels is named after Her Majesty, another in honour of the Duke of Edinburgh. He has employed many English, and transacts very much business in their language; notably all the title-deeds and. transfers of his lands in Samoa are drawn up in English. One, if not more, of his sons he caused to reside in England for some years, in order to complete his education. The same also was the case with Mr. Branker, their present plantation manager. These sentiments of goodwill, so creditable to a Continental merchant, most of whom entertain feelings of jealousy of the commercial advantages our countrymen so generally secure to themselves in foreign lands, may probably operate powerfully to lay the foundation of a good understanding between these enlightened Germans and whatsoever English capitalists may find it to their advantage to carry out upon the Navigator Isles that scheme of settlement which Messrs. Godeffroy were compelled to abandon by reason of commercial reverses, and the veto upon able-bodied emi ration pronounced by their new Imperial Government. As concerns minerals upon the Samoan Isles, there have been floating rumours from time to time of gold and other metals being there existent; but Ido not believe the islands have ever been examined by any men competent to form a correct opinion. The only man of science of whom I have any knowledge who had visited any portion of the interior of the Samoan group was Dr. E. Graeffe, a very able and learned man, but not a miner or mineralogist; his labours were confined to the collection of zoological and botanical specimens. His opinion, however, was the same as my own, that upon those islands there-is no mineral deposit of any account, except very much magnetic iron, which, in the absence of coal, could be of very little value. Nevertheless we might have been both wrong. Towards the end of 1873, two residents of Samoa, named Johnson and Bruce, brought to Her Majesty's Consul, who was just then leaving for New Zealand, several specimens of auriferous quartz. In these fragments the gold was very plainly visible. The men professed to have found them in the immediate neighbourhood of Apia. The Consul had no time to investigate the matter before leaving, but gave the information to the Auckland public through the medium of the newspapers for what it was worth. He had some conversation with me on the subject, in the course of which he expressed grave doubts as to the, bond fide character of the discovery. I have had some experience of gold mines, and am better acquainted with the interior of the Island of Upolu than most Europeans who have at any time been resident there. I was irstructed by the agent of Messrs. Godeffroy to make careful search for any indications of gold or other valuable minerals there. So far from finding any sign of it, I could not even meet with a fragment of quartz larger than microscopic crystals in metamorphic rock and in sand. There are in several places cliffs 100 feet or more in height, composed of micaceous clay, and in other localities there are beds of conglomerate similar to those which overlie gold deposits in Arizona and elsewhere. I am not competent to pronounce a decided opinion, but I believe there is no gold there. Garnets (some of considerable size) are found in the beds of streams, among a highly-magnetic black sand, and a stone resembling an opal exists in the crevices of sandstone rock. It has been stated, upon the authority of Sir Edward Belcher, that upon Eose Island, the most eastern of the Navigator group, there is a quartz dyke. I have never landed upon Eose Island. It is uninhabited, and produces nothing but beche-de-mer in no great quantity, according to the account of fishers who have resorted there from Upolu. Sir Edward reports the dyke to be composed of micaceous shale, though from the sea it appears to be of coral formation; and in coral itself quartz veins cannot by any possibility be found. All coral islands are undoubtedly formed upon a foundation of other rock, but that a quartz dyke should crop out through the coral at this end of a great chain of isles like Samoa, and not be found at all throughout the remainder, would seem mysterious. I have found at various times large pieces of quartz, of the same kind as that in which gold is contained, upon coral islands, particularly upon Manuwae, in the Hervey group, and on Suwarrow, neither of which is more than 20 feet above the level of high water; but I accounted for their presence by supposing that they had formed part of the ballast of ships which had been wrecked at those places, and I still entertain that opinion,

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The harbour of Apia is not the only one in Upolu, neither is it regarded as the best. The reason of its having been made the site of the principal settlement was that there the first Christian mission was established. The Consuls took up their quarters at the same place, and so the other harbours were neglected. Surrounding them are tracts of rich land available for settlement, as extensive as those in the neighbourhood of Apia, and which the natives are equally willing to dispose of. They possess the additional advantage of not having been lately devastated by war to the same extent. As concerns local conditions and resources, what applies to the Island of Upolu equally applies to Tutuila, which is distant from it, to the eastwar<3,-forty miles from reef to reef; but the area of the latter is more limited, being not more than ninety miles in circuit, with a population of probably 4,000. It possesses two good harbours, of which that of Pangopango is perfectly landlocked, and apparently one of the most secure for shipping to be found in the world. It is now much better known than formerly, by reason of its having been examined and reported upon as a coaling-station of the late steam service between New Zealand and San Francisco. There are a number of detached islands in this latitude and in the direction of the Marquesas which are very little known, but which are nevertheless replete with commercial interest. One of the most remarkable lies about five hundred miles eastward of the Navigators, and is known as Suwarrow. It is a coral atoll of a triangular form, fifty miles in circumference, the reef having an average width of half a mile, enclosing a landlocked lagoon twelve miles by eight in diameter. It has a wide entrance, half a mile across in the narrowest place, although divided by two rocks, 200 yards apart, into three channels, the depth being five fathoms at the lowest tides during the year, with a level bottom, and no concealed dangers. Inside is secure anchorage of all depths, from three to thirty fathoms. There is accommodation for all the ships of the Pacific to ride in safety in all weathers, with room to beat out, and a fair wind half-way round the compass in or out. It is uninhabited, and is not claimed by any nation. It is out of the track of hurricanes, which have never been known to extend in this direction in the Pacific so far to the eastward. There are nine islets upon the reef; two of them are about a mite and a half in length, and are covered with tall timber. Upon the one next to the entrance into the lagoon are a great many cocoanut trees, and about forty acres of very rich soil, not encumbered by forest. There is no fresh water visible upon the surface, though there can be little doubt that it is procurable by digging. This place would support a population of at any rate a hundred Polynesians, and they would prove an excellent investment to whoever might put them there, as, if supplied with boats and other requisites, and the seed of vegetables, they could prepare a large annual cargo of beche-de-mer, which is here in 'very great quantity and of good quality. The shoal water of the lagoon also abounds in pearl shell of the largest size and the finest lustre. In addition, the splendid harbour of this solitary isle could be used as a depot for the collection of various cargoes which are obtainable from the surrounding islands, and it would thus become a very valuable property to'merchants who might choose to take possession of it. Near to the 10th parallel, but rather north of the latitude of the Navigators, are situated a number of coral atolls, which, though little known or regarded, could not fail to become extremely profitable possessions if their resources were systematically turned to account. Of these, the nearest to the Samoan group is the San Bernardo of Mendana, or " Danger Island " of Commodore Byron; so called by him from its unsafe aspect, although, to voyagers acquainted with it, it presents no dangers whatever; forasmuch as it lies out of the track of the hurricanes, which have never been known to extend to this locality, and a vessel may stand off and on, making fast to the reef with a kedge during the day, if necessary, for nine months out of the year, in a horseshoe bight on the lee side of the land. The island consists of a great triangular reef about thirty-five miles in circuit, enclosing a lagoon mostly shallow, but in places having a depth of 50 fathoms. There are three large cays upon the reef, of which the most considerable is about five miles in circumference. Some years ago they were thickly populated: the number of inhabitants is now less than three hundred, in consequence of slaving ships from the coast of Peru having carried off the greater number. These people are of a light-copper hue and pleasing countenance; they never practised tattooing or any kind of disfigurement. They have not, and never did have, any weapons of war. Crimes of violence seem to have never been known among them. They are a people simple, contented, honest, and perfectly amiable; very ingenious in the manufacture of their clothing and implements, and very ready and anxious to learn from strangers whatever is useful. The most extraordinary characteristic of these islanders is that they speak a language more nearly identical with that of the North Islanders of New Zealand than any others in the whole Pacific. They profess Christianity, and have a teacher residing among them, a native of the Hervey Isles. They work willingly, and deal honestly. The products of their island are cocoanuts and beche-de-mer. Their cocoanut groves are very luxuriant, and produce about one hundred tons annually, most of which is eaten by them—that is, in a great measure wasted, as they drink no water, but use only the young nuts; so that each individual among them, young and old, consumes on an average not much less than twenty nuts per day. They have no object in saving them, being seldom visited by ships, their island being so little known, and out of the track of ordinary navigation. With a little labour and cultivation of the trees, as well as planting out fresh groves in the waste spots, this island could be made to produce, in seven years' time, at least five hundred tons of dried cocoanut. There being three islets, and a population not sufficient for the one upon which they all reside, they would willingly sell the other two at a cheap rate, and hire themselves to work for the purchasers. It is to be hoped that eventually some of our countrymen may take advantage of so good an opportunity of securing a large profit at a comparatively small outlay, and at the same time of benefiting the remnant of a people so amiable and naturally industrious, who are now wasting their lives in ignorance and sloth.

I.—The Islands generally: Mr. Sterndale.

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Their lagoon abounds with beche-de-mer of good quality. Very large and fine pearl oysters exist in it, but as yet they have not been found in payable quantity. They are procured by the natives, with extreme labour, from great depths, only for their own domestic uses —that is, for dishes, the making of spoons, scrapers, and fish-hooks, and for the spools on which they weave their fishing-nets. The natives say that this oyster lies in great quantity on the outer edge of their reef, under the surf. Whether its production could be artificially encouraged within the lagoon, I am unable to say. Scattered among the coco.anut groves upon these islets are many Tomano trees of enormous size ; they run from 6 feet to 12 feet in diameter, though I have measured one of more than 20 feet, and about 200 feet high. The wood is like Spanish mahogany, very valuable for shipbuilding, as also for ornamental work. It has long been an article of trade in the Pacific, being chiefly purchased by the merchants of California. From the seeds (which are of the size of a billiard-ball) is extracted a very fine green oil, known in the Indian seas as woondel. It is used for many purposes, but is principally famous for its medicinal properties, and is said to have realized in Europe prices approaching to £100 per ton. From the stem exudes an .odorous gum, used by the Polynesians as a perfume. On the islands where they manufacture the oil, they commonly barter it for articles of trade, to the value of one dollar per gallon. Upon these coral cays, as upon most others of similar formation, are extensive thickets of Pandanus, cr the screw-palm tree, which supplies to the natives not only an important article of food, but material for their clothing, and will no doubt before long become extensively utilized in the manufacture of paper and other industries, to which its leaves and beautiful tenacious fibres are adapted. I have been inclined for some years past to regard the investigation of this question as destined to exercise, sooner or later, a very important influence upon the trade of the Pacific Isles. Beside the Tomano wood which I have mentioned, there are other kinds of valuable timber upon this and the neighbouring islands. They include Milo and Tainu woods, of fine grain and great durability, especially adapted for the timbers of boats and small vessels ; also a species called To, which attains great size, and is highly prized by such European carpenters as are acquainted with it, for the making of cabinetwork and ornamental furniture; and the Nangiia, which I have elsewhere described as being of such intense hardness, and as having been successfully experimented upon by colonial engravers. To the south-east of this island (about forty miles distant) is another: about three miles in length. It has deep water all round, and has no lagoon, but a secure landing on the lee side, and no outlying dangers. It is marked on charts as Nassau, but is known to the natives of the neighbouring isles as Motungongau. It is uninhabited, and covered with valuable timber. It has wells of fresh water, and some cocoanut trees planted by visitors within the last ten years. Turtlo resort to it in extraordinary numbers. In the year 1870 a small colony of Manihiki and Samoa natives was established here by the agents of Messrs. Godeffroy; but, the Franco-German war having curtailed their operations, and compelled them to lay up or dispose of their vessels on the Samoan station, they neglected to visit these people, who, becoming weary of their lonely life after about two years, took the opportunity of a passing vessel to quit their solitary abode. They had planted cotton, which has now run wild all over the place. The soil being very rich, this island might be made a valuable property. The area of good land is probably about 2,000 acres. It is entirely deserted, and may be taken up by any one who chooses to occupy it. Eastward of San Bernardo about 400 miles are the two atolls of Manihiki, or Humphrey's Island (about thirty miles in circumference), and Jiakahanga, or the Grand Duke Alexander (about twenty miles in circuit); they are thirty miles apart : the latter is the Gente Hermosa of Quiros. These are lagoon islands, and are very valuable from the great extent of their cocoanut groves, the like of which, for density and productiveness, are scarcely to be seen in the world (meaning, of course, trees which do not owe their luxuriance to cultivation). The interior lagoon of Manihiki is about six miles in diameter, and contains a vast deposit of pearl shell of the best quality; pearls, also, are very plentiful in them, and of considerable size. This lagoon has never been systematically fished for more than fourteen years. Upon that occasion (the first and last), Messrs. Hort Brothers, of Tahiti, established an agent upon the island, with two boats' crews of Paumotu divers, and by their means obtained from it over 100 tons of shell in less than eighteen months. These strangers established themselves upon the fishery by force of arms, and after their departure it was no more prosecuted, for the same reason which had necessitated their employment—that is to say, the incapacity of the Manihikians to perform the work. This is so, because they subsist in a great measure upon the Paahua, or Tridachna, a sort of clam, which is obtained by diving in shallow water. According to their custom, it is the duty of the women to procure these shell-fish, the occupation of the men being the gathering of cocoanuts, and fishing with lines and nets in the deep sea, outside the coral reefs. The lagoon, therefore, is the domain of the women, who alone are skilled in diving. When the pearl-shell traffic had been introduced to their notice by the intrusion of the Paumotans, the Manihikians would have continued it by the labour of their women, but they, finding it as much to their profit and more to their comfort to manufacture cocoanut oil, rejected the task. Their numbers, too, were very speedily reduced, by the extensive traffic in women, which sprang up. These people, the females especially, are remarkably good-looking, being of a light complexion, fine figure, and handsome countenance. It was from this cause that they were named by the Spaniards, more than two hundred years ago, " Gente Hermosa." So it followed that Tahitians, Peruvians, and other strolling mariners who chanced to visit them, bought, enticed, or kidnapped them, until they became scarce upon their own land. For the last fifteen years, Manihiki women have been in great request among the Europeans in all the chief trading ports of the Pacific Isles, not only for their good looks, but for the remarkable ability they display in acquiring European customs and domestic habits. Thus they are greedily sought after as house servants and concubines. Very high prices (passage-money so called) have been usually paid to obtain them, and still the demand continues.

I.—The Islands generally: Mr. Sterndale.

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So the pearl fishery of Manihiki became neglected and almost forgotten—so much so that, of the traders who have visited the island, the greater number have never been aware that shell existed there in payable quantity. I myself would, probably not have been acquainted with the fact, had it not been from the circumstance that I was compelled on one occasion to live among them for a year and a half, having no opportunity to get away from thence during that time. The number of inhabitants is about 500. They are a people well-disposed, intelligent to a degree greatly superior to most Polynesian tribes, and wonderfully ingenious .and skilful in the mechanical arts. Their dwellings are all of stone, substantially built and neatly furnished. They have excellent whaleboats of their own construction, and are skilful in the management of them. They dress like Europeans, in cotton fabrics, which they have received from ships in exchange for cocoanut oil, or as wages at guano diggings, or other works away from their homes to which they make a practice of hiring themselves. They have carpenters' tools, and most necessaries. They profess Christianity, and can all read and write, having been taught by natives of the Hervey group, who have been landed among them from mission ships. Although by nature industrious, these people are lapsing into indolence, from want of all incentive to systematic exertion. Their numbers also decrease annually by reason of so many of them going to other lands and returning no more, as they have a passion for rambling in order to see the world, and they soon forget their own native island, and do not care to go back to it. The valuable product of their immense cocoanut groves goes chiefly to waste. Beche-de-mer, of which they have abundance, they never gather now. Pearl shell they never fish for, except that now and then some old woman gets up a few baskets of it, in order to exchange for a pound of tobacco, when some chance vessel comes along. They say, "We are not in want: why should we work?" The young men generally go away in labour ships to Honolulu, Tahiti, or the Guano Islands, where they earn wages to spend abroad. , The young women have but one ambition, to run away in any ships whatever, in hope to be carried to foreign places to become the mistresses of Europeans, for whom they have an unconquerable liking. On their own island few remain permanently but the aged and infants. It is easy to prognosticate the immediate future of such islands as these. They must ere long become the property of commercial adventurers, who will inaugurate a more healthy state of things, and utilize their valuable products. There are upon this isle of Manihiki cocoanut groves of an area sufficient, if the produce were economized, to yield annually 300 tons of kobra (value £3,000); in two years, by a little labour and care, this return would be greatly augmented, and in seven years increased at least fourfold. The island of the Grand Duke Alexander, or Eakahanga, resembles Manihiki, except that it is not quite so large, and contains no pearl shell in its lagoon. The density of its cocoanut groves has excited the astonishment of all mariners who have visited it. This place is, however, very little known, much less so than even Manihiki, for the reason that, its villages being built out of sight, and its anchorage difficult to find, it has more frequently been passed by under the supposition of being uninhabited. There are, however, about 400 people upon it, who are even superior to the Manihikians in hospitality, ingenuity, and the possession of everything necessary to their comfort and happiness. The village which they inhabit is built entirely of stone. The houses are large and substantial, plastered with snow-white coral lime ; they have panelled doors and Venetian shutters ; the floors are laid with fine mats of variegated pattern, in the manufacture of which they are more skilful than any other people of the Pacific. These mats they barter to traders when they have opportunity, at the rate of one fathom of mat for the same dimension of unbleached calico, of which the men make their clothing. The mats themselves are of so fine a description that in civilized lands, when obtainable, they are highly prized for covering the floors of even the best houses. Those of one kind are even used as table-covers. The natives have good furniture, made by themselves, of their own island wood. Their hats, which they readily barter to traders, sell in the Pacific ports at one dollar each. They are similar to those of Panama. Their boats, of the fashion of a whaleboat, are handsome and seaworthy. They profess Christianity, and can read and write. They have a church in the middle of the village, handsomely decorated within, the woodwork inlaid with mother-of-pearl. The vessels which they use in their religious ceremonies are of solid silver, and were purchased from traders who had procured them from a wreck. Their laws are just and well administered; they have no superstitious customs. They have no Europeans living among them, and never have had, except, for a few months at a time, some strolling or shipwrecked mariners, to whom they have extended the kindest hospitality. They have a teacher (or priest, as he might be called), one of their own countrymen, who derived his instructions from a Polynesian missionary, a native of the Hervey Isles, who came to them and died among them. All seafaring men who have visited their island have been beyond measure surprised to find in so solitary a place a people so amiable, intelligent, and ingenious. Very much of their advancement in civilization and the useful arts is due to the friendly interest taken in their affairs by Captain English, a merchant mariner of Honolulu. Some ten or twelve years ago he instituted a cocoanut-oil manufactory on a large scale at Panning Island, which lies about 4° north of the equator. Looking for labour, he found these people, and for several years made a practice of employing them. He supplied them with all useful articles, and taught them handicrafts, which they displayed extraordinary aptitude in acquiring. He supplied them with the seeds and cuttings of valuable plants and trees adapted to their soil —notably tobacco and figs, which last have grown among them to great perfection, overshadowing their dwellings, and bearing abundance of fruit at all seasons of the year. Commercial misfortunes overtook him and brought his connection with these people to an end; but as long as any of them remain his name will be remembered as that of their great benefactor. Panning Island is now (or was very lately) in possession of Messrs. Bicknell and Greig, of Honolulu, who make cocoanut oil there, but their operations are not extensive, they being men of limited means. It has never been formally claimed by, or placed under the protection of, any 5—A. 4.

I.—The Islandgenerally : Mr. Sterndale.

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34

civilized State. It has no permanent or indigenous inhabitants. It possesses a fine and commodious harbour, and cocoanut groves of considerable extent. The pearl oyster does not exist in its lagoon, but there is to be found there, in great quantity, a shell-fish which, I am of opinion, will before long be regarded with equal if not greater interest by commercial adventurers. I have spoken of the Paahua or Tridacna, a species of large clam, which on many coral isles constitutes a great part of the subsistence of the inhabitants. There are two kinds: one grows chiefly upon the solid coral, and does not attain so great a size as the other, which is found not only on the hard reef, but bound to loose rocks or lodged upon the sandy bottom. This attains extraordinary proportions. It is in some cases, especially near the equator, so large as to weigh several hundredweights. This is the kind of shell sometimes used in gardens as the basins of fountains. Some years ago, there was a trade in this kind of shell, and it was collected for shipment in the Navigators and elsewhere; for what purpose I do not know, but I supposed for the making of what is called in India cowrie chunam, a mixture of pulverized shells and cement, which in that country is used for the coating of columns-in the interior of houses, giving them an appearance as though made of ivory. The trade died out, and may perhaps never be revived; but it is not the possible uses of the shells to which I would draw attention, but the fact of their containingpeaWs, which are exceedingly valuable, though as yet, I believe, almost, if not altogether, unknown to the commercial world. The first occasion upon which I remember to have noticed one of these gems as being of any possible value, was upon seeing one of them in the possession of a Eakahangan, who had brought it from Fanning Island. I was commissioned to buy it by a passenger of a vessel for which I was employed to trade. I purchased it for a plug of cavendish tobacco. The passenger subsequently sold it to the surgeon of the ship for £10. The surgeon gave it (as he afterwards told me) to his wife in Australia, after having refused the offer of £25 made to him for it by a jeweller of Sydney. Its appearance was very extraordinary and beautiful. Its size was about that of a pea; it was round upon one side, on the other slightly flattened. Its lustre was crystalline; in the centre appeared a luminous point, from which radiated innumerable bright rays distinctly defined. On another occasion a pearl of this kind was shown to me by a trader, who asked my opinion concerning its value. He had bought it from a savage of the Kingsinills for four fathoms of cotton print. I told him that, to the best of my belief, it could not be worth less than 1,000 dollars, which I would have been very willing to have given him for it. It was not globular, but somewhat of the shape of a very convex magnifying lens, perfectly symmetrical, and without a fault; its diameter was considerably more than half an inch, and its thickness about two-thirds of its diameter. It showed the same kind of luminous point in the centre as the one I have already described, with the same radiations. Ido not know what became of it. In the larger Paahua, these pearls are found in the body of the fish (as the true pearls are in the muscle of the oyster); they are very common, so much so that in some places, as in the coral lagoons near the equator, a man may collect a hundred or more out of a day's fishing; but they are generally of irregular shapes, and perfectly opaque, like bone. Such as are well formed, and of sufficient lustre to be called a gem, are rare, but are nevertheless to be met with occasionally, of so great size as to induce the belief that, if the search for them were systematically pursued, the fishers would stand a very good chance to make a fortune. I have never known any one to fish for these shells for the sake of their pearls, but from those Paahuas which we were in the habit of eating I have seen some extracted of good shape (but opaque and of the appearance of bone), as large as an Bnfield bullet. I have seen others, again, milky or semi-transparent, like a dirty-white opal, without any play of colours, but sometimes a little brilliancy at one end. There is another kind of shell in this latitude which produces pearls of fine quality, but generally not of great size. The largest I have seen are about the size of a pea; they are perfectly round, and of a golden colour, very lustrous. This is a shell similar to an oyster. The underside is always firmly amalgamated with the rock, so as to form part of it, and cannot be broken off; the upper valve is like a lid, with a very strong hinge. These shells are not found in congeries, but detached, which causes them to be somewhat scarce. Since the preparation of dried cocoanut superseded the manufacture of cocoanut oil, these two remote communities, of Manihiki and Eakahanga, have, for the following reasons, in a great measure refused to trade with the few vessels that have visited them: While the American whalers frequented their neighbourhood, they were in the habit of buying from these islanders great quantities of cocoanuts for sea stock. The price was always one dollar per 100 (i.e., its equivalent in trade) ;it takes 50 of them —that is, the common wild cocoanut of the Pacific—to make one gallon of oil; consequently, for a gallon they usually asked and obtained half a dollar, represented by two yards of cotton print. One hundred cocoanuts, when dried, weigh only 50 lb.; for which traders usually refuse to pay, upon the spots where the nuts are grown, more than If cents per pound, equal to 75 cents per 100 nuts, instead of one dollar per 100, which these islanders have been accustomed to regard as a fair price. As much more as they can get, but no less, has been their rule. They do not allow for the fact that drying cocoanuts involves less labour than making them into oil. Time and a little work they regard as of no consequence. Without it, they would be idle ; so it is for the cocoanuts they seek to be paid. The little toil connected with the affair is to them mere pastime. Thus they sell to one man as readily and for the same price the oil of 100 nuts, after all the labour of pealing, breaking, scraping, and pressing, as they do to another the 100 nuts just as they have been shaken from the tree. They are just as well satisfied whether they sell the nut in its husk, without taking any more trouble with it than to pick it up and throw it into the ship's boats, or extract the oil and sell that, so long as 100 ntffe return them two yards of print or a pound ._ of tobacco. Neither do they understand the principle that all men of business allow their customers a reduction on taking a large quantity. A man who will purchase from them 100 tons of cocoanuts will receive from them no more favourable terms than he who would buy of them only 100 nuts.

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Thus these two islands have come to be regarded by the few traders who did formerly resort to them as places where nothing is to be got. The natives, they say, " have become indolent, and won't work like they used to." This is a mistake. These two islands, poor as they may be at present from the traders' point of view, would constitute a veritable mine of wealth to any merchant of enterprise who would establish a settlement upon either of them. Thus, a European, acquainted with the language and habits of the natives, buys from them one of their detached islets; the trees upon it may produce, perhaps, 20 or 30 tons of kobra in the year. Whatever the quantity may be, he sells it ostensibly to the ship which is sent to visit him, at the price it is desired the natives shall adopt as their standard. They say, "It pays the white man, and so we should be satisfied; let us do the same as the white man." I have seen this plan tried elsewhere repeatedly, and never knew it to fail in the remote coral islands. A European domesticated among the natives, and exhibiting before them persistently an example which they perceive to be in any degree to their advantage, never fails to bring them round to his way of acting; and by such means, combined with the judicious exercise of a little liberality, the 800 or 900 inhabitants of Manihiki and Rakahanga could within a year be rendered, in fact, if not in appearance, the willing workmen of the merchants who purchased their produce, who in reality would exercise as much power as though they, and not the aborigines, were the veritable lords of the soil. This is what, in the nature of things, must inevitably come to pass upon all the productive islands of the coral seas, seeing that the utilization of their products is to the profit of Europeans. It follows, as an inevitable sequence, that, either by the decay of the indigenes, or by conquest or cajolery, these islands must sooner or later pass into the possession of Europeans. Into the consideration of this question there enters one very significant element. The islanders I am describing, together with the whole branch of the great copper-coloured Polynesian family, to which they belong, closely resemble, in every respect but ferocity and cannibalism, what the natives of New Zealand were. Their language is so far identical that they readily understand one another without the intervention of an interpreter. ' Their social customs are analogous; their traditions and habits of thinking are the same. They have but one ancient name whereby they distinguish themselves from the rest of humanity —Maori. Does it not, therefore, seem as though Providence had intended such at least of the islands of the Pacific as are inhabited by this race to be ultimately colonized by the British occupants of New Zealand, who enjoy in their adopted country such great facilities for familiarizing themselves with the habits and characteristics of this Maori race ? Certainly, it is a race the members of which, in spite of all the evil with which heathen ignorance and many ages of separation from the rest of mankind have clouded their nature, possess many qualities amiable" and worthy of preservation, and many of the elements of true usefulness. There are yet other reasons which ought to operate as an inducement to our countrymen to - take the initiative in systematically extending their commercial civilization, and what must accompany it as an indispensable necessity, the protection of their flag, to a very great number of the islands of the South Sea. Throughout such of them as are inhabited by the copper-coloured races, the name of Englishman (or Beretani, as they call it) is generally associated with friendship, enlightenment, and protection. It has happened, without doubt, that, in many places and in various manners, Englishmen, far removed from the restraint of law and not having the fear of God before their eyes, have set these islanders an evil example or inflicted upon them shameful injuries; but these instances have been very rare indeed when compared with the innumerable benefits which the natives have received at the hands of British merchants, missionaries, and naval officers. Consequently a feeling of gratitude and good-will towards us has become so general among them that the occasional evil deeds of a few lawless and unprincipled ruffians have not operated to dimmish it. The name of Englishman (which, of course, includes Americans) is associated in their minds with a feeling of familiarity and friendship; that of Frenchman (Tangata Napoleon) is to most of them a word of fear; and that of Spaniard is a word of intense hatred. This is so partly on account of the dangerous temper and disregard for human life displayed by seamen of Spanish race or extraction, of which the Islanders have ha"d repeated evidence, but it is more so on account of the treachery and violence of Peruvian shipmasters engaged in the labour traffic, the story of whose misdeeds has been carried from island to island; so that over the whole face of the Pacific, wherever the natives are sufficiently enlightened to distinguish by name one nationality of white men from another, the word Paniora (Spaniard) conveys a meaning which might be interpreted fiend, while Callao might be interpreted hell. Equally true it is that, when threatened with injury to their persons or property at the hands of civilized man, among at least nine tribes out of ten of the copper-coloured peoples of the South Pacific, the drift of their thought is that the Queen of England will in some way help or avenge them. There are some solitary islands in this vicinity, not upon the charts or otherwise wrongly placed, as Peregrino, about eighty miles south-east of Manihiki. It is in the form of a horse-shoe, presenting safe anchorage to the west. It is about nine miles in circuit, and has no inhabitants, but is covered with valuable timber. Roggewein Island, still further to the east, is small, appearing not more than four miles in circumference, but it may be very valuable, forasmuch as it seems to be covered with guano. It has the aspect of a great mound of sand, inhabited by immense flocks of sea birds. North-east of Manihiki 400 miles is Fararauga, or Penrhyn Island. It is about thirty-five miles in circuit, and contains a lagoon twelve miles long by eight miles broad. There are but few inhabitants now, the place having been almost entirely depopulated by Peruvian slavers, who carried away not less than 1,000 persons'«(probably more); the present inhabitants number about 150. It is one of the most famous pearl islands of the Pacific. There have been taken from it annually, for the last twelve years, certainly not less than 200 tons of pearl shell. It belongs to no one but the remnant of its aborigines, who must soon be extinct. Beche-de-mer is in vast abundance.

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There are very few cocoanut trees upon this island, the natives having cut them down during wars in past years. If planted out again, the place could be made a valuable possession. The harbour is a splendid one for ships of any draught, being a lagoon with two entrances. Eastward of Penrhyn Island about 400 miles lies an atoll, known as Caroline Island, very low, and about fifteen miles long by five miles broad. It has never, to all appearance, been permanently inhabited. It has been lately reported as containing a great deposit of guano, and it has been sold by one Captain Brothers, of Tahiti, to Messrs. Holder Brother*, of London, for a large sum. In this neighbourhood is Vostock Island, which, though spoken of as doubtful, does exist, and, from its appearance, should be in a great measure covered with guano. The archipelago of the Marquesas, which have been commonly spoken of asa sort of Paradise by navigators who have visited them, do not, in my opinion, deserve comparison with any of the Society or Samoan Isles, inasmuch their general formation is exceedingly precipitous, and the area of valuable agricultural land which they present for colonization is less in comparison to that which consists of merely sharp ridges and rocky eminences. Nevertheless, weighing well what isj. to be said for and against them, they present many advantages for settlement. Notably, they possess a most delightful climate, well suited to the European constitution, as is proved by the robust health enjoyed by many aged men (English and American) who are still resident there, having been long domesticated upon them, and who are wonderfully vigorous in spite of the debauchery and kavadrinking to which they are notoriously addicted. Elephantiasis exists here as in Samoa, and appears to be the only truly indigenous disease. In fact, what applies to the Navigator Isles applies equally to the Marquesas; with this difference, that the latter are of a more limited area, and present a much less proportion of land capable of being utilized for agricultural purposes. They have been since 1842 regarded as belonging to France; but I believe that since 1859 that nation has abandoned all claim to them, beyond the right of protecting the Catholic missions there established, and has withdrawn the small garrison which for a time it maintained. French colonization in Oceanica, whether in the Marquesas or elsewhere, does not appear to have produced any useful result. They seem to confine themselves to the building of barracks, an arsenal, a prison for the lodgment of military or political offenders, a landing quay, and some fortifications by the labour of those unfortunates, a customhouse for the levying of exorbitant duties upon necessary importations, a Jesuit mission, and a congeries of low grog-shanties. The whole may be summed up in a few words: " Casernes, conciergerie, bureau maritime, mission, cafe, salon de billards —voila tout." The result is indolence, demoralization, stagnation; complaints of oppression on the part of the indigenes, eternal squabbles and intrigues among the officials ; expensive public works, in a few years abandoned to irreparable decay ; wharves washed away by the sea, gridirons (for shipping) and machinery rusted and disabled, cannon-slides and shot-piles undermined by the land-crabs until they -almost disappear under the surface of the soil; churches half erected, then forsaken and overgrown with jungle; and a community of idle, dejected, discontented, absinthe-drinking roues, whose only object in life seems to be to kill the time until the arrival of that year of jubilee which shall bring the welcome transport that shall restore them to La Belle France. The population of the Marquesas is supposed to be not more than 12,000, of whom about onehalf are upon Dominica (or Hivaoa). This island is the most fertile of the group, if there be any difference in that respect, for the soil of the whole of them is most productive. As Sir Edward Belcher says, "Every inch upon which vegetation can find a hold is covered with it." Dominica is twenty miles long by about seven miles broad. There are many harbours, but the best is on the north-west, called by whalers Haunamanu. Here is a large settlement, as there are considerable ones in every harbour, the island being populous. These people are very handsome, of great stature and fine features, with a very light complexion, but very much tattooed. They are very loose in their morals, and given to drink. They make toddy from the cocoa-palm, and live in a chronic state of muddle. They have muskets, but are civil to strangers, and might be made a good people if they could be kept sober. There are European beachcombers on the island, who, as a rule, drink very much, and have large families of half-bred children—splendid creatures to look at, but of degraded habits. There are also some Jesuit missionaries, who have not succeeded in converting any one, but have done very well in planting cotton. The whole island is like a. great garden gone to waste. The principal mission in the group is on Boa/poa, a very beautiful and productive island, not much frequented, but having more than 1,000 inhabitants, living chiefly on the west side, which is not so precipitous as the other, and has much fine sloping land, as well as secure harbours. Nukithiva is the main island, and by its name the whole group is known to the other Polynesians. It is about twenty miles long by ten miles broad. Like the others, it is inexhaustibly fertile. It was formerly very populous, but the people have been almost exterminated by drunkenness and war among themselves since the introduction of firearms. There are said to be not more than 2,000 inhabitants remaining. Here, in a bay called Port Anna Maria, was the French military establishment, but the buildings are now in ruins, the wharves washed away, and the garrison removed all but some three or four gensdarmes and a pilot, and I believe they only remain because they have native wives and do not want to leave them. Hakaui, to the west of Port Anna Maria, is a great land-locked harbour with a narrow entrance, only 200 yards wide but very deep. It is one of the most beautiful sites for settlement in the whole world; a man who has seen it once can never forget it. But there is nothing here except all manner of tropical vegetables and fruits growing wild, a village of grass huts, and a couple of hundred debauched and drunken savages. The Austral Isles, which lie southward of the Society group, are especially adapted to European settlement, inasmuch as from their latitude they possess a temperature in which European products are readily acclimatized, together with tropical vegetables. They extend from

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the neighbourhood of the Tropic of Capricorn to 27° south. They consist of five islands —Eapa, Baivavai, Tubuai, Burutu, and Eimatara. They average from fifteen to twenty-five miles in circuit each, Eapa being the largest, and they contain altogether about 3,000 inhabitants, who seem as though dying out since the introduction of European habits of clothing and living, which have evidently exercised a pernicious influence upon their constitutions. Forty years ago these islands were very populous; in a few years they must be uninhabited unless people be introduced from, elsewhere. The climate of these isles is most delightful, as,.though ? bordering on the"tropic, the thermometer does not show more than from 75° to 80 c during the greatest heat of the whole year. For nine months of the year the wind blows from the-eouth-east, and from the westward for the remainder. They are all volcanic, consisting chiefly of ashes, decomposed tufas, and vegetable mould; consequently they are wonderfully fertile. Eapa (which is the most barren) is a very productive island; and Tubuai, which is called the best, is spoken of even in Tahiti as " the garden of the South Sea." Ido not know whether the French profess to include any of the Austral Isles under their protectorate excepting Eapa, which was taken possession of by the vessel of war * " Latouche Treville " in 1867, in consequence of the Panama Mail Company having selected it as a coaling-station, for which purpose its very fine harbour was used until that service was discontinued. All the natives of the Austral group profess the Protestant religion. They are inoffensive, hospitable, and intelligent; they can all, I believe, read and write, and display an extravagant - affection for the English, all their teachers having been trained in English mission schools. They were proselytes of the famous John Williams. They dislike the French beyond measure—a prejudice no doubt due to their sectarian training. But their islands could be purchased—as far as the will of the islanders is concerned —by English capitalists for a comparatively trifling amount; and it is possible that the French might not desire to interfere with any such arrangement, as they" do not derive any revenue from the Austral Isles, neither have they much connection with them, excepting that a few small schooners from Tahiti trade there occasionally for hogs and goats, which are there in great plenty. These islands, if systematically cultivated, would produce great quantities of cotton, coffee, sugar, indigo, &c, and would constitute for Englishmen one of the most profitable investments in the Pacific. Hervey or Cook's Group consists of seven islands, all but one (Hervey Island, or Manuai) inhabited by a well-disposed and highly intelligent people, now greatly reduced in numbers by mortality, apparently caused by the adoption of European habits of clothing and living. They can all read and write, and are Protestants ; and they practise many useful industries, as the cultivation of coffee, cotton, arrowroot, and other products. The largest islands are Mangaia and Barotonga, each of them being about thirty miles in circumference. The former is about 700 feet at its highest point, and is of volcanic origin. There are over 1,000 inhabitants (reduced from 4,000 in 1848). They are industrious, hospitable, and respectable in every way. They make a considerable quantity of cocoanut oil, arrowroot, tobacco, &c. They have an English missionary residing among them. Aitutahi resembles Mangaia, but is not more than half the size, although it supports somewhere about a like number of inhabitants. It is very fertile, but the people are indolent in comparison to their neighbours, and do not produce much of anything, although their island yields abundance. Nevertheless, they manage to contribute largely to the funds of the London Missionary Society—it is reported, usually £200 per annum. Most of their time appears to be spent in attending school, so they all can read and write, and it is said that some of them are so well acquainted with the Bible as to have it nearly by heart. On the whole, they compare unfavourably with the rest of the Hervey Islanders, which may in some degree be attributed to the monotony of their existence, their laws not permitting any of them to leave their own island without special permission, which is seldom accorded. An English missionary lives among them, and exercises supreme power. Sarotonga is a magnificent island, resembling in aspect Eopoa, in the Marquesas. It is about 3,000 feet high, and is clothed to the very tops of the mountains with splendid vegeiation. It has abundant streams, considerable tracts of sloping land, and rich alluvial valleys. There are two small harbours, not secure at all times, but sufficiently so for the most part of the year. A steamvessel might make use of them at any time. The population of this island is about 3,000; they are governed by a Queen. They are in an advanced state of civilization ; one sees nothing like it in the South Pacific, not even in Tonga; and as far as concerns sobriety, decency, and quiet behaviour, they are superior to the Sandwich Islanders. Their villages are all laid out in streets ; their houses are of stone and lime; they have furniture; they dress nicely in European fabrics ; they are all well-fed, happy, and prosperous. Their laws are just, and well administered; they fear God, and deal hospitably and honestly by all who visit them. There is no superstition, no barbarism, no want or discontent among them. If they have a weakness, it is a fondness for intoxicating drink ; but their dissipation is of a mild form, and seldom goes further than the imbibing of several pints of beer, which they manufacture from the juice of oranges and squashed-up China bananas. They are industrious, and cultivate the ground assiduously when assured of a market for their produce. They also practise all manner of handicrafts ; among them are good carpenters, smiths, sailmakers, stonemasons, &C. They plant cotton and coffee, and export great quantities of oranges. Besides the agent of the London Missionary Society, there are several Europeans resident upon Earotonga, who are married to native wives; also half-castes (as they are called) from Auckland, domesticated in the same manner. They have^ stores, plantations, cotton-gins, and several small vessels trading round the Hervey group, and running to Tahiti and Auckland with their produce. All the sympathies of the Earotongans are English. They have had frequent communication with New Zealand. Paora Tuhaere, the loyal and intelligent chief of Hauraki, visited them a few

I.—The Islands generally: Mr. Sterndale.

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I—The Islands generally: Mr. Sterndale.

years ago with his family, in a vessel which he chartered for the purpose. Some of his near relatives who accompanied him took to themselves Earotongan wives. The islanders of Earotonga regard Auckland as the centre of civilization, and its people, represented by Captain Daldy and Paora Tuhaere, as their protectors and best friends. About the year 1864 they made a formal application to Her Majesty's Government, in the shape of a letter addressed to the then Governor of New Zealand, signed by the King and his chiefs of Awarua, Ngatangia, and Arorangi, which represent the whole people of Earotonga, praying to be taken under the protection of Her Majesty, or to be made subjects of Great Britain. The same feeling, continues. Of course we know that this very sensible and rational desire to become a part of the British Empire has arisen mainly from English missionary teaching; but it has been partly the result of the experience of very many of the islanders, who, having shipped as seamen on board colonial vessels, have visited Auckland, Sydney, and even the Australian gold mines ; and partly of fear of France, in consequence of the terrible (and, to speak justly, exaggerated) tales which have been circulated among the islands of the oppressions of their military system and cruel treatment of their labourers, or slaves, as j,t has become usual to call them, upon the plantations of "La Terre Eugenie." Unfortunately, no notice was taken of the petition of the Earotongans; but the same desire animates them now, and no doubt can exist in the minds of all true friends of these islanders but that their annexation by some British colony would be to them the commencement of a new era of prosperity. The other islands of the Hervey group, Atiu Mauke and Mitiaro, are from ten to twenty miles in circumference; they are of upheaved coral, with fertile soil. There are altogether about "1,000 inhabitants of a like disposition to those of Earotonga. The islands are not much visited. Their products are cotton, coffee, cocoanut oil, fungus, Tomano wood, tobacco, and dried bananas. These islands, especially Mauke, bear great quantities of splendid ironwood ; it is obtainable in long lengths, from twenty to forty feet and even more, and from a foot to three feet in diameter. The value of this timber I believe to be very great at this time, when heavy and hard wood is so much in request for the timbers of armour-plated, ships, for slides of heavy ordnance, and similar purposes. Some of this wood is so extremely heavy that the interior portions weigh within a fraction of two ounces to the cubic inch. Hervey Island is without permanent inhabitants ; an aged American beachcomber resides upon it with his half-bred children. It is a large atoll, densely covered with cocoanut trees, and consists of two cays divided by a lagoon. It is very productive : I have seen 400 nuts on one cocoanut tree at this place. It is much frequented by turtle, and yields a great deal of beche-de-mer. The King of Aitutaki (so called, though there is really no king there but the English missionary) professes to claim it, but he has no right to it whatever. It used to be inhabited in Cook's days, and since, but about forty years ago the last of the inhabitants disappeared; they had fought among themselves till all were killed but a remnant, and they died of disease introduced by Europeans. Upon mostof the isles of the Hervey group, especially Mangaia and Earotonga, many of the vegetables of Europe are found, from the mildness of the climate, growing side by side with those of the tropics. They have been introduced by the missionaries and by friendly traders. Potatoes grow well on the high lands; barley, maize, millet, and American beans grow to perfection. The thermometer ranges about 80° in the warmest season. Europeans enjoy robust health; there is no indigenous disease. Of all the lands of the Pacific suitable for British colonization, none present more favourable conditions than those of the Hervey and Austral Isles. In presence of the increasing interest of commercial men which is now being directed to the South Pacific, and the rapid decay of the aborigines, the period at which they shall pass into the possession of Europeans has simply become a question of time. All the islands of the Gilbert (or Kingsmill) group are of the same distinctive character: low atolls, having generally interior lagoons, with or without entrances for shipping. There are fifteen islands in all. Tapetuia, or Drummond's Island, which lies almost on the equator, is a fair example of the rest. The interior lagoon is seventy-miles in length, and has two entrances for ships. A few years ago this island was immensely populous, but the number of the inhabitants has been greatly reduced by their incessant intoxication from fermented cocoanut toddy, contagious disease introduced by whale-fishers, and by the visits of labour ships from Tahiti, Fiji, and Samoa. They now number about 3,000. As concerns this labour., system, the rights or wrongs of which have lately provoked so much bitter discussion, I can say for the natives of the Kingsmills, and of Tapetuia in particular, knowing them intimately as I do, that the greatest benefit, under existing circumstances, which their fellow-men can bestow upon them, is to take them to the cotton- and sugar-planting lands, even supposing them never again to be returned to their native island. lam not alluding to a labour traffic such as that conducted by the " Carl," which was a series of atrocious piracies, directed by a madman and carried out by villains who did evil for the very love of it, but to a system of engagement for short terms, under just and humane regulations, like those of the Germans in Samoa, of which the results are most beneficial to the Kingsmill islanders, and will be to their posterity, if they do not disappear off the face of the earth before they come to maturity, as they are very likely to do if left to themselves. Chronic intoxication, venereal disease, and a habit of carrying deadly weapons and using them on slight occasion, will bring them to an end in a very few years, unless some determined and judicious Europeans, backed by the authority of a civilized State, interfere to save them from themselves. It must be remembered that these Kingsmill islanders, barbarous as they were before they made the acquaintance of Europeans, lived in a condition of respectability as compared with the state in which we now find them. Though savage, they were at least sober, and they had a sort of law, or customs having the force of law : now, except among some of the cannibal tribes of the Louisiade, it would be difficult to conceive a more perfect pandemonium than most of the Kingsmill Isles present. The inhabitants are incessantly drunk and perpetually fighting, and their combats are no child's-play. I have counted upon one

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man's body the scars of more than a hundred wounds. The condition of the women is most miserable, and the aged and infirm are allowed to perish without care; and yet naturally these people are of a good disposition, affectionate to one another, grateful to those who are kind to them, tractable, ingenious, and. industrious. They are the lowest type of the copper-coloured Polynesian, and are incapable of any great degree of intellectual improvement. Consequently, the labours of missionaries (who in some cases have been among them for a dozen years or more) .have been as yet barren of all result; but they are a people who can be made immensely useful, and whom it is easy to make happy. Their wants are few, and their minds simple'and easily satisfied ; so that, if brought under the influence of good example and whqlesome restraint, they could in a very few years be rendered in a high degree subservient to the interests of that civilization which it is the manifest destiny of the Anglo-Saxon colonists' of Australasia to extend to the uttermost isles of the sea. No people have suffered more from the worst examples than these unfortunate islanders. Drunkenness, licentiousness, piracy, murder, have been the lessons inculcated among them during_ the past thirty years by deserters from ships or escaped convicts from Australia, to whom they* extended the most generous hospitality. I have questioned old white men who had spent the best years of their lives among the Kingsmills as to how they could have reconciled themselves to dwell among a people so debased. They have replied, " Ah, Sir, you do not know these natives. When we came among them they were different altogether from what they are now; and even now there is a deal of good in them, more than strangers can understand." As a proof that the Kinsmill islanders are not destitute of that kind of intelligence which leads men to inaugurate a settled government, and to abide by its requirements, I will briefly describe what I have witnessed on Apemama (Simpson Island), one of the largest of the group. The principal village is built upon the shore of the lagoon, three miles from its entrance to the sea. There is a secure harbour, with a wide and safe channel. The population is about 5,000. They are ruled over by a King called Tern Baiteke. He is also King of Kuria (Woodle Island), having a population of about 1,500, and of Aranuka (Henderville Island), where there are 1,000. His power is absolute ; he allows no man of his own people to stand in his immediate presence or to look him in the face. His guards are armed with muskets, cartouche-boxes, and swords. His dwelling consists of a very large house and several smaller ones, with storehouses for cocoanut oil and other produce. He has European furniture, and articles of utility and luxury of various kinds. He has a number of wives. His quarters are surrounded by a stone wall with twelve pieces of cannon of various calibre. He has a schooner of sixty tons ; she has four guns on her deck. He has good whaleboats, besides war canoes. He dresses in the European fashion —usually black trousers, linen shirt, and alpaca coat. He does not allow his people to get drunk. His laws are severe; death is the penalty of even trifling offences. Near his house are to be seen human heads stuck upon spikes as a caution to disobedient subjects. He is about forty years of age; of a hard but intelligent aspect. He has for many years back kept his people employed in making cocoanut oil and curing beche-de-mer, which he chiefly disposes of to Sydney traders. It was from them he received most of the valuables he possesses, including the guns and the schooner. He allows no European to reside upon his island, or even to land on any inhabited part of it, with the sole exception of the captain or trading master of the ship with which he may be dealing, and then only while the ship remains. (This was his rule up to the extent of my experience—that is, the year 1371. I have since heard that Messrs. Godeffroy, of Samoa, have prevailed on him to allow an agent of theirs to reside with him, but Ido not know if it be true.) When a vessel is seen entering his harbour, she is boarded, three miles from the town, by the pilot, who is the King's brother, and can speak a little English, having sailed in a whale-ship. The pilot inquires all about her business, sees her anchor put clown, and returns with his report to the King. If it be his pleasure, she is then brought up to an anchorage near the village, and a small uninhabited islet is shown to the strangers as a place where they can, if they choose, land and display their goods to the natives, who will meet them there; otherwise they may do their business on board their vessel. A number ofwomen are allowed to go on board, and remain with the strangers till their departure. The captain or trader goes on shore, and eats and drinks with the King, and is allowed perfect liberty. The King claims all the produce of his people's labour, and receives all the pay, a portion of which, however, always consists of casks of tobacco, which he distributes justly among his subjects ; knives, axes, &c, he serves out to them. If the vessel be not filled at Apemama, he takes passage in her to his other possessions of Kuria and Aranuka, his schooner keeping company. She is navigated by his own people, he refusing European sailors, as he does white men of whatever character. When offered a quantity of Oregon timber, and the services of an English carpenter to build himself a handsome house, he replied, " No ! if I never have a house to live in, I will never have a white man to live with me while he builds it." But it was not always so on Apemama. A dozen years ago white men were more than welcome to live there. How it came to be otherwise would occupy too much time to explain : it is enough to say there is a horrible story at the bottom of it. White men made trouble and were butchered by order of the King, who then determined they should never disturb his peace again. About 1868 the missionary vessel " Morning Star" came to this place. She was boarded by the pilot in the usual way, and directed to put her anchor down three miles from the village. Some of the missionaries wished to go on shore in the pilot-boat or their own; the pilot had great trouble to keep them back, telling them that it was as much as his own life was worth to allow them to land until the King's permission could be obtained. On his return, the King asked of him, " What sort of ship is it?" Answer—" Missionary ship." " Have they anything to sell ?" "No." " Not even tobacco ?" "No." "Have they anything to give away ?" "Yes, books." " Ah, we have no need of them." These barbarians, though they cannot read, know 7 what books are, for King Tern Baiteke had a number of picture-books, printed in gaudy colours, about his house. The " Morning Star " was not allowed to approach any nearer or the missionaries to come on shore, but

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a message was returned to them by the King, to the following effect: "I know nothing of missionaries, and Ido not wish to know. If you are in need of anything my land produces, say what it is, and you shall be supplied; but go, and return no more." He said afterwards that he had lied in saying he knew nothing of missionariss. " I have been told," said he, "very much about them by the captains with whom I trade ; they said to me, 'Be advised. If you let these missionaries come on shore upon your islands, in less than a year you will not be master over your own people. They will bewitch both you and them, so that you will not be able to do anything, only just what they tell you;' they shall never come here while I live." I have related this much of what I know of Tern Baiteke, for I think that there is always good hope for the civilization of a people who can produce a ruler so energetic and shrewd as this barbarous King of Apemama. North of the Kingsmills lie the Mulgrave group, or what are called the Eallick and Eadack chains. There are about thirty islands almost equally divided between the two ranges, from sixty to one hundred miles apart. They are all of one description, low atolls, some of them of great extent. The largest are Mille and Aur, upon which last the King of the whole group resides. These islands are fertile, for which reason they were named by Alonzo de Saavedra, who first discovered them, Los Buenos Jardines. They are covered with herbage and great trees. Besides cocoa-palms and pandanus in abundance, they have several kinds of bread-fruit, as also jack-fruit, mammy-apple 3, melons, bananas, figs; as also taro, and the larger species of arum, which is excellent and wholesome food, and supplies that valuable fibre of which I have made previous mention. Pish they have in great abundance. They have fresh water in wells. The people are good-looking and strong, remarkably courageous, and of kind disposition. There have been many stories told to the contrary, and not without reason, as many white men have been killed among them, and several vessels taken and burned of. late years; but as far as I know of these matters — and I know the history of most of these affrays—the first fault was in most cases on the side of the Europeans. The southern isles of the group, lying in, the direct line between Mexico and Manila, were frequently visited by Spaniards from the Main, who, as is customary with them, committed all sorts of violence, and many of them, choosing to live among the natives, taught them everything that was bad. That the natural bias of the Marshall islanders is towards hospitality and peace is proved by the accounts of all earlier voyagers who had communication with them, and of M. von Kotzebue, or Tobu, as they call him, who experienced from them the greatest kindness, and remained on some of their islands for many weeks. Similar testimony is afforded by their conduct to the American missionaries, who have now been resident for several years on Ebon, Namurek, Jaluit, and Mille : they supply them with food, assist them willingly in any necessary work, and treat them with affection and respect, though I believe they do not pay much heed to their teaching, being incapable of understanding the Christian religion. They are very much more intelligent than their neighbours of the Kingsmills, and are highly ingenious. The workmanship of their canoes is very superior; they carry usually about forty men, and sail very fast and close to the wind. The Eallick men are good navigators, and have no fear of the sea. They have been accustomed to make voyages to islands at a great distance, such as the Coquilles and Ualan, returning at all seasons, and making a correct landfall. Sometimes they leave their homes for a year or two, and cruise from one isle to another for trade in such articles as they make, and often for mere pastime. They wear fine clothing, both men and women, from across the chest to below the knee; it is of their own making from the leaf of the pandanus, blanched white, and beautifully variegated, the material being dyed of various colours before being plaited. Some of these garments are many fathoms in length, and are pleasant to wear upon the skin, being soft, like coarse duck. This fine pandanus mat is no doubt the fabric so frequently alluded to by the Spanish voyagers of former times, which they believed to have been, wrought in a loom, as did Lopez de Ligaspi and Juan Fernandez. Indeed, the latter speaks of islanders clad in " woven cloth." The products of these islands are kobra, of which the natives now prepare great quantities, cocoanut oil, beche-de-mer, and tortoise-shell. There is no pearl oyster upon any of them. The number of inhabitants is supposed not to exceed 12,000 or 14,000. Upon five of the islands— i.e., Mille, Aur, Jaluit, Ebon, and Namurek—there are European traders, chiefly in the employment of Messrs. Godeffroy. There is also one Capella, who has lately commenced to do business for himself on a large scale, and has some stations here and in the Carolines. Some merchants of Sydney, as Captains Smith, Eandall, Urie, and McDonald, have been used to resort here, as have others of no nationality, such as Captains Pease and Hayes. All have done or are doing well, but all alike keep their proceedings as secret as possible, from commercial jealousy. About half the number of isles in this group are populous; the rest are thinly or only occasionally inhabited. Some of the smaller ones have no cocoanut groves, but are covered with jungles of pandanus; all, however, if in the possession of Europeans, could be rendered valuable. A trade systematically prosecuted, under the protection of a civilized State, would so develop the natural good qualities of the Marshall Islanders as to secure to them a prosperous future. -Eastward of the Marshall Group extends the great archipelago of the Carolines, covering the sea from the Eadack chain to the Palaos, a distance of over 2,000 miles, and containing more than 500 islands, most of which are very little known. Some of them, especially towards the westward, are uninhabited, having been depopulated by the Spaniards for the settlement of the Ladrones. Others are immensely populous, and, with the exception of that particular group known as the Seniavines, at the eastern end of the archipelago, and Yap, at the opposite extremity, have enjoyed very little acquaintance with civilized man. Of the eastern isles of the Carolines, the most important is Ualan, otherwise called Kusaie or Strong Island. It is lofty, basaltic, about eighty miles in circumference, and it has two secure

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harbours for the largest class of vessels. It is governed by a King named Kera. There are about 1,800 inhabitants, of a light-copper complexion; intelligent, in so far that they readily acquire the mechanical arts, and naturally industrious and well-disposed, although to some extent demoralized by contact with the crews of whaling ships and beche-de-mer fishers, of whom this has been a great place of resort. They reject missionary teaching, and abide by their ancient usage, which is a mild form of heathenism apparently; but they keep their ceremonies very secret, and do not permit strangers to penetrate into their sacred enclosures. An agent of the American Board., of Missions, named Snow, has resided among them for somewhere about thirteen years, but I believe has made no progress whatever. Much of his ill success has no doubt been due to the antagonism of Europeans domesticated among the natives, who, disliking the prospect of any change in the normal condition of things, have done their best to i Eluence the islanders against missionary innovations. This feeling on the part of cosmopolitan white sinners, throughout the whole Pacific, has done more to obstruct the progress of conversion than either native savagery or heathen superstition. There are, nevertheless, some peculiarities in the, character of the Strong Islanders, which, render them capable of civilization in a higher degree than most Polynesians. They are a people who have degenerated from what must have been in some respects a much more prosperous and enlightened state than that in which we now find them. A great part of their land is covered with ruins of the most massive description, built upon a general plan such as could only have been conceived by men of power and intelligence, acquainted with mechanical appliances for raising enormous weights and transporting huge blocks of stone considerable distances both by land and" water. These works, which strike even civilized men with astonishment, could only have been effected by the labour of thousands of men working in concert and under command, and they prove, from their aspect and the evident intention of some of them, that their builders must have had, at the time of their erection, some form of settled government and system of religion. Many of their customs seem derived from some ancient civilization, as the institution of kings, high chiefs, and common people ; the peculiar laws which regulate the intercourse of these castes ; and the fact that the nobles are considered a sort of sacred persons, and hold meetings by night in caverns or vaults, artificially constructed in the interior of some of the great ruinous buildings. These nobles associate by means of signs and speech not known to the people. When a distinguished person dies, they make a mummy of the body, and swathe it in coloured bandages. It is watched for a whole year, a fire being kept beside it, which is never allowed to go out. They keep records by means of wooden beads and knotted cords, which they carefully preserve, and refer to when they want to tell what happened in former years. In plan and construction their dwellings are far superior to that of other Polynesians, the timber being neatly squared. They have possessed from remote times the arts of pottery and weaving with the loom; and traditions they repeat of their ancestors point to the conclusion that they must have been a people exceedingly numerous and powerful. The descendants of such a race cannot fail to retain within themselves the elements of progress, however obscured by ages of barbarism and by several generations of evil example of reprobate Europeans; for these islands, so remote and unvisited by English navigators as to be spoken of as almost new discoveries, were a rendezvous of the Spaniards on their way between Manila and the Main long before the days of Commodore Anson. Both upon Strong Island and Ascension, which is the next in extent at this end of the Carolines, are to be found, in the vaults and ditches of the great stone structures, camion of an old pattern, and shot rusted out of shape. It was the fact of these relics, combined with the aspect of the immensely thick walls, which caused the officers of His Majesty's ship " Larne," following the opinion of M. Dumont D'Urville, to describe the works which they found at Ascension Island as the remains of a stronghold of Spanish buccaneers. I quote the words of D'Urville, as nearly as I remember them: "That the town w Thich once stood upon this spot was not built by savages cannot be doubted, the style of the ruins giving strong proofs of civilization. Some of the stones measure eight or ten feet in length, are squared upon six sides, and have evidently been brought hither from some other country, there being no stone on the island similar to them. The whole place seems to have been a succession of fortified houses. It seems probable that at one time it was the stronghold of pirates, and it has been conjectured that it was built by the Spanish buccaneers two or three centuries ago." This is very erroneous. The stones are in many cases much larger than here described, in fact as large again. They are basaltic prisms quarried on the land itself in the interior, as I have seen. It would have taken all the labour of the Spanish pirates, from the days of Balboa till now, to build all the monstrous works of Strong Island, to say nothing of those that exist on Ascension and elsewhere in the neighbourhood. Strong Island is very productive. Besides all the tropical vegetables of Polynesia and various kinds of palms, it is covered with valuable timber trees from the shore to the summits of the mountains. Some of this wood, of a species as yet little known to Europeans, is of the best quality for shipbuilding purposes, being perfectly straight and of the most convenient size, as well as being of great lengths: added to this, its durability is remarkable, and it cannot be attacked by the saltwater worm. For these reasons the contractors for the building of a dry-dock and wharves in Shanghai and other ports of China have obtained hence, and from the neighbouring island of Ascension, cargoes of piles which have given great satisfaction to the engineers engaged on those works. Strong Island is immensely valuable for its timber alone ; but the land lies idle, for the natives do nothing more than is necessary to provide food, which, as it grows in a great measure spontaneously, is not a source of anxiety to them. They would in fact, scarcely perform any work whatever were it not from a desire to possess=?cotton print, ornaments, hardware, and tobacco. To obtain these articles they cure some beche-de-mer, gather fungus and tortoise-shell, occasionally go to sea in whaling and other ships for short cruises, and now make dried cocoanut in considerable quantity. They are tolerably well supplied with axes and the like implements. As concerns their weapons, 6—A. 4.

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they have long discarded the bow and spear, and most of the men possess muskets purchased from traders and whalemen. The Island of Ascension (or Pouape) is similar in all its conditions to Strong Island, excepting that it is much larger, and contains very considerable tracts of comparatively level or sloping lands, irrespective of the low valleys and flats along the sea-coast. It is clothed from the beach to the mountain-tops with every kind of the most glorious tropical vegetation, as likewise forests of magnificent timber trees. There are many great streams in all directions, with'caaoacl.es for the turning of mills, and, in the valleys below, of sufficient volume for the floatage of rafts and navigation by large boats. The interior is altogether uninhabited, although covered with the ruins of a former civilization. The population of Ascension is somewhere about 7,000. The people do not go much to sea. They are kindly disposed and peaceable, though they have often been decimated and driven to desperation by hordes of lawless ruffians, who have established themselves on the island from time to time, and produced much mischief. These have been generally beachcombers from Manila, Guam, or the Sandwich Isles. Sometimes (as twenty years ago) there have been as many as a hundred on Ascension at one time ; and it shows plainly enough that these Ascension islanders must have in themselves the germ of very much better things, when we find them, as they are, hospitable, generous, and industrious, after so many years of intimate contact with such irredeemable Scoundrels as the majority of their European visitors undoubtedly were. There are three good harbours at Ascension —Metallanien, Eouan Kiti, and Jokoits; so there is good shelter at all times, according to the prevailing wind, each of these harbours being within a coral reef, which provides double security. There are five chiefs who rule over the respective districts into which the island is divided. There are nine white men domesticated on the land: four Englishmen, two Americans (exclusive of a missionary), two Portuguese, one Manilanian. There are also several Lascars. All have large families of half-bred children, most of them 'very handsome and intelligent. The islanders, like those of Strong's, have long discarded their barbarian weapons, and are well supplied with muskets, purchased from traders for tortoise-shell and beche-de-mer. It is probable there are not less than 2,000 of them on the island; but the principal use to which they are devoted is the shooting of pigeons, which are in extraordinary numbers throughout the woods. An American missionary (Mr. Doane) has been here for some thirteen years. The people are kind to him, and readily supply his limited wants; but they, like the Strong Islanders, do not seem to comprehend the religion of the white men, or to care about making themselves acquainted with it. They unhappily have seen too much villainy practised by Europeans, and have suffered too much at their hands, to readily accept them as teachers of good morals or duties toward God. With civilization and the protection of law, their prejudices would disappear. There is no possibility of any one who has not seen the Island of Ascension forming any adequate idea of its beauty and richness. The interior is altogether uninhabited ; the natives have a superstitious dread of it, and cannot be readily persuaded to go any distance inland. As on Strong Island, so on Ascension, there are many ruins, the work of the same ancient people, only very much larger and more extensive. Hundreds of acres, in some localities, are covered by the remains of walls, canals, and earthworks, of the most stupendous character. One can easily imagine, from their appearance, what a dense population must once have inhabited this place. The trade of Ascension has been in former years principally with whale-ships, but since the raid of the " Shenandoah " their visits have been less frequent. Many small vessels resort here from the Sandwich Islands and Samoa. The island yields in abundance almost every valuable tropical product, but the principal articles of trade are pearl shell (which is of very fine quality and of great size), tortoise-shell, beche-de-mer, dried cocoanuts, oil, and fungus. Some Europeans are now beginning to plant cotton ; and large quantities of valuable timber have been exported to China. The resources of Ascension are enormous : as a European possession it would be impossible to estimate its value. Westward of Ascension is the great atoll of Hogoleu. This consists of a vast lagoon, somewhere about 300 miles in circuit. There are three main, channels of entrance, safe at all times for the largest ships. Within the lagoon are four great islands, each from twenty to thirty-five miles in circumference, and more than twenty smaller uninhabited cays, covered with cocoanut and other trees. There is still water and good anchorage everywhere inside the outer reef. The inhabitants are tall and strong, of light complexion, with long black hair. They have a bad name for treachery and ferocity; but whether this be their fault or that of the traders with whom they have been in the habit of dealing, it is not easy to say. In judging of the character of the Caroline islanders, one must remember that there are always two sides to a question ; and in connection with this matter I may refer to a fact which I regard as very significant. All Englishmen are familiar with the story of the wreck of the "Antelope," at the Palaos or Pelew Islands, in 1793, and of the Prince Lee 800 who accompanied Captain Wilson to England. Those same Pelew islanders who at that time treated the shipwrecked Englishmen with such generous hospitality for a period of four months, seeking no return for the same, are now regarded as piratical miscreants of the most atrocious type ; and not without reason, for they have got into a bad habit of going out to sea in their fast-sailing proas, and attacking, off the coasts of their islands, such vessels as may be becalmed or entangled among the shoals, in which nefarious practice they have on several occasions so far succeeded as to have plundered the vessels and massacred their crews. This change of behaviour is easily to be accounted for. In some cases it has arisen from ill-treatment which they have experienced at the hands of strangers ; but in most cases it has been the result of eyil example by a set of scoundrels who disgrace humanity, and are to be found strolling about these seas, making themselves at home among the simple-minded barbarians, and instructing them in every vice and villainy.

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No one knows with any approach to certainty how many inhabitants are on Hogoleu; some say 15,000, some 20,000; but they are very many. They are armed with good swords with hilts of brass, daggers, spears pointed with iron, bows of great strength, arrows headed with iron, and slings out of which they fling round stones with great certainty and with the force of a shot. The iron weapons they have purchased from traders of Manila and elsewhere. They have had many combats with crews of ships, and display great courage. No white men have ever lived among them to any one's knowledge, though I have heard there is one there now, established by one Captain Hayes. Many men have been on shore, and they have. been treated with hospitality. From what I have seen of them, they are a people I would have no fear of; but they have an ugly habit of attacking ships upon small grounds of offence. In 1870, they tried to board the "Vesta," belonging to Messrs. Godeffroy; but the German, although he lost his anchor and chain by having to slip it, was more than a match for them. He fired upon them with scrap iron, and killed a great many. Of course he was not to blame, but these unfortunate misunderstandings tend very much to perpetuate ill-feeling. As concerns the productions of this island, the great lagoon contains an* immense deposit of pearl oysters of the largest and most valuable kind, and beche-de-mer in apparently inexhaustible quantity. The central islands are lofty, volcanic, and completely clothed with the most glorious vegetation. Besides many kinds of splendid timber trees, the cocoanut, sago, and other palms, there are wild oranges, citrons, mangoes, sassafras, nutmegs, massoy, and sandalwood. Of this last there are to be seen in the hands of the natives paddles and weapons, which would lead to the inference that it is very plentiful. That the first Europeans who can succeed in establishing a permenent agency upon Hogoleu will make their fortunes in a very short period, is an unquestionable fact. This island presents to the commercial adventurer such an opportunity as is scarcely to be found elsewhere in the world, not alone from the valuable products of the land itself, but from the possession of so magnificent a harbour for shipping, whence could be extended the ramifications of a trade on a large scale throughout the whole great Caroline Archipelago. That there is any risk in the attempt, Ido not for a moment believe. All that is required is for one determined man, acquainted with the Caroline tongue, to secure by acceptable presents the protection of a chief; to marry into his family, as he would be required to do ; and after a few months' diplomacy he might have it all his own way, so far as driving a trade for his owners was concerned. This island is called by the Spaniards San Estevan, and has long been a rendezvous of beche-de-mer and pearl fishers. The pearl shell lies so thick throughout this great lagoon that it is visible wheresoever the bottom can be seen. South-east of Hogoleu are the islands of Nuguor (or Mortlock) and Lugunor (or Monteverde). They are both very large coral atolls, containing lagoons very productive in pearl oysters and beche- • de-mer. The lands are covered with cocoanut groves. The people are very numerous, of a simple disposition, and seemingly well disposed. Spaniards are said to have lived on Monteverde. The natives readily trade in pearl shell and tortoise-shell, of which they collect great quantities. Some missionaries who visited them about two years ago were refused permission to land. The natives said they were afraid of strange gods, and wished to have nothing to do with them. They have lately suffered very severely at the hands of the crew of the " Carl" and other piratical ruffians, who shot a number of them without any provocation. At both these islands there is a great opening for trade. The remaining islands of the Caroline Group are of the same distinctive character as those I have described; some, however, are uninhabited. At the western extremity of the archipelago is the Island of Tap. This island has a mountain in the centre, which slopes on every side towards the sea. There are dense groves of bread-fruit, cocoanut, and betelnut. The people live in the midst of every kind of comfort and abundance. Their towns are very handsome; the roads and landing-places are paved with stone. They have good laws, and are peaceable. They have an oriental look; they chew betel and smoke cigarettes incessantly. It is here that the agents of Messrs. Godeffroy have a very considerable establishment, a cotton plantation, and a slip for repairing their vessels. There are about a dozen Europeans residing here ; among them a Polish doctor, engaged in scientific research at the expense of the Messrs. Godeffroy. The origin of this settlement is somewhat singular. Several years ago a sailor of Hamburg was wrecked in this neighbourhood. He found his way to Tap, and was well treated by the people; they took him to Palao, to which place they trade by sea; from thence he reached the Moluccas, and managed to return to Europe. He related his experience to Caesar Godeffroy, who gave him charge of a vessel, and supplied him with means to purchase a tract of land from the chiefs of Tap, and to form a settlement there. This he did accordingly, and for two years traded between the Carolines and China, chiefly in beche-de-mer. At the end of that time an accident happened to him, by the unintentional discharge of a needle-gun. He went to Europe for medical advice, and returned to the islands no more. This man made no return of profits to his employers; but he came destitute into the service of Messrs. Godeffroy, from whom (with the exception of his percentage) he received small pay, and from the time of his return to Europe until the present (or very lately) he has been living at an expensive rate at Baden Baden and other German spas.

I.—The Islands generally:' Mr. Sterndale.

Memorandum of all the Islands to the North of the Samoan (Navigator) Group upon which the Messrs. Godeffroy maintain Trading Agents. Quiros Island, said to have no existence, and now generally expunged from the charts. This island is the property of one Eli Jennings, who lives upon it with his family and some Samoan labourers. It is very fertile and well cultivated. The Union Group (or Toker&u), properly so called, which consists of three islands, Takaofo, Nukunono, and Oatafu. The Ellice Group, Ntikufetau, which is the property of Messrs. Godeffroy, they having purchased it from the natives. It has an excellent harbour, and is the only island of the Archipelago

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extending between the Navigators and the Carolines which contains any deposit of pearl oyster; but the quality is very inferior, the shell being small, and the pearls of little value. Oaitapu and St. Augustine. The Tarawau or Gilbert Group, commonly spoken of as the Kingsmills, Arorai, Tamana, Peru, Onotoa, Nukunau, Tapetuia Nonoiti, Maiana, Tarawa, Apiang, Marakei, Makin, and Putaritari. This includes all the Kingsmills, with the exception of Apemama, Kuria, and Aranuka, which belong to the King Tern Baiteke, who, as far as I know, has not for some years back allow 7e^ any Europeans to live on his islands. I have heard since that Messrs. Godoffroy had established an agent there, but I do not know whether it is so. In the Marshall Group, Ebon, Jaluit, Namerick, Mille, and Aur. In the Carolines, Strong Island, Ascension, Yap, and the Palaos. These last are generally spoken of as unsafe to approach ; but, although it is true that the people are ill-disposed to white men generally, there are living upon them two agents of Messrs. Godeffroy, one Frenchman, and two Spaniards of Manila.

ADDITIONAL MEMORANDA. Be French Occupation of the Marquesas. It has been my impression, as stated in my previous paper, that the French Government had abandoned these islands as unprofitable, as they undoubtedly were to them, from the fact that in 1859, to my own knowledge, all their establishment had been removed thence, except a pilot and two gensdarmes, who had remained on their own application. I have lately been informed that France continues to lay claim to the Marquesas, and that they have some officials located there. This was brought under my notice within the past three weeks, in consequence of shares in a cotton plantation at Nukuhiva (in Marquesas), or rather portions of the cultivated land on freehold purchase, having been invested in by some men of business in Auckland, of whom one told me he had bought ten acres of cotton as his share in the concern. I could get no further information, as they seemed desirous to keep the matter private. A branch of the Terre Eugenie concern has been for at least eight or nine years established at Nukuhiva, on plantation grounds originally commenced by the Jesuit mission. I have no doubt this is the land in.question, especially so as my informant told me that it was their intention to transport the Chinese labourers from the Tahitian plantation to Nukuhiva. The Tahitian plantation was a gigantic affair. I have seen a good deal of it. At one time they had as many as 1,500 Chinese employed upon it, besides a very great number of Polynesians. It was originally intended to have been worked by Chinese labour only; and such would have been done, but for the fact that the Chinamen imported during the first two years, being dissatisfied with their treatment, wrote letters, which were published by the authorities in the seaports of China, warning the people not to engage themselves to the agents of the Tahitian plantation. Many statements were published in American and Australian papers some six years ago, as to great ill-usage of labourers on this plantation. These stories were not altogether true. It is certain, however, that, under just and humane regulations, an abundant supply of excellent labour could have been obtained and kept up by the managers from the China and Indian Seas. Between 1860 and 1865, as well as at a former period, I was employed officially in the engagement of Coolie labourers in that part of the world, so that I speak from experience. The Navigator Group. Concerning the Navigators, a paragraph, copied from a San Francisco paper, appeared recently in the Southern Gross. It stated that a company had been formed in San Francisco for the purpose of occupying some part of this group. I did not regard the matter much at the time, as the capital mentioned did not seem very large ; but, in looking over some of my letters of last year, I found one which seemed to bear upon the question of a desire on the part of the United States to form some kind of establishment at the Navigators. It was written to me by a resident of Apia, who is generally regarded as being better acquainted with the native mind, and as having more influence among the natives, than any other EuroTaan in the group. He wrote, "There is a special Commissioner from the United States Government here, sent by the President in consequence of a petition to him from the chiefs of Samoa for a Protectorate. The chiefs have all agreed to it, so it only awaits the sanction of Congress to establish a Protectorate. Colonel Steinberger, U.S.A., the Commissioner, is now on a visit to Savaii. We expect him to return here to-morrow, and he will sail from here in his yacht for San Francisco."

TEADE AND TEADING ARRANGEMENTS. (By Mr. Sterndale.) [Reprinted, by permission, from the Southern Cross.] The enormous impetus which is now being given to commercial enterprise on the western coast of North America by the completion of the railway across that continent, and which may possibly, before long, be followed by a canal through the Isthmus of Darien, will render San Francisco and Panama (or whatsoever city will be founded in its neighbourhood) two of the greatest commercial centres of the globe. Their stupendous traffic will extend its ramifications to Japan, China, the Indian Archipelago, and the whole face of the Pacific will become overrun with ocean steamers and every description of trading craft. The inevitable consequence will be that every available oasis of its surface will be turnefeto account, and ultimately become the property of Europeans or their descendants. Where harbours exist coaling-stations and warehouses will be established, fertile lands will be cut up, brought to the hammer, and converted into plantations, while the low coral jsles will fall into the possession of traders in cocoanut, whale oil, pearl shell, and other products.

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The reign of prosperity that will in time be inaugurated is now inconceivable: many islands now unprofitable and almost unknown will acquire a value greater than that of some of the West Indies, forasmuch as they are suited to the cultivation of every valuable tropical product, with an advantage which the Indies do not possess, and which is not to be found in any other tropical region of the world. - That advantage is that of a climate beyond every other conducive to health and longevity, a perpetual summer of so delightful a temperature that working-men x>f Europe or the Australias may there devote themselves to a life of pleasant and profitable la&our without inconvenience or detriment to their constitutions. In pfeof oj tills the traveller may see at any time in the Navigators and other islands, within a few degrees of" the equator, Englishmen from Australia and New Zealand felling timber in forests.and stripping it into planks in sawpits without sheds or roofs to protect them from the sunshine. They do not complain of the heat, and they seldom suffer from sickness, not being more liable to it there than elsewhere. Had the islands of the Caribbean Sea possessed these conditions they would have formed—at least a hundred years ago—a congeries of prosperous States, peopled by communities of happy, independent, hard-working^ Europeans, instead of being regarded, from their insufferable sultriness and the deadly miasma carried from the neighbouring continent, as the " graves of white men." The yearly-increasing difficulty of obtaining coloured labour in most of the suitable localities of the torrid zone, and the consequent great expense, preclude the possibility in those regions of forming profitable plantations on a small scale, and so act as an insuperable barrier to the speculator of limited capital. In the Pacific Islands this hindrance to individual enterprise does not exist. There a family or" small company of determined practical working white men can perform all their labours with their own hands and by the introduction of animals; and, should their extended operations necessitate the engagement of hired help, they can readily obtain the "assistance of Polynesian natives at a rate of wages which, while just and sufficient to the barbarian, leaves a fair margin of profit to those who employ them. Settlements of this kind will soon be distributed over hundreds of islands which will become even more productive than at present, and will supply yearly cargoes to a very great number of vessels. The demand for goods of European or colonial manufacture will increase immensely ; and it will be a fatal mistake if Auckland should longer hesitate to be first in the field, and secure to itself the largest share of this profitable trade, to which, from its geographical position, it has the greatest natural right. Already the Australians have "pegged out " their claim in Fiji. The once cannibal realm of Cakobau resounds with the stroke of the woodman's axe, the puffing of steam-engines, and the sound of mills. The smoke of the brick-kiln rises quietly in the same atmosphere but lately defiled by the oven of the man-eater. The shipwright plies his mallet in the midst of the grove where his brethren have fallen under the maul of the ogre. Such appears to be the appointed course of human events ; and those who would profit by the changes which Anglo-Saxon civilization is working in Polynesia should seek to participate quickly in the commercial advantages which this transition state presents. They who take part in the first rush to a new diggings are always admitted to possess a double chance of success as compared with those who follow in their footsteps; and on this depends, in a great measure, the position which Auckland must take in relation to the approaching future of Polynesian commerce. No. I. Twenty years ago, the multitudinous islands of the Pacific were almost as little known to the people of Europe as those of the West Indies were to the geographers of the sixteenth century. The greater part of the information then obtainable concerning them was derived from narratives of missionary enterprise, or from the journals of commanders of vessels of war —in either case written by men destitute of commercial or industrial experience. Even up to the present time the most erroneous opinions have continued to prevail with respect to the character and customs of the barbarians of Polynesia and the climate and resources of the lands which they inhabit. These remarks will, however, scarcely apply to the Society Islands, which have long been a French military colony; to Hawaii, which, in fact, if not in name, may be deemed an American possession ; or the Fijis, which, from the learned labours of Dr. Seemann and Colonel Smythe, and the recent enterprise of Australian commercial adventurers, have become, in a measure, well known to us all. Around the first of these, to wit, the great Island of Tahiti and its tributaries, history has thrown a halo of romance. With what intense delight have most of us in our young days pored over the quaint accounts of Captains Wallis and Cook of what they witnessed among those then unknown barbarians ! These accounts were so truthful, as far as the evidence of their own eyesight was concerned, but so erroneous in other respects, as written by men lacking all practical experience of savage usage or habits of thought. It was by reason of this ignorance that the great navigator bestowed die name of the "Friendly" Islanders upon those who had determined his death, which, though he then escaped it by an accident, ultimately overtook him at the hands of the Hawaiians through his own fatal obstinacy, the result of overmuch good-nature and want of conception of the motives and disposition of the people with whom he had to deal. Great Captain Cook ! Do any of us, as colonists of New Zealand, ever truly recognize how immense were the researches of this man, and how stupendous their results ? And to have been cut off, as he was, in the very bloom of his glory, sharing the same strange fatality which seems to have followed almost all the fathers of navigation in the Pacific ! Thus Balboa, who first discovered its existence (and, having dragged, jrith incredible labour, the timbers of his vessel across the mountains of Darien, was the first to sail upbn its waters), fell under the headsman's axe. He was executed at Acla, on a charge of treason against the King of Spain. Perhaps it was a punishment upon him in consequence of his having, without any ceremony, upon, first reaching the Pacific shore, taken possession of the entire South Sea on behalf of His Holiness the Pope. A picture of this ceremony is still to be seen in the Church of

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I.—Trade and trading arrangements : Mr. Sterndale.

St. Francis, in the town of Nombre de Dios, upon Darien, wherein Vasco Nunez is represented in complete armour, standing up to his waist in the salt water, with a sword in one hand and in the other a flag bearing the keys of St. Peter and other religious insignia. Magellan, who, having passed through the straits which bear his name, was the first to reach the Indies by a western route, was slain by the sword in the quarrels of a Carbasian King. Alonzo de Saavedra, who first attempted the passage of the North Pacific from Manila to Mexico, died on the equator. This man (who was of the family of the great Cervantes) proposed to the King of Spain to cut a»canal through the Isthmus of Panama, a project which has been revived in these days, and will, beyond all doubt, be effected before the end of this century. In his memoir on the subject, he describes very circumstantially the route between the San Miguel and the Atrato (the one now proposed by the American engineers), and represents to His Majesty that the amount of excavation was but small in comparison to that effected in the great canal of Nabuehodonosor, as related by Herodotus; and recommends that the Indian tribes of the Isthmus should be forcibly compelled to work at its construction, seeing that " Providence had evidently placed them there in order that they, by their labours, might assist in the extension of the commerce of Christendom." This Saavedra was likewise the first discoverer of New Guinea (which he named Tierra del Oro), of which the credit has been given to Luis Vaz Torrez, for he landed about that part which is now known as Dory Harbour, where deserted from him one Brito Patalin and four others, who, finding their way, two years afterwards, back to the Philippines, were there hanged for so doing. Of a like mind and destiny was Alvaro de Mendana, who inaugurated a scheme for the colonization of the Solomon Islands (to which he gave that name, as says Hakluyt, "to the intent that the Spaniards, believing that it was from thenee that Solomon had obtained the gold wherewith he beautified the Temple of Jerusalem, might be the more readily disposed to go and inhabit the same"), where he died, and was buried in a settlement which was called Santa Ysabel de la Estrella, where are to this day ruins of great forts and magazines. Although these are grown up with forest, they are known to beachcombers and strolling mariners— a fact which makes it seem the more strange that in these days men of science take no trouble to investigate such interesting remains. After them came our countryman, William Dampier, the discoverer of New Britain, and the most entertaining and veracious of all early voyagers who wrote of their experience of the great South Seas. Let any one who has read his book go and sit, as I have done, on the stone parapet of the battery (of six pieces) which fronts the river of Guam, and he may well see in his mind's eye the trick which William played on the Governor of the Ladrones. (There are places in this world upon which three centuries have made no change, and Guam is one of them.) Dampier's fate was more melancholy than all. Of the great captains whom the world remembers, in whatsoever seas, some .were slain in brawls (like Fernando Magellan), some lost in storms (like Sir Humphrey Gilbert), some died in their own lands crowned with honours and old age, but Dampier disappeared out of men's memory, and the last that is known of him was that he was seen in a low lodging in Southwark, dwelling in great poverty. Such likewise was the end of Fernando Quiros, who from a common sailor became an admiral, and commanded an expedition wherein he discovered many islands in the Pacific, and on which occasion the famous Torres was his lieutenant, and Torquemada his historian. The last that is known of him is what is written by the Cardinal Valenza : "I have seen in a wineshop of Seville one Fernando Quiros, who had been an adventurer in the Indies and bgyond, and who told me he had seen there people who did eat their wives and other relatives in place of consigning them to tombs, which did not so much surprise me, seeing that the same thing has been related by the ancients." Thus we see that it is an infinitely more melancholy destiny to be lost at home than to be lost at sea; for, in the case of these men, no one seemed to have mourned for them, or to have marvelled what became of them, but the whole civilized world was interested in the fate of M. de la Perouse, and would now give much greater rewards to the man who could find out what ultimately became of him than were given to Dillon, who was lucky enough to find his anchors and chains. Eoggewein also reaped no reward of his labour ; for, after having found the Samoan Ises, and from thence made his way to Batavia, there his journals and charts were impounded, and himself cast into prison, from whence, being discharged, he shortly afterwards died in great misery. To wind up this category of calamities, we cannot cite a more striking instance than that of Dumont d'Urville, who, after having rendered himself famous as a navigator of the Pacific, was burned to death in a railway carriage between Paris and Versailles. But to return to the discoveries of Cook : he and Sir Joseph Banks, and Dr. Solander, and other scientific " swells," following the tracks of Wallis and Carteret, went out to Tahiti. (It may be said by way of parenthesis here that none of these was really its original discoverer, as there can be no question of it being the La Sagittaria of Fernando Quiros: that island, so long and lofty, where " Francisco Ponce, having bound a rope about his waist, swam through the breakers and landed on the coral shore, where a vast assemblage of Indians, painted and armed, received him with great hospitality, and afterwards took him back in safety to his ship." Also, it is more than probable that this was the land reported by the pilot, Juan Fernandez, " where were many large streams, and people of a light complexion, dressed in woven cloth.") At Tahiti, Cook and his companions planted a tamarind tree, erected an observatory, and took notes of the transit of Venus (for which purpose they had been specially out upon this voyage). That tamarind tree has now become huge and umbrageous, and I have beneath its shadow witnessed upon divers occasions a transit of Venus much more worthy of observation than any which came beneath their notice ; for I have there emptied many bottles of Chateau Larose in the company of indigenous damsels, whose eyes and curls (to borrow an expression of Artemus Ward) " were enough to make a man jump into a mill-pond without bidding his relations ' Good-bye.' " A history of this Island of Tahiti, written by some man possessing the requisite local knowledge, could not fail to be intensely interesting, and, if truthfully recorded, would prove unquestionably valuable in the future. To begin with their own account of themselves. Barbarian tradition is not worth much, but, if supported by any collateral testimony, possesses a certain amount of

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value to the scientific inquirer. We will set aside the question of who were the three Maauii who fished up the earth from the bottom of the ocean, or the whereabouts of the mysterious Hawaii (Hawaiki) ; the legend of the Are Ura (Whare Kura), which reminds one strangely of some part of the " Niebelungen Lied " (it is to be regretted that some of the scholars of Europe do not get hold of these stories and investigate them), the voyages of Rongomatane, or the sorceries of Hine nui te Po. These may be mere myths, but are, for all that, strongly suggestive of some ancient connection between these Maoris (as Maoris they call themselves, all the copper-coloured- races of the Pacific) and some of the peoples of the Old World. But these questions lie within the domain of legitimate inquiry: From whence came the builders of pyramids so enormous as those which are (or were) to be found in the Society Islands ? Who were those white men of whom they spoke as having come to them from the rising sun? What men put up that iron cross on Taravau, with the monogram of the King of Spain upon it ? From whence came that ram which Cook found on Bora Bora ? There is something worth knowing at the bottom of all this, if one could only get at the truth. Aye ! but truth is so hard to get at, as we have a notable instance in the case of the mutiny* of the " Bounty " —a story so well known to the world that one would have thought it altogether disposed of. But here we have now, more than eighty years after, a new history of that affair, published with evidence so reliable, that we find the leading newspapers of Great Britain lauding the memory of Fletcher Christian as " an unfortunate, brave, and honourable man," and lamenting that Captain Bligh " should have ever afterwards been permitted to hold His Majesty's commission,, instead of being held up to universal contempt." Truly, time is the great avenger, and sets many a man's memory right before posterity; but that that is any advantage to the dead man is not so obvious. Then followed the arrival of the first missionaries from Europe, who, like the traveller in the Gospel, "fell among thieves" by the way, from whose hands the Emperor Napoleon (premier) did generously release them, bidding them God-speed on the good work upon which they were engaged, and to whom they rendered that amount of -gratitude which might from them be reasonably expected. After this succeeded the long wars of Pomare the Great (?), of which it is a pity that the world does not know more, as the recital of them would materially support the aphorism that "Jesuitism is not confined to Rome." Let us not despise the day of small things; there is a useful lesson to be gained even out of the politics of Lilliput —and there were great men who came to the surface in those days : Joe, the armourer, who first fixed a cannon upon a slide between two double canoes; and Roberts, who had once been a clerk in Cox and Greenwood's, who was the King's Minister; and Rigole, the Captain of the Guard. Ah ! one should have seen these things, or have heard them from the lips of those who passed through it all, as I have heard! These were stirring times. None the less so, when the young Queen came to wear the maro, "La Reine des Gabiers," she who is Queen even now, though a pensioner of France —an old woman with wrinkled cheeks and a scarlet gown. She is not much to look at now, but many men in times past have taken their lives in their hands to do her service; and I do not suppose, since the days of Chastelard, there lived a woman about whom more lies have been told. She was a woman who, as ■she never failed to make friends, never forgot them, and she had many brave and clever men, Captains Hunter and Henry, Middleton, Moerenhout, the Baron de Thierry; but she had one evil genius, whose name was Pritchard, who took upon himself the office of her political adviser, and, embroiling her in a quarrel with the Jesuits, caused her kingdom to be taken from under her feet. I have said this much concerning Tahiti for the reason that it is the longest known to us of any of the islands inhabited by the Maori race. The immediate cause of its annexation by a European State was the mismanagement of a man who had virtually usurped to himself the supreme power on the place, and who was destitute of commercial or political experience. That which did so happen to the Tahitians is an example (with variations of the modus operandi) of what must eventually happen to every other island of the Pacific—to wit, an epitome of the manifest destiny of all Polynesia. No. ll.—Tahiti and South Sea Tbade. Although the Island of Tahiti might have been rendered immensely productive, consisting as it does of volcanic ridges of inexhaustible fertility and valleys watered by abundant streams, it has never proved of much commercial value to France. The only object which induced the Government of that country to take possession of it having been to secure to themselves a naval station and penal settlement for military or political offenders, industry of any kind never received much encouragement from the State until a few years prior to the fall of the Emperor Napoleon, when an immense plantation of coffee, cotton, and other products was instituted at Atimaona, with Government assistance, under the name of " Terre Eugenie," a concern which has chiefly passed into the hands of English proprietors. The French do not usually make successful colonists or pioneers of commerce. Whatsoever settlements they found in foreign dependencies are commonly of one distinctive character: a caserne and canteen, some gun batteries, a Bureau Maritime, a cafe and billiards— voila tout. A little life is visible in the early morning and in the afternoon. At midday all the town is asleep; scarcely any sound disturbs the stillness but the wind among the green alleys which border the streets, and the tramp of the gendarme as his sword clanks upon the stones. Exclusive of the landing of military stores and material, the traffic of Papeete (the principal seaport of Tahiti) has been almost entirely inaugurated and supported by English enterprise; most of the leading merchants having been of that nation, their ventures in the majority of cases having been pre-eminently successful, some of them having realized very handsome fortunes. For example, a merchant who landed there, within my recollection, with, according to his own statement, only a few shillings in his purse, and a small stock of goods, of which the whole value did not amount to £50, is now well known to be worth nothing short of £100,000 in property and cash. lam about to

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show how this was done, and how the same goose with the golden egg is still at the service of the merchants of Auckland if they would energetically turn their attention to the opportunities of profit which Providence has placed as it were at their very doors in the innumerable islands of the great South Sea. I fancy I hear some one say, " Oh, but we have merchants, and they have traded to the Pacific for years back, and they have not done much; in fact, some of them are quite up a tree." I can understand this perfectly. I have heard the same remark made in Sydney, with just as much truth ; and the object with which I am now writing is to show what h*s been the cause of this, in many instances, want of so very brilliant success, and to point out the remedy. But, before I proceed with the subject, I may premise that oven among the merchants of Auckland, so apathetic as they generally have been in all matters connected with ventures in the Pacific, there are at the present moment some who cannot complain of evil fortune having attended their operations in those waters, forasmuch as I know at least one firm in this city who have now in their warehouse an immense stock of goods ordered by them from Europe, strictly for the supply of their own agents in the South Sea Islands, and which, for variety- and suitability to the particular purpose in view, is not to be equalled in any one house of either Sydney or Melbourne. There is a secret of gold at the bottom of all this ; it is pouring in from somewhere. Ido not know to what particular islands they chiefly trade, or the names of any of their agents. I never asked them any questions; but I have been through their store, and what I saw there was enough to convince me that they had profited by some very successful experience in the same branch of Polynesian traffic in which I had spent many years of my life. The most suggestive way of looking at the question is this : Those merchants who have succeeded to admiration in Polynesian trade (and I am about, in the course of these papers, to cite well-authenticated instances) have not been sfteh as were resident or made their head-quarters in the Australian Colonies (although the well-known names of Captains Towns and Smith are a guarantee of what has been done under that system), but those who have located themselves in certain central spots of the Pacific, from whence they send out agents to all the surrounding isles, small or great, men accustomed to be domesticated among the natives, speaking their language fluently, and intimately acquainted with their habits and wants. These men are supplied with small parcels of goods to enable them to make advances to the natives and to establish little trading posts in all populous villages, where they gather up such valuable produce as the place may afford, awaiting the periodical visits of schooners of small tonnage, which come round to them at stated times to take away what they may have collected, to settle all claims, and to leave a fresh supply of trade for the ensuing season. The produce thus obtained is carried to the central depot, where it is stored up until transhipped into larger vessels, by which, in the most notable instances, it is conveyed direct to Europe. The profits of trade conducted in this manner among the Pacific Archipelagos are, as I purpose to demonstrate, very great, the risks very small indeed in comparison to those which attend the coasting trade of New Zealand or Australia. Thus, of all the vessels which have been lost in the Pacific, it is well known that more than one-half have gone ashore in calms, which, while it argues a certain amount of want of caution upon the part of the commanders, the result of long immunity from accident, goes to prove that, if this trade has paid (as I am going to show how enormously it has paid), how much greater will the profits be when steam navigation is systematically introduced into Polynesian waters. And to whom would one naturally look to initiate so lucrative a system of enterprise if not to the merchants of Auckland ? which, from its geographical position and internal resources, is evidently destined to be (though, strangely enough, it seems as yet never to have shown any inclination to be) the principal market of the commerce of the whole great South Sea. It is in the manner that I have described that Messrs. Hort Brothers, and Brander, of Tahiti, Johann Cffisar Godeffroy, of Samoa, with Wilkens, Hennings, Hedemann, and many others, have made, or are making, fortunes " hand over fist." That the Horts got into difficulties afterwards, was the result of over-speculation in other lines. As concerns the island trade, I will presently show some instances of what they (i.e. the Horts) did make to my own knowledge, and at what outlay. And here is another light in which to regard the question, and in connection with which lam able to produce a mass of evidence. How many owners of vessels, trading-stations, plantations, sugar and oil factories, or cotton-gin establishments, are to be found throughout the Pacific (as to my own knowledge they are to be found, being personally acquainted with most of them) —men who a few years ago were before the mast, or sailing as mates of ships at $30 a month! How did they in so short a time become possessed of all this property ? If any man care to know, as I should imagine it very materially to the interests of the merchants of Auckland to know, I will describe circumstantially how, of my own knowledge, in a variety of instances, this came to be the case, in some future articles, wherein I purpose to deal less in generalities, but to go more immediately and deeply into facts. No. lll.—The Pbael Shell and Cocoanut Tbade. Very much public attention has been lately attracted to the subject of the colonization of New Guinea, especially since the late voyage of the "Basilisk" in those waters. You hear people saying, "There is a wonderful land; a. land of fertility, of spices, of valuable fibres, of sago and cinnamon, of sandalwood and gold!" This impression may be very true, although it is not so very apparent that the greater part of it is .not based solely upon hypothesis. But this fact is very certain : that it has always been a mania with our countrymen to look far away from home for that which they might find close to their own doors ; just as people in England, desiring to convert the heathen, send out missitSiaries to Melanesia, when there are plenty of savages of a more degraded type, morally and physically, almost within a stone's-throw of Belgravia. Thus we hear people talking about' New Guinea and its fabulous riches, just as though whatsoever (as far as we know) is to be found there were not to be found in the islands of the Pacific, close beside us, if we except the cinnamon and the gold, of which the existence in New Guinea is as yet purely apocryphal.

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It is not necessary to do more than to examine a chart of the Pacific to recognize at once what an immense area of land, the most productive, and at the same time most healthful, of any which is to be found on the face of the earth, is represented by those great islands of the South Sea with which our navigators are most intimately acquainted, and inhabited by people whose customs, wants, habits of thought and action, as well as iangirage, are closely analogous, and in some cases identical, with those of the aborigines of our adopted country of New Zealand_._ This resemblance""gives us, in dealing with them, immeasurably the start of the Australias, or any '"other people of the world, from our extensive experience of the peculiarities of their race. These islands are represented by Viti Levu, Vanua Levu, Tongataboo, Vavao, Savaii, Upolo, Tutuila, Tahiti, Eaiatea, Huahine, Nukuhiva, Fatoahiva, Hivaoa, as well as their intermediate isles, very many of which are of considerable size. We say nothing of New Caledonia, which, although subject to France, is open to our commerce. There are also the New Hebrides and Santa Cruz groups, among which are to be found great lands— Edens of beauty and fertility. Some of the South Sea islands which lie on the route between New Zealand and the Isthmus of Darien (the natural gate of the Pacific), and Are within easy sailing distance of Auckland, are unsurpassed for salubrity and productiveness, being favoured with so delightful a climate as to possess a cool and bracing atmosphere combined with all the fertility of the torrid zone. There cotton, coffee, tea, sugar-cane, arrowroot, vanilla, tobacco, opium, ginger, as well as an infinity of valuable indigenous products, can be cultivated successfully side by side with the vegetables of Europe. Such are the beautiful islands of the Austral and the principal ones of the Hervey group. Some of them are as much as thirty miles in circuit, and consist of lofty hills of volcanic debris, sloping down on all sides to the shore. They are clothed to the summit with the most gorgeous vegetation, groves of palm, orange, lime, coffee, candle-nut., and banana, which grow spontaneously ; their valleys are of deep rich soil, watered by abundant streams; they have harbours, and forests of useful timber. Their inhabitants are amiable and highly intelligent, a people who could, by encouragement and wise example, be rendered prosperous, insomuch as they exhibit considerable aptitude in the mechanical arts and a desire for the comforts and luxuries of civilized life, but who chiefly exist at present in a condition of lamentable indolence, their time being in a great measure divided between the endeavour to render themselves eligible for the office of mission teachers (an ambition which has become with them a mania), and the preparation and consumption •of intoxicating drinks. Such islands as these, lying in the midst of what will shortly become one of the highways of Pacific navigation, and presenting as they do such extraordinary inducements to profitable settlement, must inevitably, before long, either by purchase or conquest, pass into the possession of commercial speculators. In addition to these are the innumerable low coral isles which are scattered over the face of the whole South Sea, many of them "at present seldom or never visited by trading ships, and yet so intrinsically valuable that, had they been located in the Atlantic instead of the Pacific, every one of them, would, have constituted before now a bone of contention, between the great maritime Powers of the Old World. ' As a proof of this, have there not been, serious political troubles in the past and down to our own day concerning the possession of the coral banks of Messina, the amber-dredgmg grounds of the Baltic coasts, the cod fisheries of Newfoundland? Many of these islands, in some cases without inhabitants, in others occupied by small communities of indolent barbarians, teem with products infinitely more valuable (from the quantity in which they are obtainable) than those of which we have just made mention. So much is this the fact that in many instances a square mile of them is even now (or can, at a trifling outlay, be within ten years rendered) worth more than the salary of a colonial Governor. When this fact comes to be generally known, it is not too much to say that at some not far distant time there will be a greedy scramble for their possession between all those cities of the Southern Hemisphere which support a mercantile marine ; and very lively will be the lamentations, and enduring chagrin, of those who shall have allowed to escape them the golden opportunity now so easily within their reach. Men having a thorough practical experience of the Pacific trade will recognize the truth of this assertion, but it is not to be expected that the general public can understand it without demonstration. Figures, however, provide a mode of argument which goes straight home to the comprehension of men of business, and furnish incontrovertible proof. In the matter of indigenous products, requiring neither cultivation nor process of manufacture, we may cite as a notable instance the article pearl-oyster shell, the demand for which has in Europe, within the past four years, 'assumed an unprecedented activity, for the reason of there having been discovered certain processes whereby it is now devoted to purposes previously unknown. The extraordinary profits which have attended the operations of Captain Cadell and other pearl-fishers on the coasts of North Australia for some time past, until their labour supplies were interfered with by the Government, has been a subject of remark in commercial circles. The same shell exists in vast quantities in various localities of the South Pacific, under more favourable conditions, inasmuch as the divers are obtainable on the spot or in the neighbourhood, with the additional advantage that the food they require is produced spontaneously on the scene of their labours, thus doing away with the necessity of transporting men from long distances, and having to supply them with the means of subsistence. It is enough to say that during many years past men accustomed to this trade have been in the habit of collecting shell and disposing of it to such vessels as might chance to visit them, at prices ranging from £12 to £20 per ton, considering themselves well paid; whereas, at the latest quotations, the market value in Europe varies from £80 to £150, and there are rumours of even much higher figures. It has been reported that South Sea shell is of an inferior quality to that of North Australia, Manila, or Ceylon. This is not really the ease, but it is quite true that some years ago Tahitian (the name by which South Sea shell has been usually known) became greatly depreciated in the European market in consequence of the merchants of that j }]ace having foolishly persisted in 7—A. 4,

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cleaning the shell before shipment. To accomplish this object the more readily, the traders were used to throw them out upon the sandy beach of the islands whore they were obtained and let them lie for a day or two in the hot sun, the effect of which was that all the rough edges, knots, and coral lumps which were attached to them cracked off and left them smooth, but at the same time destroyed the splendid natural lustre which they would otherwise have retained had they been placed under cover immediately the living fish had boon removed from them. The Manila fishers were always aware of this fact, and profited by their knowledge, in consequence of which-their shell has for many years back commanded, in . ' ' awhere, .-£l2O per ton, when Tahitian was quoted at £40, although in reality there v, .;■■. (a i I inerence in the two samples as regards species, nor would have been in quality had equal <■:• : • Liken of them both. The bulk of the Manila shell was not, and is not now, derived r i ho Indian Archipelago, but from the Pacific, that is to say, from Hogolen, Lugunor, Nttguor, and other great islands of the Caroline group, and is the same oyster-which is found over the whole Pacific, on all islands possessing the conditions necessary to its existence. * Some idea of the value of such deposits may bo gathered from the fact that, according to returns published by the Government of India, the value of a pearl bank in the Straits of Manaar, of two miles in circumference, with a depth of seven fathoms or thereabouts, is estimated at from £35,000 to £40,000 purchase, subject to the royalty demanded by the Government. The shell lies very thick there, more so than is usual in the Pacific; but when we consider that in the latter case many lagoons are to be found from twelve to twenty miles in diameter, wherein, so far as the shoal water extends, it is not possible to look over the side of the boat without seeing shell on the bottom ready for collection, and with neither dues, royalties, nor purchase-money to pay, it is very obvious that there is a great deal of money to be mgyde. With respect to the value of low coral atolls and lagoon islands, the time is at hand when they will all become the property of traders, in i ikn . cases men of limited means, who will enlist in their service or altogether take the place of the aboriginal inhabitants. In other instances, small groups of isles lying contiguous to one another will be monopolized by companies, who will work upon a gigantic scale ; they will plant new cocoanut groves, thin out and improve the old ones, and bring the savages into, subjection, not on the principle of brute forco^but by the substitution of a reign of reason, mutual advantage, comfort, and contentment, for barbarism and brutality. They will erect kobra mills, with powerful machinery, for the manufacture of oil, and apparatus for the preparation of the valuable fibres which now grow wild upon the coral cays, and which, though as yet altogether unknown to the commercial world, are nevertheless of such enduring strength that a fishing-line—as twisted from them by the fingers of the savages, and only of the diameter of a common whipcord —will sustain a weight of several hundreds of pounds without starting a strand. Any one such company working upon a large scale, and intrusting the conduct of their opera- ■ tions to energetic, conscientious, and experienced men, will produce in ten years more practical good in enlightening the dark places of Polynesia than could bo effected by mission ships in as manygenerations, forasmuch as, if we ever hope to elevate the moral status of barbarians so as to produce any enduring result, we must begin by appealing to their interest and improving their physical condition, creating in their minds a desire for the comforts, and even luxuries, which are inseparable front the higher life of the civilized races ; and showing them how by persistent and pleasant industry, and by utilizing the products which Providence has placed within their reach, they may supply all these wants, and add to these comforts hitherto unknown. Do first what is most obviously necessary to advance the condition of the outward man ; moral regeneration will assuredly follow. Did not Christ himself begin by administering to the bodily necessities of his hearers, bidding them afterwards repent and believe his gospel ? Or, to use a more homely example, how was it with the Irish pauper, who, having been admitted into an institution for the relief of the destitute, was presently caused, to sit down upon a bench, and presented with a copy of " The Sinner's Friend " ? " Faith ! " said tho casual, "it's not tracts I want, but sausages and tay." It is enough to say that companies of merchants, acting upon principles of justice and benevolence towards the aborigines among whom they establish their stations throughout the Pacific, will not only materially assist the cause of human progress, but will themselves reap a golden harvest out of their enterprise. To make this apparent to the simplest comprehension, we will promise that one mile square of cocoanut trees, such as cover the low coral isles of the Pacific, produces during every year an average of 200,000 cocoanuts. This estimate is made by calculating the produce of every tree at twenty-five nuts a year, which is far below the yield ; and by allowing tho trees to run, say, 40 feet apart, which they do not, each nut will average half-a-pound, of which (when dry) the market value in the Pacific is one cent. Tims fifty tons of kobra (as the dry material is called), of a value of £400, is produced yearly by a mile square of wild and uncultivated trees. One willing labourer can perform in one day of six hours all the work of gathering, carrying together, peeling, and breaking four hundred cocoanuts ; and, as' they are ripe at all times of the year alike, there is no season of enforced idleness, but the work may go on continuously. Thus two industrious white men (and white men accustomed to this work can perform it as skilfully as Polynesians), working only two hundred and fifty days out of the year, and then only, if they choose, in the cool of the day, can, off a mile square of wild trees, earn to themselves 16s. each per day for those days which they work, or £400 per annum between them. Very handsome wage's for men requiring no capital to start upon, unless it were a few axes and the like implements, a few casks of biscuits, a boat, and some hogs ! But if they can afford to employ labour to assist them, and go systematically to work to clear away and burn the underwood, andsto heap the ashes and other debris about _tho roots of the palms, as well as to plant new groves, their profits become rapidly and greatly increased. After a year of such treatment the-yield of their groves would bo augmented fourfold, and in ton years the value of their. produce would amount annually to from £3,000 to £4,000, although this seemingly large return does

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not approach what can bo annually realized from a mile of cocoamit plantation, cultivated and utilized as they are on the coasts of Cochin or Malabar. Great profits have in past times attended the traffic in cocoanut oil, which is now becoming superseded by the kobra, or dried material, as involving less labour, less waste and stowage room, as well as when manufactured in Europe producing a superior sample of clear oil, free from rancid smell, and leaving the substance of the nut available for cattle-food, for which purpose it is largely sold, pressed into cakes after the manner of linseed. When it cornea to bo generally known her& that for several years back not less than a dozen large ships, deepati i.v-§b«ie of the leading mercantile firms of Hamburg and Bremen, have been alv, ;vys to be found loading in one group or other, of the Pacific with this material alone, we can surely reasonably? expect that Auckland will eventually secure to itself some share of a trade so profitjjjj^ftis-thig unquestionably is. No. IV.—Tahiti and Eaiatea. Although the Island of Tahiti is inexhaustibly fertile', it is not superior in that respect to Eaiatea, another great island of the same group. There, walking up any of the central valleys, one sees the mountains clothed up to the very summits with plantains, feiis, and bananas, growing altogether wild, and so thickly that the valley bears the aspect of a golden forest. But it is merely a beautiful wilderness. There arc no systematic industries beyond a few small plantations of cotton and sugar-cane, the property of sons of missionaries of European extraction. The island is not half populated, and the lives of the inhabitants are spent in idleness, intoxication, and occasional civil war. The people of the neighbouring island of liuahino vegetate under precisely the same conditions —vice, and an indolence from which they nwor awaken unless it be to quarrel among themselves or with the foreigners with whom they come into contact, is with them the rule of life. Many lamentations havo been poured forth by persons interested in South Sea missions concerning the evil influences of French domination over the Society Islanders ; but their premisses are groundless, and their arguments unsound. The Tahitian race never could be rendered systematically industrious or truly enlightened; they were always, and still are, indolent, luxurious, superstitious, and incurably vicious. Although by nature gentle, amiable, generous, and intensely affectionate, they delivered themselves up con amove, to the vilest forms of heathen superstition, in \ the practice of which they exhibited an amount of depravity almost unparalleled in the history of mankind. Their conversion to Christianity was—l will not say in every individual case, but certainly in the aggregate —either mere pretence, induced by the liberal bestowal of blue heads, tomahawks, cotton print, and the like valuables ; or the exchange of one superstition for another, generated by reverence for the superior strength of the gods of those invincible strangers who wielded the lightning of the musket and the cannon. It needs that one should live intimately among them to know them well, and .such as have done so are very well aware that they are still as grossly super- • stitious as they were a hundred years ago : in fact, if not in outward form, like the strange nations which the Assyrians transported to Samaria, "they fear the Lord, but still unto this day they do after the former manners," and they love the memory (and still play the role) of the Areoi libertinism in which their forefathers were wont to dwell, though they havo broken their idols and thrown down their stones of sacrifice. I have said they have no industry ; but in their heathen days they practised a certain degree of it. They had all their own clothing to make, and very beautifully and ingeniously they made it from silky bark and fibres of trees. This was the work of women. The men laboured at the building of great canoes, wherein they made voyages round the Low Archipelago, the Austral Isles, and to Nukuhiva. Now, it is hard to persuade them to work at anything, unless it be some kind of occupation very easy, and speedily profitable to. them, such as the gathering of oranges or fungus, or the making at times of a few barrels of lirne-juice or cocoanut oil. Of course, all of them (except chiefs) work a little, but the amount of time spent hi useful occupation is but a tithe of that consumed by them in idleness and debauchery. They never look poverty-stricken. The men are always well dressed in white shirts and " parieus" of figured cotton ; the women in prints of elegant patterns, in the choice of which they display wonderfully good taste, and in the care of them the most fastidious cleanliness, being in this respect, in all that concerns their domestic habits, as superior to the common people of any nation of the earth with which we are acquainted as they are remarkable for the entire absence of moral purity —a virtue which it would be as vain to look for among them as to expect tcf "gather grapes of thorns or figs of thistles," though one might surely look for better things if one were to believe all the twaddle which has been written about them. Every one who intimately knows the Tahitian people must candidly confess that all attempts to inculcate persistent industry have resulted in complete failure. They will not work any more than is sufficient to supply them with clothes and rum, which last they regard as a necessary of life,; the food they require, being produced spontaneously upon their fertile lands, or easily caught in their coral bays, costs them little trouble to obtain. Consequently, in the coming time, when Tahiti becomes (as it inevitably will become) a great centre of commercial activity, the labour required to conduct the plantations which will cover the whole available surface of the Society group must be-'obtainod from elsewhere, not exactly as is at present the case at Atimaona and Moorea, where Chinese coolies and Kingsmill savages have been imported in swarms, but a European race will establish themselves upon the land, who will perform their own labour chiefly with their own hands. They will not be the sickly sort of Papalangis whom one sees now generally throughout Polynesia on 'mission or trading stations, who havo reduced themselves to a condition of chronic dyspepsia by persisting in European habits of food and living"" (ignoring the fact of their utter unsuitability to the dwellers in the torrid zone), or who kill their livers with alcohol, and then lay the bikcie on the climate, but men healthy, powerful, bronzed, and hardy, accustomed to paddle their own canoe, not afraid to look the blazing sun in the face, to plunge into the foam of a breaker, or make their way to land upon a surf-beaten shore : such men as Jeff Strickland, of Aitutaki; William -Masters, of Palmerston; Eli Jennings, of Quiros Isle;

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Harry Williams, of Mauihiki; George Bicknell, of Farming's Island; and a very great proportion of the "beachcombers " who have scattered themselves over the face of the whole coral sea. These men are not emaciated, pale, liver-disordered, or enervated by the heat of the climate. They are stalwart, smart, and lively. They have strength to lift a kedge-anchor, and to carry two hundred cocoanuts upon their shoulders out of the forests in the heat of the day (and they do it). They climb trees like apes, and dive for shell-fish to feed their families. They wear no shoes, but go barefooted at all times on beaches of sharp gravel and reefs of prickly coral. They gather beche-de-mer, or chop wood for whale-ships all through the long tropic day. Some,of these men have as many as twenty children—with huge frames and gipsy countenances. Their sons are like bronze statues, their daughters models of beauty and strength. Their intellect is of a low order, it is true, and their morals of a very lax description; but they may improve in these respects as they continue to multiply (as they are doing very rapidly), and they are well fitted to do the -work of the world, and to take, as they will do, the place of the ancient incurable barbarian throughout the torrid zone of the Pacific. In certain spots to the north of the equator there is now springing up a race who wilLJbeyond question, exercise in time a most powerful influence on the destinies of the Pacific. They are remarkable for superior intelligence, and for energy, patience, skill in navigation, and a faculty of acquiring the mechanical arts. They are the progeny of European and American mariners by Japanese mothers, and in them are to be found combined the grandest elements of success in life— that is to say, all the courage and spirit of adventure which distinguished their wild and roving fathers, mingled with the acuteness, ingenuity, and concentration of purpose which is so characteristic of the Mongolian, and especially of the. Japanese. Among the progenitors of this kind of bastard civilization are to be found wanderers from every land of Christendom. They have not suffered by the change, but they revel in it. They have " eaten the lotus " (whereby, as said the ancients, a man loses all remembrance of his native country). They are acclimatized, they are no longer Europeans ; they have no more liking for cold lands, they love the weather and the ways of the low latitudes. Take any of these men back to the Old World, and he would pine for the Pacific, and die in a short time if you did not let him return to it. . Most of them could not be persuaded to return to the Old World or the States by any human inducement. Just as says Paunchy Billy, of Samoa, who was born in the same village as John Paul Jones, and who is in the habit of declaring, " Sir, I wouldn't go back to Britain now if you were to give mo £1,000 a year; and yet I will say that when I came here first—more than thirty years ago—l had a fashion of sitting on the stones by the seaside of a night, and crying to myself for the home and friends I should never see again; but I know better now, and have done this many a year." Billy relates how, when Commodore Wilkes's Exploring Expedition visited the Navigator Isles, he went on board the " Porpoise," dressed in savage mats, and begged the captain to take him away. "I don't want any men," was the answer; " but what countryman are you ?" "A Spotchman," said Billy. " Well, then," replied the Yankee, " I guess I pity you more than a little ; I cannot take you away, but here's a sheathknife and a plug of James Biver cavendish, of which I make you a present; had you been an American, I would have had you tied up to the gangway and have given you a dozen with the cat-o'-nine-tails." Billy did not understand what he could have been guilty of to have deserved this punishment, and asked the American to explain. " Because," retorted the commander, "had you been a citizen of the United States, I should have counted you a disgrace to humanity for letting yourself run wild among a lot of scalping savages; but, seeing you are a Britisher, and there is not room enough for you all in your overcrowded country, I pity you from the bottom of my soul, I dew I " No. V.—The Low Ahchipelago. After the well-known incident of the mutiny of the "Bounty" very few vessels visited the Society Islands until the renewal of war between England and France after the Peace of Amiens, when the South Seas became traversed in all directions by strolling privateers or rather pirates—as very many of them were in reality, disguising their real practices under cover of a letter of marque. The true object for which many of these vessels had been fitted out was to loot the more unprotected settlements of the coasts of Chili and Peru, or wheresoever on the Spanish Main (as all the seaboard from the Gulf of California to the Strait of Magalhaens is called) they might effect a landing, and force a trade —that is to say, compel the authorities to barter with them at their own price, under threats of burning their towns in case of refusal. Many of these expeditions, chiefly under the British flag, had been fitted out at the seaports of Hindostan, while others had been organized in Manila or Guam. Port Jackson, as Sydney was then styled, was not behindhand in supplying her quota to the congregation of rascals who had presented themselves with the freedom of the seas. Among her contributions was the celebrated Captain Jorgensen, who took to London two natives of Tahiti, and presented them to Sir Joseph Banks, who put them in a mission school, where, as might have been expected, they shortly died ; and the famous Mr. Bass, a man of great valour and intelligence, the discoverer of the Straits which bear his name, and which he is said to have surveyed in an open boat. He came to a melancholy end; for at Valdiora, on the coast of Chili, having compelled the Spaniards by force of arms to barter for his cargo, he was daring enough to go on shore with a great part of his crew and drink in their company, when being attacked by the inhabitants they defended themselves to no purpose, but were all taken prisoners, and transported to the silver mines, where they ended their days in misery and chains. This state of affairs continued with but little improvement up to the year 1825 and beyond it, when the South American States, having successfully shaken off the yoke of Spain, became in a position to free themselve%from the smaller tormentors in the shape of pirates and contrabandiers who had stung them in every available spot during the terrific struggle for liberty which they had sustained for so many years.

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l)oes it not speak well for the climate of the Pacific Islands when there are still to be found ancient mariners who can relate their experience of those stirring times ?—such as Mr. Nobbs, of Norfolk Island ; Bainbridge, of Papeite (who was a powder-boy on board the " Macedonian" when she was captured by Commodore Decatur) ; Old Joe, of Mauki; and Jack Sclate, of Nukunau, who served under Cochrane, in that terrible business when he cut out a prize from under the guns of Valparaiso. Among the Australian adventurers of that day, one not the least remarkable was one Captain Goodenough, or " Koronake," as ho is called among the South Sea Islanders, who visited the beautiful island, of Earotonga long before it was known to the world, and which Coo*k had missed in so strange a manner, since he must have passed close by it without seeing it, though he was not in reality its first discoverer, as the tradition of the natives places it beyond a doubt that it was visited by the "Bounty," while under the command of Fletcher Christian, on her passage from Tofoa to Tubuai. This Goodenough appears to have had a gay time of it, and to have been a person of an easy disposition. Being hospitably entertained by the natives, he came into collision with them in consequence of the unruly amativeness displayed by his crew. The savages in revenge killed his wife and another European woman, her servant or companion (who, suspecting no 1 danger, were on shore washing linen by the bank of a creek), and, according to immemorial usage, baked and ate them. Goodenough, however, was not inconsolable, but, the olive-branch being extended to him, accepted it, and took to himself another wife, of the same family who had eaten the late Mrs. G. He took her to sea with him, and, becoming weary of her society, finally left her on the Island of x\itutaki, where many years afterwards she was found by the enterprising mission- - ary John Williams, and piloted him to her native land of Earotonga, where she is still living. Goodenough never told of the land he had found—from commercial reasons; so also Williams said nothing of what he knew concerning Goodenough's discovery, as he desired naturally enough to secure to himself the credit of it. After the successful termination of the South American rebellions, war began toTgive way to peaceful industry, and sperm-whale fishers abounded in the waters of the Pacific; the?privateers from the Indian Seas became converted into traders in search of sandalwood, pearls, and other valuables ; a lucrative trade also became established with China in the article of tortoiseshell (erroneously so called, as it is the scales of the hawkbill turtle which in the Pacific are known by this name; there is a tortoise of gigantic size existing on the Gallapagos, but his shell is of no value whatever), sharks' fins, and beche-de-mer—that singular edible so highly prized by the gourmands of the Celestial Flowery Land. At this time the agents of the London Missionary Society had, after repeated reverses, obtained great influence over the inhabitants of the Society Islands; and the extreme arrogance with which they dictated terms to the traders, and the vexatious regulations which they established f"for the guidance of morals, and restrictions upon the introduction of intoxicating drinks, engendered bitter animosity between themselves, the whale-fishers, and the cdmmercial adventurers who visited the various Goshens over which they now claimed the sole control. To these disturbances may be really traced the long sequence of troubles which eventuated in the war which ended in the French occupation. It was not in reality raised upon a question of religion (although that element was taken advantage of as a lever to effect a certain political purpose), but it was the result of a deep-laid scheme originating with merchants, who resented the interference of Protestant ecclesiastics with their worldly business. Another ingredient of disorder was introduced into their midst by the arrival from time to time of escaped convicts from the penal settlements of Australia, who, finding themselves transplanted into a sort of Paradise, fraternized with seamen who had deserted from ships, herded together for mutual protection, and formed communities of dangerous ruffians. Their organization was, and in certain quarters of the Pacific still is, similar to that of the associated beachcombers of the Spanish Main—a description of gentry whose doings, if truly recorded, would fill several volumes of interesting matter. In those days the trade of the Society Islands was chiefly confined to the barter of hogs, fowls, and vegetables with whale-ships; but a few adventurous traders, finding their way down so far from the China Sea, inaugurated a traffic in sharks' fins and beche-de-mer. It was while in the search for these articles that the attention of persons engaged in it was attracted to the vast deposits of pearl oysters which abounded in what is known as the Low Archipelago. It is in this strange region, commonly spoken of as a mere congeries of desert reefs, that the greatest wealth of the Society Isles has lain, and does still lie. Tahiti itself may be inexhaustibly fertile (as it is); Baiatea, likewise a paradise of gorgeous vegetation; so also all the other isles which cluster round the great volcanic centre : but, in the present aspects of trade, all that they are able to produce is insignificant in comparison to the riches that will eventually be derived from the pearly lakes and palmy cays of the coral-bound Paumotus. I make this statement with all due consideration, seeing that I am about to demonstrate its truth ; and, before going further into the question that these islands, so lonely and so little regarded by the world that they are more frequently spoken of by mariners as a dangerous excrescence upon the surface of the sea, are precisely similar in their oharacters and conditions (as concerns the yielding of valuable products) to some thousands of others which are scattered over the whole face of the coral seas, which at the present moment, in a multitude of instances, may be either purchased for a mere trifle in the shape of blue beads and calico, or are at the service of any merchant who chooses to take possession of them. The time is not far distant w rhen men of business in Auckland will look back with absolute astonishment to the blindness of these days in which vessels are despatched to distant places to purchase cargoes of merchandise, and upon their voyage run through or pass by a hundred islands, upon very many of which they might obtain the very stuff th%y are going after for nothing, had they but experience enough to go on shore and collect it for themselves. To illustrate this proposition, let us take, par exemple, what has been done in the Paumotus. (Thisjname is commonly spelt differently ;it is correct as I have given it. It is compounded of two

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words, Pau-motu, signifying "a cloud of islands," and is very expressive, as most barbarous names are found to be when one is able to trace their original meaning.) This extraordinary region of shoals and cays, commonly called the " Low (or Dangerous) Archipelago," extends over 16 degrees of longitude, and consists of four groups, containing altogether 78 islands or coral atolls, all with the exception of three having lagoon reefs, varying in size from a few miles to over 100 miles in circumference. These islands have long borne an evil name by reason of the intricacy of their navigation, the powerful and sometimes contrary currents which set between them, and the extreme ferocity of their,inhabitants. This is now past; the various islets, shoals, and straits are now well known and ddineu —thanks to the researches of MM. Delemarche and Chizoline, and the excellent charts of M. Vincedon Dumoulin. The numbers of the aborigines are very greatly reduced. Although the archipelago twenty years ago was immensely populous, emigration to the Society Islands, a love of roving (which is a ruling passion with these amphibious savages), disease (which has decimated them in a frightful manner), and the repeated raids of slave-ships from the Spanish Main, have brought down the population to less than 5,000, of which probably not more than, one-fifth who inhabit the south-eastern portion of the archipelago are still in a state of primaeval barbarism: In former times these people were noted for their bravery, both in the navigation of the seas and in combats of all kinds ; so much were they esteemed in this respect that Pomare the Great—• as he was called from his conquests—always employed them as his guards, and the word Paumotu as applied to a man became synonymous with warrior, even as now when referring to a woman it constitutes a much less honourable distinction. The natives of Paumotu have been long in demand as whalemen. They are skilful boatsteerers, and to strike a fish none could surpass them in coolness and certainty. They are also, without exception, the best pearl-divers in the Pacific, or perhaps in the world. They go down without weights or nose-stoppers (as are used by ..the fishers of Manaar or Baldein), but just plunge overboard naked as they stand ; and you can get them down to as deep as twenty-five fathoms to clear a chain, or do other work, if you give them sufficient inducement. They are brave, faithful, honest, and kind-hearted ; the only objection which can be made to them is that they are disgustingly independent, demanding high wages for their work, and essentially rowdy, exhibiting an incurable predilection for rum and loose company. Those .Europeans who know them well, and are accustomed to their ways, feel safer in their society than in that of any other natives in the Pacific under circumstances of difficulty and danger, whether it be in storms at sea or in quarrels upon savage coasts ; and far and wide as they are known—even from Eapa to Eotumah—to say that a man is a Paumotu amounts to the assurance that ho is a good man either to work or fight, but who at the same time will demand of his employers good pay, good usage, and the free exercise of his natural instincts. As a natural consequence, with such a people missionary endeavours have not amounted to much ; they are utterly intractable, except as regards conversion to the Catholic faith, which the majority of them now profess, and in which they exhibit much enthusiasm, in so far as being especially careful not to leave their homes, or to enter upon any adventure which may involve personal risk, without a stock of rosaries, scapularies, crucifixes, such as Carlyle describes as " spiritual block-and-tackle." The chief seat of ecclesiastical authority in the Paumotu group has long been Manga Eeva, or Gambier's Isles, where resides a Romish bishop and community of friars, &c. The pearl fishery at this place has been immensely profitable, and a very great quantity of those precious gems have passed into the possession of the priests since the first establishment of a mission there, more than forty years ago. There can be little doubt but that it was from hero that the large pearl was obtained now in the possession of Her Majesty, and which her agent purchased of Messrs. Storr and Mortimer for £0,000. One of their employes had bought it of a Tahitian trader in Valparaiso, and the common impression among the islands is that it came from Gambier's. Out of the 78 islands of the Paumotus, 35 are known to contain pearl shell in their lagoons. I am about to show what great profits have been made out of those deposits within the last thirty years by Tahitian and Chilian traders, at a time when mother-of-pearl commanded a price in the market amounting to usually not more than one-fourth of that which rules at present. It is very commonly supposed that the pearl fisheries of the Paumotus are exhausted. I shall also be so far able to make apparent that such is not the case, as to justify my previous assertion that the islands of the Low Archipelago constitute a mine of wealth of which the commercial world has at the present moment but little cognizance. No. Vl.—The Low Aechipblago Pearl Fisheries. Of these isles, all with the exception of three are atolls, of that peculiar form of which the origin has so long been an enigma to geologists—that is to say, that they consist of coral belts, frequently not more than a mile wide or even less, of a circular, oval, or sometimes triangular form, enclosing in the majority of cases a central lagoon with an entrance on the side opposite to the direction of the prevailing trade wind. These passages are in some instances navigable for vessels of large tonnage ; in others they consist of a mere depression in the surface of the reef sufficient to enable the natives to paddle their fishing canoes in and out of the lagoon at high tide. The lagoons themselves are generally shallow, though in same places they exhibit vast hollows with an apparent depth of 50 or more fathoms. Their appearance is most extraordinary and beautiful; the water, from the absence of the debris of streams or of any kind of alluvion (from the fact of the land being entirely composed of coral rock and gravel), exhibits so surprising a transparency that an object the size of a man's hand may in calm weather be distinctly seen at a depth of 10 fathoms. The aspect of the bottom is that of a wilderness of marine vegetation of the most wonderful forms and gorgeous colours, seeming in some places to be spread over the surface of sloping hills, in others to be growing out from the sides of tall pillars or towers pierced with vast caves, in which the refracted ,

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beams of the sunshine cause the water to glow with the colours of the opal, and the innumerable species of zoophytes clinging to the roeks to glisten like gems, while between the huge caverned masses are wide spaces floored with sand perfectly level and white as snow, upon which the great green mounds covered with coral trees throw fantastic shadows, so that in leaning over the side of a canoe and contemplating these so remarkable appearances, one cannot escape being reminded of the fabled grove of Aladdin, or of that garden which Don Quixote imagined himse]£. to have seen, in the grotto of Montesinos, "El mas bello amenoy deleitos^r quo puede criar la naturaleza." Amongst all this are to be seen great multitudes of fishes of'the most extraordinary shape and hues, gold and purple and violet and scarlet, jet black, mottled, and every shade of green. In some of the enclosed lagoons of the Paumotus all the fish, without exception, are poisonous, of which the reason is unknown. Sharks are in great plenty, very bold and greedy, but quite harmless as a general rule to man, by reason of their natural food being in- so great abundance. The pearl-divers take no heed of them. A much more disagreeable enemy is the veki or great squid, the " pieuvre " of Victor Hugo, which he so graphically describes in his " Travailleurs de la Mer." This horrible creature, who possesses the extraordinary faculty of being able within five minutes to change himself into fifty different forms, none resembling the other, but each more hideous than the last, is fortunately of a retiring disposition and excessively timid, otherwise he would constitute a most dangerous antagonist. He stretches out his long arms and seizes whatsoever comes within, his grasp. But his most objectionable practice is that, when disturbed, he vomits*a quantity of inky fluid, which renders the .surrounding water intensely dark, so that the diver who may chance to encounter him under some overhanging shelf or coral cavo, may become entangled in the gloom, and so lose his way to the surface or strike himself against the rocks. Fortunately within the lagoons these are small, and so incapable of mischief; but in the deep sea, outside the coral reefs t they grow to enormous size, and on exposed fisheries, such as those of Panama, are a great source of dread to the Americans and Europeans, who dive in armour. Taking pearl-fishing in the coral islands of the Pacific upon the whole, I do not know any occupation connected with the sea in which the men engaged are so little liable to accident. Of course it can only be successfully practised by persons of experience : the divers must be amphibious —born to it; the directors, men acquainted with their language, habits, and wants. The employment of diving apparatus has. frequently been suggested; it is used on the coasts of Colombia and Guatemala ; in the Pacific Isles it has never yet been tried in pearl fishery, and, except in a few instances, it will not answer; the nature of the bottom will not permit it. I will explain this hereafter, when describing more minutely the mode of procedure. Eeferring to the origin of coral atolls, like those of Paumotu, it seems most probable, as has been suggested by Darwin, that they are relics of an ancieni^ continent, the peaks of a sierra, which, having been undermined by volcanic fires, have sunk down and left behind them their fringing reefs or coral crusts, which, during ages of their existence, had accumulated around them. This metamorphosis may have been effected at once, or gradually in the course of many centuries; in some cases comparatively recently, as in the instance of one island of Tokerau, where the bottom of the lagoon is still strewn with the trunks of gigantic timber which formerly grow upon the land of which it has usurped the place. That coral will not grow at vast depths in the ocean is now well known: consequently the reefs which appear on the surface of the waters have been deposited upon and around submarine eminences which have in many cases settled down and disappeared. Some are of opinion that all lagoon reefs have been built upon crater lips, which cannot have been the case, from the fact that the lava flow could not in every instance have broken out upon the leeward side, as is commonly the position of the gaps or passages through the coral barriers. Again, it is usual for mountain-peaks to bo left standing in the very centre of the crater immediately over the funnel, as would have been in the case of Uveo, Hogolen, Palao, and other similar great atolls had it been so. It is true that their nuclei are igneous rock, but it seems more rational that their submersion had been arrested in some way, else .that they are still slowly going down. The old idea of coral isles having been built up from the bottom of the ocean by the labours of an insect must now bo abandoned, forasmuch as coral is not a mere concretion, but a true vegetable, as may be readily perceived by examining it in all stages of growth, from the time when it first appears like a tender fungus, soft and leathery, which, under the naked foot, feels like a cushion of moss, to the stony petrifaction, in some species solid as marble. It is true that, like sponge, it has been fitted by Providence forihe habitation of animalculae, but the animalcula. do not produce it. As to how the pearl oyster is propagated in coral lagoons, is involved in considerable obscurity. I have no theory upon the subject; I can, however, supply certain data from long observation. Two islands of apparently precisely the same character, as far as natural formation, outflow and influx of the tide, depth of water, &c, are concerned, may be found within a iow miles of one another (as is frequently the case), yet the lagoon of the one swarms with pearl oysters, while in that of the other not one has ever been found. You will say, "Why not transplant them, as breeders do oysters?" This has been tried, not only in our time, but generations ago, without any success, by the aborigines, to whom pearl shell has always been most valuable, not only for ornament, but because for very many most necessary purposes it supplies to them the use of metals, as for the making of dishes, spoons, fishhooks, knives, and a variety of implements. Consequently, on islands where it was not indigenous they were most anxious to obtain it, and with that view made repeated attempts to introduce it into their own lakes, by carefully transporting the young shells attached to pieces.'of rock from one island to another, keeping them all the time in pure sea-water, but never succeeded. Moreover, there is no tradition of pearl oysters having once existed in a place and having become extinct; consequently there is some condition necessary to its growth with" which we are unacquainted. There is no variety in the species, but very much difference in size and thickness to which it attains in diverse localities, as also in the production of pearls of value. Eor some of these peculiarities there is a way of accounting. The pearl oyster of the Pacific dislikes sand, and will

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not live upon it or grow to its full size in its immediate vicinity—that is to say, in a tide wave or where the sand pollutes the water. In still lagoons where the sand lies at a depth and is never moved, the pearl shell grows well on the rocks which rise out of it. But this fish most delights in the great caves and hollows of the clean-growing coral, where the waters are limpid and altogether free from such extraneous atoms as might irritate and annoy it. In such situations it grows to a great size (sometimes as much as 18 inches in diameter). These huge bivalves in those places frequently attach themselves to the roofs of caverns,- sometimes a dozen being linked together by the strong fibrous threads whereby they make themselves fast; a rich prize for the diver, who is obliged to separate them with his knife, and from exceeding weight to make more than one plunge before securing the whole of the congeries. As a general rule, in well-fed and clean grown fish such as these, pearls are seldom to be met with. When that is the case, they are usually of considerable value, being large, well-formed, and pure. The oysters which produce the greatest number of pearls are thick and stunted, having a scabby and deformed appearance. There is a colour about their cable (or attachment whereby they hold on to the rock) unmistakable to an experienced fisher; so much so that such a one, as in my own case, could with safety lay a wager to pick out from a boatload of unopened oysters at least 75 per cent, of those which contained pearls, upon a most cursory examination. There can be no doubt whatever that the production of pearls is, in most cases, the result of some disease or inconvenience suffered by the fish. Instances are occasionally met with in which oysters in an apparent state of perfect health and large growth contain pearls, usually then only one, and that large, round, and beautiful. On the other hand, in some distorted and scabby-looking shells one will find, at times, twenty or more pearls (there have been instances of 100), small, shapeless, and of no value. Some have supposed that the irritation caused by the presence of parasites in the shape of small red crabs and lobsters, which infest the pearl oyster, and must cause it very much annoyance (forasmuch as their nippers are sufficiently strong to inflict at times a disagreeable pinch upon a man's fingers when engaged in opening the shells), were the cause of pearls being formed; but this cannot be the case, for the reason that these creatures seem to exist in the greatest numbers in large, clean, and healthy shells, in which are no pearls. Pearls of value in Pacific lagoons are not plentiful, though in some localities one may usually depend with certainty on finding them in sufficient quantity to cover the expense of getting up the shell. A very great number of the most valuable pearls on the Pacific fisheries, as a rule, have been, and still are, lost for this reason: The fishers allow their diving women to open the shells, which they do squatted upon the sand of the beach, holding the great oysters between their knees, when they wrench them open, a process which requires considerable force, and in the act whatsoever pearls may be loose in the shell immediately slip out with the water and slime which the shell contains, and are irrecoverably lost. These are the finest of "all pearls. They are not plentiful, but occur occasionally, and their value is after this manner: that one of them is in the majority of cases worth more than all those put together which may be obtained in the usual way (that is to say, lodged in the muscle) out of several tons of pearl oysters. If it were in the power of man to get up and sift the bottom of any pearl-oyster bank in the world how great would be the treasure obtained! forasmuch as oysters in their old age (that is to say, past the seventh year of their growth) produce pearls most largely, then die and discharge their contents. It may be well said, of all localities where the pearl oyster grows, that There are jewels rich and rare In the caverns of the deep, inasmuch as that for every pearl of value that has been fished up by man, how many thousands have been buried in the sand, or incorporated in coral petrifactions ! As concerns the losing of pearls in the opening of shells with the knife, such could not occur on the Oriental fisheries, where the oysters are all deposited in pits to decay, and the remains afterwards carefully washed and sifted ; but there is no necessity for so unhealthy and tedious a process. A practised hand can readily open 1,000 shells in a day's work in such a manner as to make sure that not a single pearl shall be lost. Onecircumstance I have noticed, that when pearl oysters grow singly (apart from each other) they produce but very few pearls. Where they are crowded together, or tightly jammed in crevices of rocks, the reverse is the case. This may have some connection with want of liberty to move about, whereby they perhaps become diseased, for it is a fact that pearl oysters at certain times walk, that is to say, shift their quarters from rock to rock. However unlikely this may appear from the aspect of the shell, and the seemingly immovable manner in which they attach themselves to the stone, here is a proof which all fishers of experience will recognize : young pearl oysters are usually found in vast multitudes, packed closely together. Several bushels of them will frequently be attached to a single stone, filling up all hollows in a compact mass. It is perfectly evident that they cannot continue to grow that way, but must, as they increase in size, loosen themselves and shift elsewhere. But it is very certain that an oyster the size of a sixpence is as firmly bound to the stone, in proportion to its strength, as is another the size of a soup-plate; ergo, if the small ones have power to move (as we know they do), the large ones must be able to exercise a like locomotion. Moreover, if at certain times of the year a man should gather from any coral shoal all the discoverable pearl oysters, and yet in a week or two return there (especially after a gale of wind), he would again find in that place shells which had made their appearance during his absence from the neighbouring caves and hollows of the rocks. I have long been of opinion that the pearl oyster of the coral lagoons is not spawned altogether within the lagoon, but chiefly in the deep sea outside, for the reason that if any man will go, between the months of December and March (which seems in the Pacific to be the breeding season with many marine creatures), and stand upon the outer edge of a flat reef, on the windward side of any pearl lagoon, when the tide is making, he will observe the water to be everywhere full of young pearl oysters no bigger than his finger-nail, and others much less, all floating in towards the still water of the lagoon, where, having arrived, they sink to the bottom and settle down for life. Again, when the tide is going out, they are not seen to return td

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the ocean with it; neither, if a man will go and watch upon the lee reef, will he find any of them being carried over there. This has proved to me that the savages toll the truth-—though the white men are not willing to believe then*—when they say that if a diver could get down and work under the breaker, on the outside of the coral reef, he would find there even more shell than is to be found in the lagoon. Of all the islands of the South Pacific, with the exception of the San Pablo of Magalhaens (no doubt the same to which Cook gave the name of " Palmerston"), the Paumotus were first known to European navigators. The earliest discovered was San Miguel Archangel, seen by Quifos in 1606. Others were visited by Le Maire, Schouten, and Jacob Eoggcwein; but it was not until the beginning of the reign of the present Queen Pomare that they became generally accessible to civilized man. So great was the dread entertained by mariners of the ferocity of their inhabitants that when, some forty years ago, at the windward end of the Archipelago, the "Essex " whale-ship was struck and sunk by an infuriated fish, the crew preferred to make their way in their boats to the coast of Chili—a distance of over 3,000 miles—to risking their lives in the endeavour to reach the Society Islands through a region of reefs and shoals inhabited by merciless cannibals. Attention was first attracted to the pearl deposits of Paumotu by the shell which was obtained from thence by the natives of Tahiti, and used by them for all manner of domestic purposes. But little notice was taken of them until it came to the knowledge of merchants of Valparaiso that certain Romish missionaries, who had established themselves among the savages of Manga Eeva (Gambier's Isles), had there obtained several parcels of valuable pearls. Their avarice was immediately stimulated, and several vessels were despatched in search of these precious gems, but with ill success, for the traders soon discovered that pearls alone are not worth fishing for in that part of the world, but did not fail to perceive that the shell, or mother-of-pearl, was easily obtainable and extremely profitable; and so the trade flourished, and has continued with many fluctuations of the market up to this day. Various causes have of late years contributed to enormously increase its value, so that the profits of a pearl fishery are, at the present time, four times greater than they have ever been up to a few years past. Many fishers have made the remark : How is it that in those days we so seldom get hold of large pearls, when twenty years ago great numbers of them were to be found in the possession of the savages? The agents of Messrs. Godeffroy on one occasion shipped to Europe, in one parcel, pearls to the value of $20,000, the product of a few months' collection among the Paumotus. Beachcombers, also, who had been daring enough to land upon remote lagoon isles, and had managed to escape the ovens of the cannibals, frequently realized great sums of money by the sale of parcels of these gems, which, as a general rule, they disposed of for much less than their worth, which they were unable to truly estimate. Such was the case with Joe Bird, of Mangarongaro, who was known to have made over $6,000 in this way, a great part of which was found in his chest by his wives, who divided it among them, after he had been put to death by Kis own men. In like manner Harry Williams, of Manihiki, amassed silver coin until he had as much as nearly filled a powder-keg, which one day, in a drunken fit, he broke to pieces with an axe, and, scattering the contents upon the sand, told the savages among whom he lived to take as much as they wanted, which they presently did, carrying the treasure off to their houses, crying, " Aue, aue! the white man has gone mad, and broken the barrel in which he kept his gods. Shall we give them back to him ? Oh, no ! Let the white man go and find more." So, many people have asked the question, " How was it that pearls of value were so much more plentiful in former years ? " There is a way of accounting for it; in part by the fact that, on every new fishery, the great shells are found in the shoal water to an extent which is never afterwards possible while the fishery continues to be frequented, and also for this reason, that the savages had been hoarding them. Not from hope of gain, for they had no such knowledge, but from superstition: thus, in every village was a house specially built and set apart wherein they kept their gods, or what answered the purpose of such. In this place it was customary to make offerings of the largest of everything they found (as well as whatsoever was new and strange to them), as the largest cocoanut, crab, fish of any kind, shell, or pearl: these things were made sacred, and hung up in this building ; small articles, such as pearls, teeth of dead men, teeth and claws of animals, were enclosed in little bags, and carefully stowed away. Thus these places might be likened to a sort of museum, in which everything rare and curious had been preserved from generation to generation from an unknown time; and, when communion with white men began to slacken their faith in their ancient devil-worship, much of what was really precious among these strange collections fell into the possession of the first strolling ruffian who was bold enough to land and live among them. Many men in those days lost their lives in this trade, and others made themselves notorious for their evil deeds in connection with it—notably one Captain Eugg, who made a practice of cruising round the Paumotus, and, wheresoever he found a quantity of shell ready for shipment, seizing it by armed force. This man finally reaped the just reward of his misdeeds ; for, having had the assurance to fire into the " Dolphin," an American vessel of war, to which he had declined to render an account of himself, he was, by the " Porpoise," one of the same squadron, chased into the North Pacific, and there sunk with all his crew. In those days the yield of pearl shell of the Paumotus was enormous, and its value comparatively low, though great profits were made in the traffic, the natives being barbarous and ignorant, insomuch as they in some instances were willing'to give 1,000 shells for an iron tomahawk, and for other articles of barter in the same proportion, which is still the case in some groups of the North Pacific, into which civilization has not yet penetrated. Coming down to later times, it is probable that the yield of shell in the Paumotus twenty years ago amounted to about 1,000 tons annually, of which part found its way to Valparaiso, where agencies were established by European firms, some to Sydney, and a considerable proportion to China. As the aborigines became more intelligent, B—A, 4,

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they demanded higher rates of remuneration. Cotton print and other articles of luxury took the place of blue beads and hoop iron in their estimation. At the same time, new markets and uses being found for the product, its value considerably advanced. Up to the present time we may very safely estimate the Paumotu group has yielded to traders of various nations not less than 25,000 tons of pearl shell, representing, at the lowest rates which have ruled in Europe since the trade attracted any great attention, over £1,000,000. The Paumotu fisheries are now frequently represented as exhausted. This is not true, although the quantity obtainable probably does not exceed 200 tons during the year. The reason is obvious. The pearl oyster requires seven years to arrive, at maturity, and in the Paumotus they have been allowed no rest during the greater part of the last thirty years. As they are exceedingly prolific, if allowed reasonable time to recruit they would soon recover their former flourishing condition. But Ido not point to the Paumotus (which are an appanage of France) as a special field of enterprise for the merchants of New Zealand. I simply desire to give a few wellauthenticated instances of profits which have been made there (and how), in order to show what amount of success may be anticipated in the prosecution of similar ventures upon other pearl islands which have either never been entered by fishers, or have lain dormant for a great number of years. No. VII.' —The Paumotu Geoup. The islands of the Paumotus consist, for the most part, of low coral, usually not more than 30 feet above the level of high water (frequently much less), covered with a vegetation stunted and wiry, consisting chiefly of Pandanus (screw-palm), with patches of cocoanut and the remains of groves of gigantic tomano. I say the remains, for the reason that this wood has from all time been in groat request for the construction of canoes, and consequently was accounted very valuable. It seems incredible how in times past, before the introduction of iron into this region, the savages contrived to work it, as in hardness it is equal to mahogany; and the sight of the enormous stumps which remain in many places bears striking testimony to the patient ingenuity of the barbarian artificers, who with axes of stone were able to cut down and hew into shape so intensely hard a material. On many low coral atolls trunks of these trees are still to be seen from 10 to 15 feet in diameter, which, though long ago denuded of their monstrous limbs, are still green and solid, covered with verdant shoots. Their appearance is very beautiful, the leaves being dark and glossy, the size of a man's hand, of a form and colour like that of a laurel. The flowers are small and of a waxen whiteness, growing in large clusters highly odoriferous, out of which the savages extract, by a rude process, a strong scent wherewith to perfume their bodies. The seed is of the size and perfect roundness of a billiard-ball. The timber of the tomano has been long regarded as a valuable article of commerce, many vessels in past years being engaged in its collection, the logs being chiefly carried to San Francisco and the Spanish Main. It has now become scarce from this cause ; indeed, even a generation since it was on inhabited isles very difficult to obtain in a transportable form, in consequence of its being so much used in canoe construction, and would have been altogether so had it not been for the fact that great and dense groves of it were on many islands " tabu " for religious purposes, altars, idol-shrines, and places of sacrifices being located under their shadow, as in the case of the great Morai at Raiatea, and similar places of devil-wor-ship. There are on these coral atolls other useful kinds of timber indigenous, such as the to, a very beautiful and fine-grained wood, now almost extinct; the nangiia, which, from its extreme hard-, ness and strength, supplied to the savages, for many purposes, the place of iron implements ; and the tainu (or tahunu), a remarkable provision of nature, since of all wood it is the most suitable for the speedy production of fire by friction : a piece of tahunu, which has been gathered when green and allowed to dry gradually in a sheltered place, can, in the hands of a skilful operator, be made to ignite in less than one minute. The process is extremely simple, but requires a great deal more practice and skill than appears at first sight; one of the most unmistakable tests of a man's experience of the savage state is the ability to make fire in this manner. The majority of the islands of the Low Archipelago are as yet incapable of any cultivation, except chiefly for the growth of the cocoanut, consisting as they do almost entirely of coral gravel, with very little soil. Some fruits, however, have been introduced with success. For instance, limes flourish, and fig trees attain the greatest luxuriance. There are a few islands in the group which possess a most fertile soil, and are of considerable extent, such as Manga Eeva, a basaltic land over 2,000 feet high. Here are five islands within one reef, one of them at least five miles long, clothed with forest and watered by abundant springs. But of the whole area of the Paumotus at least two-thirds are overrun by the screw-palm tree or Pandanus, called fara in the native tongue. This is one of the most singular of all vegetable products, and demands an amount of attention of commercial speculators such as has never as yet been accorded to it, for the reason that in the time to come it is destined to supply (when its peculiar properties become generally known) the staple of several most profitable industries. Growing in the most barren spots, creating to all appearance a dense and rotten jungle, it has been usually regarded by Europeans as a useless pest, whereas it is in reality one of the most remarkable products which the Divine wisdom has bestowed to supply the wants of man in the savage state, and, when utilized, as it shortly will be, to contribute to some of the most important necessities of civilization. Its appearance is grotesque, somewhat resembling the grass-tree of Australia, or the cabbagetree of New Zealand. It is called " screw-palm " for the reason that it grows with a twist like the screw of an auger. Its height is usually from 20 to 40 feet, the stem being straight like a column, sending forth branches at regular intervals, in such a form as sometimes to remind one of the golden candlestick in the Tabernacle of Moses. Each of these limbs terminates in a tuft of long drooping leaves, having in tlie centre a large yellowish flower, of an overpowering odour, very agreeable, but sickly by reason of its intensity. Underneath this tuft hangs the fruit, which is of

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a dark green colour outwardly, of the size of a man's head, and a form resembling a pineapple, or, more exactly, that of the cone which on ancient sculptures is made to surmount the thyrsus of .Bacchus. This fruit is commonly regarded by white men as not only unpalatable, but even as not edible ; nevertheless, it constitutes almost the sole subsistence of tens of thousands of barbarians, forasmuch as on very many low islands of the coral seas, such as some of the KingSmills, and perhaps one-half of the Eallicks, no other vegetable food exists. „? • When the fruit is ripe it easily comes to pieces, and is found to consist of a multitude of separate capsules, each of the form of a truncated cone with square corners, the small ends being arranged around a central core. Their surface is bright and smooth as ivory; in one species yellow, in the other blood-red. The outer end is hard as a stone, the inner soft, of the consistence of sugar-cane, and containing an equal, if not larger, proportion of saccharine matter. The interior of the capsule is fibrous ; the custom of the natives is to chew the soft end, and, having thus extracted all the nutriment, to throw on one side the hard portion, which they let he in the sun till thoroughly dry, when they crack it between two stones and extract the " kiko " or kernel, which is similar to a filbert, and very wholesome. The ripe fruit, when boiled down, produces a large percentage of excellent molasses ; also, when steamed in the Maori oven and mashed up in warm water, it yields an intoxicating liquor when fermented, and a strong spirit by distillation. But the chief use to which it is devoted is the preparation of what is called on the equator kabobo, which serves the savage of the more barren isles in the place of bread. The soft parts of the fruit are grated, and the pulp so obtained is dried in the sun. Its appearance is then that of coarse pine sawdust, of a dark-brown colour and sweetish taste. It is packed in baskets, solidly trodden into a hard mass with the feet, and will keep for any length of time. When required for use, it is moistened, kneaded, and baked on the coals. It is strong food, easily digestible, and very wholesome, but not palatable to a European until he has become used to it, as it eats very much as coarse meal would do if one could imagine it to be mixed with more than an equal quantity of sawdust. All the navigating savages of the North Pacific victual their canoes with it when they go to sea. The Pandanus tree grows usually upon coral, gravel, and clean sand, where there is no particle of mould or soil, so that it seems beyond measure surprising that its roots could then find either moisture or nourishment. Nevertheless, it contains a superabundance of oily sap, which exudes freely wheresoever it is cut with an axe. Growing as it does upon sandbanks and gravel-beds, it would be liable at any moment to be torn up by the wind if special provision had not been made for its security; from the ground upwards round and round the stem in a spiral row following the twist of the tree (to the height of about 12 feet) are- what at first appear to be excrescences looking like warts : these continue to protrude in the form of horns growing downwards straight, and about the thickness of a man's arm, until they touch the ground, where they take deep root, sending out suckers in all directions, and so form a series of stays or shrouds round the tree on every side, so that it may safely defy the power of the most furious storms. These stays (which are of all lengths up to 12 feet), when macerated in water and freed from their oily pulp, yield a fibre something similar in appearance to jute, perfectly white and exceedingly strong, which, although at present seemingly unknown to the commercial world, it is to be expected will not long remain so. The trunk of the Pandanus tree, at maturity, is hollow like a stove-pipe. The wood is never more than a few inches in thickness, and is absolutely as hard as bone, and so takes the most splendid polish. It is also as tough as whalebone. Out of it are made the beautiful bows used by the savages of the equator and the Carolines, of which I believe the like is not to be found elsewhere in the world. One may well imagine with what admiration the English a/chers of olden times would have regarded such matchless weapons. But the greatest value of the Pandanus tree consists in its leaves. These are more than a fathom in length, and from two to four inches wide, of a bright green, similar in appearance to the swordgrass, having a rib down the centre, and being edged on both sides with a row of sharp prickles. Roofs of houses, sails of_canoes, flooring mats, beds, baskets, and, where the Tappa tree is not found, all the clothing of the~natives, are manufactured from the leaf. Wonderful and beautiful fabrics are made from it, all plaited by hand, and dyed various colours; waistcloths and sashes white as linen, and so soft that they are worn with perfect comfort on the naked skin; bed coverings, so finely woven that in European houses they have been often used as tablecloths ; ponchos and girdles, so highly prized that the chiefs who possess them usually refuse to part with them even for as much as with us would amount to the value of a cashmere shawl. It is not only in its adaptability to these purposes that the commercial value of this leaf consists, but because it presents one of the most easily obtainable and suitable materials for the manufacture of paper, and, from its extreme cheapness and inexhaustible abundance, will probably supersede all other substances for this purpose. It grows over the whole face of the coral seas, where it may be cut without leave or license, and it requires nothing but steeping in salt water, pounding, and bleaching in the sun, to make it as soft and as white as linen rag. At the present time, when the future supply of the raw material for the manufacture is so earnestly debated, the fact of its being so easily and cheaply obtainable becomes a most important question. No. VIII. —The Teade of the Paumotu Gbotjp. In the matter of cocoanut oil, the average yield of the Paumotu Group has been for some years past not more than 200 tons annually, equal to 600 tons of kobra or dried cocoanut, which is in every respect the more profitable article to deal in, being infinitely less troublesome to manufacture, involving no waste, and saving a large area of storage room, insomuch as the general practice in shipping kobra is to shoot it loose into the hold just as coals or guano. Of course it makes dead weight, but is not counted bad cargo for shifting, and is a great preservative of the timbers of a ship; the oil seems to steam from it, and to thoroughly saturate the pores of the wood. In iron ships which are cemented over the ballast, it is necessary to lay down a thick flooring of plank under the kobra,

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otherwiae the oil penetrates the concrete and destroys its cohesion. A vessel of this class—th6 "Caesar Godeffroy"—was ballasted with brickwork bound together and levelled with a floor of cement as hard as marble; but it was found after carrying a cargo of kobra that the cement had decomposed and the ballast was all adrift. Such small vessels as cruise round the islands to pick up cargoes and carry them to central ddpots, such as Tahiti, Samoa, Vavao, or Tongatabu, take their kobra in bags £_r the convenience of transhipment, or in baskets of nikau (cocoanut leaf), made by the natives. The price usually paid by the traders for the dried material varies from one to three cents per pound in goods upon which the usual profit varies from 100 to 300 per cent. Thus, low lines of prints costing from 7d. to Bd. per fathom are retailed at 2s. Shirts which cost in the colonies 15s. per dozen are sold at 6s. a-piece, needles one penny each, and a small reel of sewing cotton Is. A card of what is called Vandyke braid (an article in great demand in the islands) costs 7d., and contains 21 fathoms ; it is usual to retail it at one real (or 6d.) per fathom ! What comes under the denomination of " manongi," that is to say, bergamot, musk, or the like strong scents (of which the Polynesians are intensely fond, and which they consequently buy with the greatest avidity), constitutes a very profitable medium of exchange, insomuch as in Sydney this article is obtained at 7s. per dozen vial bottles, which it is usual to retail to the barbarians at one dollar each ! Combs, looking-glasses, and gilt ornaments command proportionately high prices ; and upon fish-hooks, files, and various iron implements the profits are very great. Cavendish tobacco is in all cases a dollar a pound, and prints, of whatsoever kind, are never sold at less than half-a-dollar per fathom; the superior lines and Turkey-red muslin, as likewise denims and twilled duck, always 75 cents. In the matter of ribbons, dyed feathers, beads, &c, the trader " sticks it on " according to his judgment, regulated by the amount of anxiety to possess these articles exhibited by the natives with whom he may be dealing. A judicious trafficker, on going ashore for the purpose of trade, usually makes himself a perambulating advertisement of his own goods, thus : He puts on a pair of trousers of precisely that kind he is most anxious to sell—a shirt of some gaudy colour or "flash of lightning " pattern, round his waist he winds a crape sash or piece of handkerchief of imitation silk, he wears a felt hat with a huge buckle and a great bunch of dyed feathers of the most gorgeous description, his ears are pierced and loaded with gilt rings, round his neck are wound several yards of ribbon, strings of beads, chains, &c, and his clothing is saturated with bergamot, verbena, or some similar perfume ; as by these kinds of strong scents the Polynesians are as irresistibly attracted as rats are by that of aniseed, or dogs by the odour of a red herring. Thus attired, regardless of expense, he is looked upon as a sublime personage, and marches up the village street escorted by a dense crowd of simple islanders bursting with admiration, pushing and " scrouging" to get a nearer view of his gorgeous habiliments, influenced by much the same feelings with which the ladies of London regarded the Persian Shah. Each article of his dress or ornament is separately criticised, and when informed that any one of these splendid things can be purchased so cheaply—only a basket or two of kobra or a few calabashes of oil—they become wild with excitement, and rush off to collect their produce so as to be in time, lest the stock of valuables should be soon exhausted. Once get Kanakas to fancy a thing, and they are not particular what they have to pay for it; furthermore, when one man buys a thing all his friends and neighbours commonly go in for the same kind of investment. One very good way of "heaving a sprat to catch a mackerel," is to present to the chief or great Panjandrum of the settlement a sample of whatsoever stock you desire most especially to get rid of. The distinguished personage is certain to wear it in public, and the people to buy the like from the force of example. Although on most of the semi-civilized islands of the Pacific articles of dress, ornament, and domestic comfort are the commodities most in demand, there are other groups where kobra and pearl shell are obtainable, and where firearms, swords, and other weapons are required in exchange. In such cases, enormous profits are frequently made. Thus, in 1871, Mr. Vogleman sold to the King of Apiang a 4-pound iron gun (which had been put into his vessel as ballast) for 30,000 dried cocoanuts, of which the value in the islands was 300 -dollars (£6O). The piece of ordnance itself was intrinsically worth £1, the price of old iron, it being thickly coated with rust, and honeycombed to a degree which rendered it very dangerous to discharge. At the same time, his Majesty bought a quantity of gunpowder at a rate corresponding to five dollars per pound, and a number of lobster cans filled with scrap iron at a proportionately high figure. Near about the same date, Captain Hayes sold to the people of Huahine a 9-pound gun, upon a slide, for 1,000 dollars' worth of cocoanut oil and oranges ; and swords at 20 dollars each, which had been bought from Spence Brothers, of Melbourne, at half-a-crown ! On some islands, where cocoanut is dried in great quantities, such as the Kingsmills and Mulgrave's, the natives, who are a low type of savages, exhibit no desire for any articles of barter beyond knives, tomahawks, blue beads, and tobacco. This last they have been used to obtain from Sydney traders. It is of the description known as " sheepwash," of a very vile kind, inasmuch as they have been known to retail it to white men at Is. per lb. It was quite of a similar character of excellence to a brand of gin which a year or two back was being retailed in the islands at 9s. per case of 15 quart bottles. It was known by the name of " chain lightning," and in flavour and aroma resembled that methylated spirit which in Australia is distilled out of gum timber in charcoal factories. This delectable elixir was brought to the islands by a New Zealand trader, but what city of the Southern Hemisphere could claim the credit of its manufacture is one of the mysteries which will probably never be solved in this world. The process of the manufacture of kobra is of the simplest kind. The best is that which is dried whole in the nut..-^ For this purpose nothing is necessary but a large house or shed in which to stack the nuts. They must be placed upon a floor or stage to prevent them from touching the ground, else they will not dry but grow. The husk must not be removed, otherwise the eye in the end would be attacked by the "kalulu," a sort of cockroach, for the sake of the water they contain ; and, the air being admitted to the interior, the kernel would at once begin to decay. If

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unpeeled and kept off the ground, in three months the water has disappeared, and the kernel has become of a consistency like leather, in which state it will keep for ever, undergoing no change either from the effects of climate, damp, or other cause. This is the best of kobra, makes the clearest and the sweetest oil, and does not diminish in weight by evaporation. When thoroughly dry, which is easily found out by shaking the nut, the husk is stripped off, the shell is broken, and. the kernel cut in pieces, so as to prevent its taking up too much room. The other system is that of drying the nuts in the sun, which, if pursued carefully^ makes good kobra, although never equal to that which has been dried in the shade, for the reason that, in the former case, the water which the nut contains is evaporated suddenly, and so not always effectually, in the latter gradually and perfectly. The usual practice is to skin the nuts, break them in two halves, throw out the water, and lay the broken pieces out on the hot coral beach to dry, which, in fine weather, will occupy about throe days ; but they must be taken in or covered up at night, and, in case of a shower of rain, immediately protected from it, as kobra which has been rained upon will not keep, but always turns mouldy after a time, and will infect and spoil all the rest with which it comes in contact. Another singular fact in connection with this process (and for which it is not very easy to account) is as follows: It frequently happens that a long spell of cloudy or damp weather takes place at a time when a quantity of kobra is being sun-dried. To counteract the mischief created by the damp it has been the practice of very many to make fires under stages, and so complete (as they supposed) the drying process by artificial heat. In such a case the kobra invariably breeds animalculce, which within a few months will entirely consume it, and, spreading to any other and better sample which may be stored in its neighbourhood, will destroy that in like manner. Upon some islands, where the natives nave become partially civilized, they decline to manufacture dried cocoanut, for the reason that, having been accustomed to sell their nuts to whaling and other ships at a dollar per hundred, they find that when converted into kobra they do not amount to that value. The fact is that in doing a trade they do not understand the principle of making a reduction in favour of regular customers who are prepared to deal with them periodically for large quantities of their produce. On the same grounds, they choose rather to make oil.than kobra, although the oil trader pays them no more for the product of 100 cocoanuts than the whaleman gives them for the nuts themselves without the labour of peeling, breaking, scraping, and squeezing which is necessary to make the oil. As the trade increases they will perceive what is most obviously to their interest in this respect, and the manufacture of cocoanut oil by the old primitive method will become a thing of the past. One circumstance is tending greatly to enlighten them upon this point, which is that upon very many islands Europeans or Americans have established themselves, and acquired possession of cocoanut groves, of which they devote the whole produce (with the exception of what they require for their own subsistence) to the preparation of kobra. These men do all their work with their own hands, or with the assistance of indigenes, to whom they pay wages. In many cases they have invented improved appliances for the better and more speedy attainment of their object. Thus, in the ordinary manner of spreading out the broken cocoanuts upon the sand, it requires from three days to a week of dry hot weather to convert them into a good sample of kobra. In addition to this is the constant necessity to watch lest a chance shower of rain should render the material unsaleable, as likewise the great trouble of collecting it and putting it under cover at night. To avoid this extra labour the white men engaged in the business construct a large shed with a roof of palmleaf, quite impervious to rain: within it they lay down a floor of planks, which they lodge upon rollers working upon wooden rails in such a manner that the floor, which is made large enough to contain at a time several thousand broken cocoanuts, can be pushed out from under cover and drawn back again instantly, should it become necessary. The whole surface of this movable floor they cover with sheets of galvanized iron, or the tin with which the packing-cases are lined in which the traders receive their cotton prints from the merchants. The intense heat generated by the radiation of the sunshine from the bright metal causes the cobra to become sufficiently dry in one day (which, oy the ordinary process of laying it upon the coral sand could not have been effected in less than three), while at the first appearance of a change of weather the floor and all which it contains is without difficulty shunted into the shed, where it is effectually protected from any damage which might result to it from the rain. Barbarians, although at first very dull of comprehension in a matter of business, are keenly alive to their own interest, and they soon begin to argue after this manner: "Ifit be profitable for white men, who are so much more greedy of gain than we, to come and live amongst us and to go to all this trouble, it must also be profitable to us; let us, therefore, imitate the example of these white men." No. IX.—The Pbael-Shell Teade. As the trade in pearl shell has of late years received an unprecedented impetus, it cannot fail to be useful to merchants interested therein to note for their information certain facts concerning the manners of its production, which, although very evident to men of an observant turn of mind who have had much experience in its collection, yet do not seem to be generally known to men of science. The pearl oyster of the Pacific is an inhabitant of the interior lagoons of certain of the great coral atolls : a necessity of its existence appears to be clean, growing coral, to which to attach itself free from sand or drift, and a considerable influx and outflow of the sea at the rise and fall of the tide. That they are not absolutely confined to lagoons, but that they do exist in great quantity under the tremendous breakers which beat upon the outer reefs (as also, probably, at great depths in the sea beyond them), jg a fact not generally known, but is nevertheless true. As a proof of this, there are to be found chiefly on the windward side of all coral reefs enclosing pearl lagoons (and especially at certain seasons of the year) incredible numbers of microscopic pearl oysters and Others of larger size, up to the diameter of a shilling, tossed about in the foam of the breakers and

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travelling with the flood tide over the reef towards the calm waters of the lagoon. These have been spawned in the deep sea or in the coral caves under the foaming surf which thunders on the outer reef, and seek, by some instinct of their nature, to make their own way into the placid waters enclosed within that stormy barrier. The oysters which are spawned within the lagoon are formed in congeries attached to the parent shells, or clustered in vast numbers fastened to one another in the holes of the rocks. The shell comes to maturity in about seven years, at wjych time its average weight is about one pound, exclusive of the fish contained in it. The usual size is about that of a soup-plate, or ten inches in diameter, although in rare instances they arrive at as much as eighteen. After this the creature perishes, deta.ch.es itself from the rock, opens to close no more, the fish decays, and the shell, becoming coated with coral and other stony parasites within and without, loses all value. The pearl oyster is gregarious; wheresoever one is found, there are of a surety vast numbers somewhere in the immediate vicinity. They are found in coral caverns hanging from the roof, linked together after the manner of a chain, or clustered in large piles^firmly attached to one another. This attachment is only temporary. It has been generally believed that the pearl oyster is a fixture, and certainly the appearance of the cable by which it binds itself to the rock would warrant that supposition. This apparatus has the look of a large tassel, consisting of an infinite number of slender filaments, each about the thickness of a packthread. It springs from the body of the fish, and passes through an orifice between the shells immediately next the hinge. During life its colour is iridescent, changing from a dark green to a golden bronze, exhibiting while in motion various prismatic hues. It fastens itself to the rugged rock with so determined a hold as frequently to require the utmost strength of a powerful man to tear it from them. Under these circumstances, it seems incredible that the creature should move from place to place. But, to borrow the words of Galileo, " Nevertheless it does move ; " and under the influences of certain causes, these bivalves are in the habit of migrating en masse, not for any great distance, it is true, yet from one coral shelf to others in the immediate neighbourhood. As concerns the reason of their exodus, it might possibly be an alteration in the temperature of the water, caused by change of weather, or a scarcity of the animalcula. upon which the oyster feeds. The presence of drift sand is obnoxious to its comfort; consequently in the neighbourhood of banks and cays composed of that kind of debris it will not live. In lagoons which have no tideway it is not found, and if introduced there perishes. The experiment has frequently been tried, and its failure seems traceable to the following cause : Wheresoever sea-water becomes stagnant in the lagoons of the Pacific, there makes its appearance, in great numbers, a hideous reptile resembling a centipede, which is found from the smallest conceivable size up to a foot long; these enter and devour the oyster. They may have other enemies ; this one is the most notable. Under favourable conditions the life of the pearl oyster would seem to be one of uninterrupted ease and passive enjoyment. Himself a creature most gloriously beautiful, his existence is passed among forms of the most surpassing loveliness, bathed in the cool, bright, unpolluted waters of the main. There he adheres to the side of some caverned cliff, covered with marine vegetation, and spreading out his ample beard (of which the dazzling colours when viewed in the light of the refracted sunshine, beaming through the liquid element in which he dwells, are like the tints of the opal, or of that stone which is called cat's-eye by the merchants of Ceylon), and sweeping around him his snaky tongue, he feeds daintily and waxes fat, and devotes the surplus of his nacreous secretion to the production of a precious gem, such as might haply be counted among the chief treasures of a kingdom, like the apocryphal eardrop which the wicked Queen of Egypt (upon whom Mark Antony was so fatally spooney) was said to have swallowed in a dram of vinegar; or the famous pendant which hung upon the bosom of that Lollia Paulina whose wealth in jewels was so enormous that she was entitled by the Eoman people "the grave-pit and magazine of the conquering robbers of the universe." It may be as well to mention here that pearls are, under certain conditions, liable to a form of decay, or a loss of brilliancy, which impairs their value. A good preservative against such a contingency is to keep them in magnesia. Surely his lines are cast in pleasant places, and his existence might be one of unalloyed happiness. Nevertheless, he has his afflictions. Some facetious writer speaks of an oyster as being " crossed in love." I know not how that may be, but this I have observed, that almost all wellgrown pearl-oysters are infested by parasites, in the shape of a scarlet lobster about the size of a shrimp. This pestilent intruder introduces himself into the shell in conjunction, as it appears,-with the partner of his joys, and making themselves a bed under the fat, soft body of their victim, resisting all attempts to dislodge them, rear their interesting progeny, and cause no end of pain and annoyance. The true cause of the production of pearls is, I believe, not known. It is supposed by many to be a disease in the fish; lam inclined to this opinion, and will state my reasons. In the first place, wheresoever a pearl-fishery is found of which the oysters grow to great size with a clean, smooth, outer surface, free from knots, humps, worm-holes, or other blemishes, in fact presenting every appearance of healthy and uninterrupted development—which is particularly noticeable in lagoons where the shells be wide apart—there will the pearls be extremely scarce, so much so that it would not pay to prosecute such a fishery for the profit to be derived from the pearls alone, although the shell is proportionately more valuable. On the other hand, where shells are closely crowded together, deformed by pressure, abnormally thickened about the base, having laminae of which their outside is composed forced at their edges into an unnatural contact, so as to induce a belief that their growth had been stunted, as likewise being studded with warts and knots of a scabby appearance, being moreover honeycombed with small worm-holes which penetrate more or less deeply into the nacre—there will pearls most exceedingly abound. It is not uncommon for as many as a hundred pe__rls to be found in such a shell, though the presumption is that where they exist in such great numbers very few, and frequently none whatever, will possess any market value. But of the presence of the conditions necessary to the production of a pearl inside of an oyster, there is one very significant and certain sign, the faculty of detecting which can only be

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acquired by practice. While the fish is alive the two flat surfaces which appear at the back of the' hinge present very beautiful prismatic colours ; the cable which attaches it to the rock is in like manner remarkable. When the shell contains pearls the prevailing colour of these portions is, while in vigorous life—as when just removed from the waters —-a certain shade of bronze brilliant but evanescent, which is not easy to describe but very easy to be recognized by the experienced fisher. By this means a man well used to the work will, with great certainty, pick out from a boatload of living oysters at least 75 per cent, of those which contain pearls. In the Pacific, all oysters are opened by the knife, ■which, if carefully performed, is the best plan. The best instrument for this purpose is a common table-knife of good steel, ground thin until the blade is flexible, and fitted into a stout handle. A.skilful operator will open a ton of shells in an ordinary day's work and not miss the pearls if there be any. It cannot be done rapidly without frequently cutting the hands—sometimes seriously —as the edges are as sharp as glass. But men working for themselves with a prospect of considerable gain do not mind such accidents. The excitement is like that of gold-mining. White men well up to this work will never, if they can avoid it, allow valuable shells to be opened by any other hands than their own, as the Kanakas are sure to steal them if they have an opportunity; and so skilful are they in concealing them that it is very difficult to detect them in the act. It was thus that the pearl deposit of Tapepaahua was discovered. Upon the lee reef of this place —which is a great coral atoll of fifty miles in circumference, nowhere more than 15 feet above the level of high water —about fifteen years ago there went ashore a New Bedford whaleship called the " Gem." There were some strange circumstances connected with the loss of this vessel, which, however interesting, would occupy too much space in an article of this kind. It is enough to say that Messrs. Hort Brothers, of Tahiti, despatched one of their vessels to the scene of the wreck, in order to pick up whatever it was possible to recover, for she was full of sperm oil, and the copper and other material obtainable was of considerable value. The parties engaged in this venture anchored their vessel in 1 the interior lagoon, and remained several weeks collecting the oil-casks and burning the wreck in order to get out the boats and what else might have been worth saving. Their crew consisted of Tahitians and Paumotu men. During their stay these were allowed unlimited liberty to go a-fishing, and in their spare time to amuse themselves as they pleased. One day, the captain's attention was attracted to a violent quarrel going on among the Pauniotans upon the ship's forecastle. Upon his going forward the row subsided, and he observed one of them endeavouring to conceal something in the corner of his maro, or girdle he wore about his loins. On being questioned as to what this might be, he replied, "•Tobacco " —a palpable falsehood, for the reason that, being well supplied with that article, they could have no need to quarrel about or conceal it. Being laid hold of by the captain he presently swallowed the substance which constituted the cause of contention, which the master perceiving, he dragged him to the quarterdeck and administered a dose of«tartar emetic ; after which, in the process of casting up his accounts, he brought to light a large and valuable pearl. An investigation followed, in the course of which the captain learned what he was previously ignorant of, that Ms anchor was down upon a coral shoal thickly covered with pearl shell of great size and splendid quality. He never reported the matter to his owners, but concealed his knowledge of this precious deposit until several years after. Having got a small vessel of his own, he engaged a number of Penrhyn islanders to fish for him at this place under the supervision of a European, who, however, finding some cause of contention with his men, was by them murdered and thrown into the sea, and the fishery became deserted as it is to this day. When the shells are landed the usual custom of the boss fisherman is to sort them into two piles, such as he supposes to contain pearls to be opened by himself, the rest by the natives. The empty shells ought to be at once placed under a shed to protect them from the rays of the sun and so preserve their beautiful colours. In hard times it is usual for men to eat the fish which comes out of the pearl shell, cooking the residue in an oven of stones and then drying them in the sun; but they are coarse, rank, and disagreeable as food, though perfectly wholesome. The pearls are usually lodged in the rong muscle of the fish, out of which the cable, as it is called, springs. This is about the thickness of that part of a man's hand which is next to the thumb. The flesh being semi-trans-parent, the pearls are at once seen from their brightness, which refracts the light. Their presence is easily detected; sometimes they exist in great numbers in one fish, but in such case they are generally small and ill-formed. There are other pearls which are found loose in the shell, and these are always of very fine quality, perfectly round, and very often large. If the shell be carelessly opened, such pearl, if it be in it, invariably falls out, being carried out by the beard in the agony of the fish when divided by the knife, and is thus almost sure to be ejected from the shell. Thus it has been that upon the Pacific fisheries by far the greater number of the most valuable of these gems have been irretrievably lost, for the reason that the natives, howsoever experienced, never look for a pearl elsewhere than in the muscle of the fish. They squat down on the sand, place the shell between their legs, stick in the knife, and wrench it open; and, if there be one of these beard-pearls (which are often worth a hundred of the others), down it slips into the sand and is never seen; but as a rule not more than one oyster out of a thousand contains a pearl upon the beard. Fine calm weather is of course most favourable to pearl-fishing, but not indispensable, as the amphibious natives of some groups seek the shell by swimming with their heads below the surface of the water, and, having discovered it, inhale a good draught of air, and then go down and fetch up as many as they can readily lay hold of. Polynesian divers do not use any stones to sink them, or any apparatus to close the nostrils, as do the Cingalese. They will stay under water about three minutes, sometimes longer, and can bring shell (if put to it) out of 20 fathoms. It requires some extra inducement to get them down that depth, and of course they cannot stick long at it, but Penrhyn islanders, Paumotans, or Eapa men can do it if they like. Where shell is found at that depth, they are of enormous size, as much as 18 inches in diameter, so that a pair, when.

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opened out by the hinge, will measure a yard across. This work of pearl-diving is very hard, and :" the heat of the sun, aggravated by its radiation from the still water of the lagoons, is frightful. 1 The divers rub their bodies with oil, otherwise their bronzed skin would peel off in huge blisters. On many islands women are more skilful at this work than men, as, being accustomed from early life to supply cockles and clams to the lords of the creation, they are the better divers. They are paid in cloth — i.e., cotton print—tobacco, hardware, and ornaments such as earrings, beads, dyed feathers, &c, and other articles of small trade too various to enumerate, the rates of payment not being by any means alike upon different islands, as also the articles of barter most greedily sought after in some fisheries not being in demand upon others, which necessitates a trading agent to have some previous knowledge of the various localities where the shell is obtainable, and of the special likings of the natives, in order to drive a successful traffic. Under such circumstances, in the latest of my experience, the cost of raising shell amounts to the value of about £5 per ton. Many old fisheries out of which great profit has been made (such as Tukau, from whence Messrs. Hort Brothers, in 1856-57, obtained, inside of twelve months, 120 tons of shell, witjh. fifteen Paumotu divers and the help of the wives which they took to themselves upon the ground)'are now supposed to be exhausted, or (as in the case of Mangarongaro, where there has been for some time back an outcry about small shell) so far depreciated by constant fishing, and not giving them time to grow to maturity, as to be now of little value. This is a mistake in both instances; the best of the shell lies still in the deep water and in the great coral caverns underneath the exhausted shelves, from whence the savages, by judicious persuasion, can be easily induced to bring them to the surface. There are some lagoons in which any great quantity, and in some cases any shell whatever, is not supposed to exist: yet there is at those places a very considerable deposit, which has been overlooked, for the reason that the fishers, net finding any in the shoal water, had not thought to look elsewhere. The shallow water at these places is skirted by sandy bays, in the neighbourhood of which (as I have said before) this fish will not live. Again, where the lagoons run into great bights, where there is no perceptible current, the shoal water is too hot for them ; although in the deep hollows they exceedingly abound, but in such manner that they are not easy to be seen, unless a man goes down purposely to look for them. Pearl oysters are like sponges—certain conditions are necessary to their development; whereas in other localities, presenting apparently the same natural aspects, they are not found at all. No. X.—Sunday Island. On the direct route between New Zealand and the Friendly Isles, and about half-way, lie the Islands of Huon Kermadec, so called after that unfortunate French commander, who, in company with M. D'Entrecasteaux, was despatched in search of La Perouse. There are three islands— Eaoul or Sunday Island, Curtis, and Macaulay. The two latter are not inhabitable, neither is it possible to land upon them. They are volcanic. Curtis Island discharges great quantities of steam, which spouts out of the crevices of the rocks. Sunday Island is about the same distance northeast of Auckland as Norfolk Island is to the north-west. It is available for settlement, and has been inhabited at divers times by people of European extraction. It is about twelve miles in circumference; the height is 1,600 feet; much of the soil is very rich, consisting of volcanic ashes and vegetable mould. The ground is warm in some places, so much so that in some spots food may be baked in it after the manner of an oven by simply burying it in the loose soil. Bananas and other tropical vegetables have been cultivated here with great success by the various families of beachcombers who have from time to time made a home upon it. It is at present deserted. The first little community of Sunday Islanders consisted of three families of American whalers with Polynesian half-caste wives; their children were numerous, as likewise very handsome and very healthy. There are said to be three anchorages on Sunday Island. I only know one, which is towards the north, partly sheltered by a chain of islets and detached rocks. Here is a semicircular bay, in which the water shoals rapidly, with good holding ground. There is good landing on a sandy beach. Whalefish are plentiful about here at certain seasons. I saw here once a monstrous "veki" (octopus), which had been torn by them. Where these creatures are found, the sperm whale resort very much. Very large turtle come up at this place, both the green kind and " hawksbill," which is most valuable, the shell being usually sold at 5 dollars per pound to the whale-ships and Sydney traders. It had always appeared to me a very strange mystery how it comes that this species of turtle (hauJcebile), is almost never found (I might say never, since an instance does not occur once in a generation of men) westward, or as it is usually called in the Pacific to " windward," of the 180th meridian of longitude or thereabouts. There it is always spoken of by the natives as the " honu no te opunga," the turtle of the going-down of the sun. Turtle-shell at this time (even that of the green turtle, which was formerly unsalable) has now .acquired a value unprecedented in former years, for the reason of its being now the fashion to wear it not only in the form of combs, but in that of cuffs, bracelets, necklaces, and a variety of ornaments, not always carved as formerly, but, the shell being melted, they are manufactured by some stamping process. In books on the Pacific Isles —and even in trade reports —one sees mention of " tortoise-shell:" it is a misnomer. There is no such creature to be found there, unless in the New Hebrides or Solomon's, which Ido not believe. There is a tortoise on the Galapagos peculiar to those islands, and of immense size, but its shell is like bull's-hide, and is of no value for any known purpose. The hawksbill turtle, at a certain season of the year, feeds on the beche-de-mer. Where the one is found so is the other, and vice versa, I shall have more to say of this when speaking of the latter animal, which is a valuable article of commerce, and at present'in great demand. In places where the hawksbill turtle are very plentiful it is the custom of the savages to strip them of the valuable plates with which their back is covered. This is done by introducing a hot

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knife under the laminse. The creature is then allowed to return to the sea, perhaps to be taken and stripped again on some future occasion'. To some desert cays of the Pacific, such as Palmers- ' ton, Mopeia, Suwarrow, and Peregrino, men resort for the sole purpose of catching turtle (i.e., the; green species, no others being found there), and trying them down for the oil, of which a good-sized one will yield ten gallons. The price which they receive from traders is usually one dollar per gallon; I have known beachcombers (that is to say, strolling adventurers who came tliere in boats, acc6mpanied by Polynesian wives) on Palmerston Island to have in a pen, or place walled in by stone into which the tide flowed, as many as forty great turtle at a time, which they fed on moss. gathered from the coral reef. They could, had they chosen, have kept very many more, but they had no way of disposing of them, and no casks to contain the oil. It has often surprised rne that no merchant of New Zealand had ever thought of taking up Sunday Island for a whaling station. The anchorage is not secure at every season of the year, buii more so than Norfolk Island. It is not large, being only twelve miles round, but much of it is' very fertile, and the rest would support many goats or sheep. Not long since I was speaking to Captain Baker, of the "Bella," a trader belonging to Opotiki, on this subject. He was born on Sunday Island, and agreed with me that it was remarkable that no New Zealand people had ever made a settlement there. Before these people elected to make a home for themselves upon this place it was Usual for whale-ships to call and leave letters in a certain well-known place for one another. The first settlers (who came about 1840) planted vegetables and caught turtle, which they kept in pens for the supply of whale-ships. (The turtle at this island are plentiful, and of great size.) They used also to cure great quantities of fish and mutton-birds, which they caught upon the rocks in vast numbers and at certain seasons. They were wont to say that whatsoever seed a man might scatter about the place would grow luxuriantly. A cooper of a whale-ship, who had stayed on shore here for a time, emptied out his mattress as he was leaving; it had been stuffed with the heads of that kind of flag of which so much use is made to close the joints of the staves of casks. Among this were some seeds which grow and over-ran all the border of the little lake of fresh water which exists inland a short distance from the usual landing-place. About 1861 there came to Sunday Island a slaver on her way to Callao. She had on board over 200 Tokerau natives, among whom had broken out some disease of the typhoid nature. They were landed here and all died, as did about half of the unfortunate settlers and their children ; the rest departed in the first whale-ship that came along, fearing the pestilence, which seemed to have established itself upon their island. The last inhabitant of Sunday Island was one Covat, a man of strange experience, with a Samoan wife. He is now on the Fijis. He quitted his island home, on which he was very happy and had roared a fine family, in consequence of being frightened by a volcanic disturbance. In the early part of the year 1872 the water in the little fresh-water lake on Sunday Island began to boil furiously, which was followed by a column of firo spouting up from the middle of it. A whale-ship in the neighbourhood, seeing the flame, bore up and took away Covat and his family, together with a comrade of the whalemen, whom they landed two weeks before, his leg being broken while killing a fish. Thus the place became finally deserted. In September, 1872, I landed there, having previously stayed some time upon it in the year 1869 (myself and my companions having then lost our vessel, which had foundered at sea 100 miles off this place two days previous). I found no one, and the place was much scorched towards the interior. All signs of volcanic disturbance had disappeared, with the exception of the dead trees upon the hill-sides surrounding the little lake, and some black cinders and ashes which were strewed about the margin. All was becoming green again, Covat's house was uninjured, and the banana trees had fruit on them. I saw no reason why a man should be afraid to stay here. It was a more fertile spot to all appearance than Eimatara, where there are several hundred inhabitants. No. XI. —Beche-de-mee. All the lagoon islands of the coral seas, of a formation similar to that of the Paumotus, are famous for the production of beche-de-mer, which is one of the most important articles of commerce obtained in the Pacific. It is an old saying, " One-half of the world does not know how the other half lives," And, truly, it is very surprising to contemplate the diversity of the " little games," wherewithal to make money, inaugurated by men who "do business in the great waters " of the South Sea. Par exemple, there is a master mariner, known to me, who goes by the name of " the Dustman," which happened in this manner : Certain of us, upon one occasion, boarded this man at sea, and, being invited into the cabin, found everything covered with a fine impalpable powder. It ■was eyerywhere—upon the deck, upon the tablecloth, in the glass tumblers, in the soup; the •captain's hair and beard were full of it; the black steward's wool was incrusted with it, and his skin seemed to have contracted a drab colour ; every man in the ship was the same. I thought of that saying in the Scripture, "Memento, homo, quod pulvis es, et ad pulverem reverteris." " What the devil could it be? "we inquired of one another. Not guano, for it had no smell; not sulphur, for it was too light, and of the wrong colour. Ashes ! that's what it was. This man had found a great deposit of it on a volcanic island recently in eruption. He had filled his vessel, and was on his way to Europe with it, and it proved the most valuable cargo he had ever carried in his life, for the Eussian Government purchased it at a high price, for the purpose of making cement to lay between the stones of their fortifications. But, as concerns beehe-de-mer, men may stroll about the seas looking for islands whereon to cut wood, or to dig ashes or guano, to make barilla, or to pick fungus, or to " gather shells figxm. youth to age," as the poet says ; but what say you to catching snails ? a singular operation verily ! but an immensely profitable one, ludicrous as the thing may appear. Beche-de-mer, called by the Chinese "Tripang," and by the Polynesian "Eodi," in the South Sea and in the Caroline group " Menika," is of that species of mollusc classed as the " Holothu9—A. 4.

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rides." It has the appearance of a great slug or leech, and, like most other marine animals of the same type, lives upon suction and upon microscopic animalcules. Its anatomical structure is simple. It has the form of an elongated sac, of a gristly consistence, traversed internally by strong muscles; the rest consists of intestines, which are perfectly transparent, and, on examination, appear to contan nothing but water and sand —of the latter a large proportion, although what part so indigestible a substance may be disposed to play in the economy of its organism may be known to the creature itself, but has always been an enigma to me. The mouth of the beche-de-mer is triangular, with three teeth like those of a leech. It has no appearance of eyes. Its powers of locomotion are limited, so much so that one could not perceive it to move except by observing its relative distance from any neighbouring object. Its normal condition is that of repose ; its existence is doubtless a very harmless one, but its sphere of usefulness is somewhat circumscribed. It seems to have few enemies with the exception of the turtle, which only molests it in the days of its youth and at certain seasons of the year. Crawling along the mossy coral of the snow-white bottom of the lagoon, it leads a life of passive enjoyment, which seems to consist in taking water and sand at one end and squirting it out at the other. There are four kinds of beche-de-mer—the grey, the black,*the red, and the leopard. The grey kind is the most valuable, but is only found where the hawksbill turtle is found —that is to say, not much to windward (eastward) of the 180th meridian. It grows usually, when at maturity, to about 18 inches long, and somewhat less in circumference. The colour is a slaty-grey, and it is distinguished from the other species by having upon either side a row of little protuberances like teats. It frequents the flat reef and the sandy bottoms of shallow lagoons. The tlack beche-de-mer lives only on clean sandy bottoms, at a depth of from knee-deep at low water down to ten fathoms. It grows large, sometimes as long as 30 inches, and as thick as a man's leg. On the back and sides it is jet-black, smooth and bright, like enamelled leather; the under-side is slaty-grey. When very old it becomes incrasbed with small shells. The red kind is the smallest, and of the least value; it seldom attains more than a foot in length, usually less. It lives upon the coral reef; in the greatest profusion towards the outer edge where the surf breaks continuously. In this respect it differs essentially from the black kind, which delights in quiet waters and smooth sand, and will not live cither in noisy waves or on rough rock. The leopard kind grows as large as the largest of the black ; it is of an olive-green colour, variegated with green spots surrounded by an orange-coloured rim : hence its name. It has another peculiarity : all beche-de-mer are harmless when laid hold of but this one. On those occasions he spues out of himself a quantity of slender filaments resembling white cotton lamp-wick; he can produce several hanks of it; it is glutinous, and whatsoever it touches it attaches itself to in the most tenacious manner. This would not signify if it were merely satisfied with sticking fast, but it is not so; wheresoever it clings it burns like a blister, and upon any part of the human skin produces immediate and painful inflammation. An American whaleman, who was walking with me on one occasion upon a coral reef, trod upon one of these creatures with his bare foot, and got blistered in consequence. " Wonderful," said he, " are the works of nature. I had used to believe that Providence made all things for some good purpose, but what good use can be in this darned reptile it surpasses my means to imagine." " Never you mind, sonny," said I; " Providence knows better than we, and that ugly slug is worth 500 dollars a ton in Shanghai—if we could only get enough of it there." It was said by King James I. " that he was a brave man who first undertook to swallow a live oyster;" but he who first with his bare hand took hold of a live beche-de-mer deserved at least an equal amount of credit, seeing that it is an essentially hideous and venomous-looking thing : the which last supposition is not altogether without foundation, forasmuch as it possesses some very poisonous properties. Thus its intestines are always full of water, which one might suppose, from the way in which it lives, to be common harmless salt water, but it is not so. When taken hold of, it squirts out the water which it contains, sometimes in a spiteful manner and with evident malicious intent. If a drop of this liquid enters the human eye it produces a sensation like that of contact with a red-hot coal, resulting in violent and dangerous inflammation; if inoculated into any abrasion of the skin, the consequences are still more serious. I have known men to come very near losing their eyesight, and to suffer weeks of great misery and pain, from this cause. .It has been generally supposed (I believe by men of science) that this mollusc is of slow growth. This is not so. They will increase from an inch in length to the size of a man's hand within three months. They have other peculiarities, for which it is not easy to account; for instance, they are not found everywhere upon a coral reef or lagoon bottom, but in great patches, which proves them to be gregarious and of a sociable disposition. They possess also a certain degree of intelligence, which is evident from existing facts, but which does not seem easy to explain; as thus: These creatures (which have no apparent eyes) have some means of communicating with one another, and a very certain knowledge of each other's proximity. Thus, frequently after having discovered in any one place a greater multitude of these slugs than it was possible, from our means of transport, to have carried home to the curing-houses, it was our practice to lay them down on coral rock, with the intent to call for them again on the morrow ; but it was usual afterwards to find them in congeries, whereas we had left them the previous day one here and one there, far apart from one another. Again, if a man should strip all the visible bech<3-de-mer from any part of a coral reef, and immediately afterwards the wind changed and came on to blow heavily, after the subsidence of the gale that place would be found as thickly covered with these molluscs as it had been previously; which leads one to infer that they had been lodged in the cavities of the coral, and had shifted their quarters during the bad weather, for some reasons known to themselves, but to us not by any means apparent. That an animal so suspicious in its aspect, and gifted with certain poisonous properties, should be in demand as an article of human food (and moreover regarded as a delicacy), seems beyond measure extraordinary; but it is a fact that the wealthy classes of the Celestial Flowery Land exhibit so remarkable a fondness for the flesh (if it can be so called) of this glutinous reptile as to

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pay an exceedingly high price for it. "There is reason,'" says Shakespeare, "in the roasting of eggs;" and there is for this apparently eccentric appetite (independent of the fact of its being a mere gelatinous luxury) a reason very patent to the Mongolian mi-nd, but which it is not necessary for me to particularize. It is probable that any one prompted by special curiosity might get his mind enlightened upon the interesting subject by applying to our worthy fellow-citizen, Me* James Ah Kew, forasmuch as Chinamen, so different in most respects from the rest of humanity^seldom do anything without a substantial reason, and generally have a correct understanding of the same. For many centuries past Chinese mariners have frequented the coasts of the Indian Archipelago, of New Guinea, and New Holland, and it was from this course that the northern shores of that great island were as well known to them before the days of Marco Polo as they are to ourselves at the present time. "When Captain Hinders was engaged in the first exploration of that locality, he encountered in one of the harbours a fleet of vessels which he at first supposed to be pirates, but which, on closer acquaintance, he found to be Chinese tripang-fishers, with whom he became very friendly, and from their intelligent commodore he received some valuable information, and was shown by him a chart showing the features of the principal points of the coast, and their relative positions to those of New Guinea and Timor. There can be no doubt that it was from this source that the Dutch navigators of former days derived the information which directed them to the discovery of New Holland, and set the Spaniards speculating upon the precise locality of that land which they were the first to name Australia. As concerns maritime enterprise in the coral seas, no traffic has ever done more towards assisting the progress of discovery than the tripang trade with China, not excepting the sperm-whale fishery, forasmuch as the whalemen generally do but find islands, the beche-de-mer-fishers land and live upon them until their cargoes are completed, and thus have been able to supply information not by other means obtainable. It is commonly supposed that the market price of this singular substance in its prepared state is subject to great fluctuations. This is not really the case. The difference in price has, in the most cases, arisen from the condition in which the article was delivered in China. As the superiority or otherwise of certain samples is not a question of seasons or circumstances over which the fishers have no control, but simply of sufficient experience and due precaution, or vice versa, I purpose next to describe circumstantially the different processes of preparation and stowage as practised by those who have been most successful in the trade. • The boche-de-mer fishery is one of those occupations which, while they involve no actual risk, can be entered upon with a very limited capital. In the majority of cases it is prosecuted by seafaring men, who, having become weary of a life of hard work and little to take for it on board of whale-ships or merchant vessels, have landed from them on one or other of the Pacific isles, and, becoming domesticated among the natives, enlist their services in this pursuit, remunerating them for their labour by dividing among them a portion of their profits in the shape of printed calico, blue beads, tomahawks, tobacco, and other necessaries. They &re usually rough and wild fellows, but withal hospitable and generous, as men must needs be who spend their lives among the coppercoloured Polynesians, for Maoris hate a mean man, and will not long endure his society; their motto is, "Disburse, divide; let your good fortune boil over in the direction of your friends. We are brothers : why should we not share with one another?" Consequently these men are usually poor, but of great power amongst the savage tribes with whom they choose to spend their days. They dictate terms to traders in dealing with the natives for whatsoever they produce; they advise the chiefs; they interpret, and receive commission for so doing (generally in the forin of tobacco and " chain lightning " —that is to say, the frightful liquor which is carried about the Pacific under the names of square gin, fatoa rum, or the like elixirs). These men are a sort of practical philosophers; they are outsiders of civilization, and they accept the situation con aniore :— They have burst all links of habit, And have wandered far away On from island unto island, At the gateways of the day. It is a common practice with them to build small crafts with the assistance of the natives, or to get hold of ships' boats and "raise upon them;" and in this sort of vessel they cruise from one desert island to another, carrying cocoanuts for provender, and eking out the rest of their subsistence with fish, turtle, and sea-birds' eggs. When they find an atoll which produces beche-de-mer in anything like abundance, they squat down for a few months, or it may be a year or two, and cure and store it up until some passing vessel calls to purchase it; and, if no such chance should occur, they fill their little vessel with a part of it, and, going to some of the great islands where merchants are used to resort, they agree with some of them to send a vessel for the remainder. These men lead strange lives, and full of adventure; they are thoroughly acclimatized, and so deeply indoctrinated with barbarian ideas as to be sometimes apparently in doubt as to whether they had ever lived in civilized land. Once in the Kingsmill Island I had a conversation with a man of this kind relative to the best way of cooking a crayfish. " We," said he," are used to cooking them in an oven of hot stones, but white men mostly like them boiled in a pot." It was evident that his mind was in somewhat of a fog as to whether himself had any claim to be ranked among the sons of Japhet. Another, who is now living on Manual, asked me to read a certain paper for him. "Were you never taught to read?" I inquired. "Oh, yes," he replied, "I had a good schooling once, but it's so long ago that I don't know English from Dutch when it's wrote down." This man's son (who spoke good English) remarked to' me that he should like very much to be able to read. " Don't you try to know too much," replied I; " knowledge is only a lot of bother." (Solomon, I believe, was of this opinion.) "Ah! but," continued he, "I should like to read the Bible; there's good stories in it—specially that part about the pirates." "Indeed!" said I, "you must be mistaken ; there's no such thing in the Bible." "Oh, yes," continued he; " don't you remember where.

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Bobinson Crusoe gets taken by the Turkish pirate ? " I laughed very much, but was quite unable to convince him of his mistake. He said that a seaman who had been cast away upon his father's island had been used to road the tale aloud to them from a large book; " and I know," concluded he, "that the book was a Bible, for it was nearly half as big as a brandy-case." The reckless manner in which some of these half-savage mariners stroll about the coral seas is not a little remarkable. Thus, one Harry Williams, of Manihiki, went from Maldon to his own island, a distance of 500 miles, in a flat-bottomed punt, accompanied by natives. George Prescott (a cousin of the author of " The Conquest of Mexico ") sailed from Tahiti to Samoa in a whaleboat, not much less than 1,500 miles the route he made of it. ~ Captain Jeff Strickland took a schooner's boat of seven tons from Fiji to Sydney to be coppered; from Sydney he sailed to Tahiti with no companions but one man, a Polynesian woman, and a boy of eleven years of age. Upon this passage, h.e lay to with her for five days through a living gale of wind off the North Cape of New Zealand. Afterwards, he ran her for a matter of three years beche-de-mer-fishing, all over the South Sea to windward of Tonga, which is no small tiling everrfor a big ship to do, counting the hurricane nionths. (This remarkable little craft, which was known as the " Gonamarama," was swamped in 1871 by a waterspout off the coast of Tutuila ; the crew swam ashore.) Besides this kind of semi-barbarous adventurers, there are many shipmasters and merchants who have been long used to sail vessels of from 30 to 100 tons, chiefly out of the ports of Tahiti, Honolulu, Guam, or Manila, in quest of beche-de-mer, whose practice it is to frequent such great lagoon atolls as it is possible to get inside of and come to an anchor. There they lie up for months, until their cargo is complete. They land their trypots and other requisites, build some palm-leaf huts to lodge their men, and a smoke-house for the curing of the fish, and have usually a jolly time of it. The labour of collecting and drying the fish is performed partly by their crews, who are. coinmonly Polynesian natives—with the exception of the mate, and perhaps trading master or interpreter—and such islanders as they bring along with them if it be a desert and uninhabited place,'or otherwise the aborigines whom they find in possession. Women are in great reqtiisition on these kinds of expedition, they being well up to the work, willing and good-tempered, and much more easy to control than the like number of men. Traders who have much experience of this pursuit universally admit the desirability of in all cases engaging an equal number of women to that of the men concerned in the enterprise. Neglect of this arrangement has in many instances led to serious quarrels, maroonings, the taking of men's lives, and the like disagreeablenesses. There is a sort of charm about this kind of occupation which the dwellers in the Babel of civilization might be at a loss to comprehend—an elasticity of spirits arising from the consciousness of perfect liberty and absolute release from all conventional restraint, a total oblivion of all debts or duties, and entire exemption from any form of mental anxiety. There is a certain amount of reason in this. To spend one's days in a rock-bound haven where the waters are eternally at rest, no matter what storms .may raise the sea which rolls outside the coral barrier: to run about barefoot upon silvery sands, where the cool sea-breeze all* the year round conquers the sultriness of the tropic sunshine : to paddle about upon the still waters of a calm lagoon, whose limpid waves display beneath them an infinity of strange and beautiful forms : to sleep softly and to dream sweetly, sung to rest by the ceaseless sounding of the distant sea and rustling of the night wind among the feathery palms : to know nothing of what is going on in the outer world, and to care as little : to have no ideas beyond those included within the horizon of vision: to climb to the summit of some lofty tree, and to see at one glance all which constitutes for ourself the material universe—to wit, a calm green lake, a circlet of verdant islets and snowwhite sandy beaches, a coral reef bathed in a sheet of dazzling foam, and, outside of all, the vast circle of the restless ocean, more intensely blue from contrast with the cloudless sky, with nothing to relieve its oppressive monotony but, may be, the rainbow spume of some spouting whalefish, or the glancing pinions of the lone sea-birds. There is one advantage in beche-de-mer-iishing, that upon the great desert reefs where it most abounds the fisher never needs to be idle. In calm weather they gather the red kind off the top of the reef, just inside the foam of the breakers; in stormy times they dive for the black species inside the lagoon. From its size and colour it is plainly visible to a depth of at least ten fathoms, even when the water is much ruffled by the wind, the more so as it lives only on the smooth white sandy bottom. The material required for the prosecution of this business is of the most limited character —merely a boat, a few axes to cut building materials and firewood, a supply of long knives for all hands, and, in some cases, two or three of the great cast-iron boilers (or trypots), such as are used on board of whale-ships, with buckets and forks of many prongs, of that kind which, on gold diggings, the miners use to stir the gravel in their sluice-boxes. The first preliminary operation is to build two houses —one for the curing of the fish, which is done by smoking (just as people smoke bacon), the other for the purpose of storing it after being sufficiently cured. These are mere sheds rudely thatched with palm-leaves, and closed round on all sides with coarse mats of the same material. The thatch must be perfectly watertight, for the reason that, although salt water takes no effect upon cured beche-de-mer, and will not injure it in any way, rainwater will entirely destroy it. The smoke-house is built of an oblong shape, having inside of it two sets of stages made of thin sticks or split palm-branches fastened horizontally to a strong framework ; a narrow passage is left between them, and underneath them are two drains dug in the ground wherein to make fires to create smoke. No nails are required in their construction, all the fastenings of the woodwork being of coeoanut fibre. The terms upon which the labourers are engaged for beche-de-mer-fishing depencLon the circumstances of the case. Beachcombers who have native wives and families commonly make up a party of their wives' relations and near neighbours, and remunerate them for their work by sharing with them a part of the proceeds. Adventurers who sail small vessels, and have no settled home on the islands, to which the labourers belong, hire them for a specified time at a fixed rate of wages, under a written agreement, which is witnessed by their king. Although in the majority of cases

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no one understands the document but the white men concerned in its concoction, yet the most ignorant barbarians are pleased to see a promise written down, there being to their untutored ' minds a something sacred and solemnly binding connected with the operation. (How beautiful is their simplicity ! and how expanded would their views become upon this point, could they but comprehend the sublime nonchalance with which many of the sons of civilization append their signatures to "a bit of stiff," without the slightest consideration as to the entirely hypothetical nature of the chances of their being able to meet the liability incurred by the said proctfes.) Here follows a verbatim translation of a memorandum of this kind befos^eo one " Ururoa " (i.e., Longbeard, a white man known to the natives by that name, as Polynesians generally invent a sobriquet from some physical peculiarity for any European whom they may happen to have dealings with), and certain people of Nukunivano : — " We, men and. women of Nukunivano, whose marks are put at the bottom of this paper, agree to go with the Captain Longbeard to the island of ' Gannet Cay,' and to fish for beche-de-mer for six moons, and to be paid, each man or woman, 14 fathoms of calico or 21 plugs of tobacco per moon, or other tilings as we like, such as knives and needles, at a value as we have before agreed; and at the end of six moons to be returned to our home, if the wind should be fair for us to come back at that time. The chief, whose name is Dogfish, shall superintend the work. The Captain Longbeard shall tell the chief Dogfish what the people are to do, and Dogfish shall tell the people. The Captain Longbeard shall not beat any of the people. The people shall not fight among themselves, but, if there be any quarrel among them, they shall refer it to the Captain Longbeard and to the chief Dogfish. If any one of the people die, that which is due to him or her shall be intrusted to the chief Dogfish, to be given to his or her family. The Captain Longbeard shall supply to all the people, for nothing, lines and fish-hooks, that they may catch themselves food. AH food and fresh water shall be taken charge of and fairly divided by the chief Dogfish. Twenty-eight days shall count for one moon ; out of each moon shall be four days' rest —that is to say, the people shall work six days, and on the seventh day they shall do no work. They shall not lie to the chief Dogfish, or be lazy, sulky, or dissatisfied. There is no more to say." Hero follow the names and the people's marks, each against his own. And, as a general rule, they have a good time of it; they live together like one family, and part good friends. The poor barbarians are good-tempered, generous even to folly, and ready at any time to encounter the most deadly perils in the service of white men who treat them with kindness and , liberality. Very many there are of us who have been indebted for our lives to their lovingkimlness and unselfish bravery, Through days of danger and ways of fear, starving upon desert cays, lost upon lonely seas, running with a rag of sail before furious winds, tossed in the foam of breakers where the sharks are jostling o'ne another. Talking not long ago to a gentleman who has a morbid antipathy to Maoris, of whatsoever tribe and lineage, and would have them exterminated as noxious vermin, I remarked, "Be assured, my friend, had you known as many kind women and brave men as I have done in the islands of the great South Sea, you would not wish to see them civilized off the face of the earth." As concerns life in a beche-de-mer camp, it is characterized by a sameness which amounts to monotony, and would be wearisome to many minds. Let us take, for instance, the incidents of one day on some desert isle like Gaspar Rico, Poregrino, or Palmersion. Beginning with the dark hour just before the dawn, the stars are shining with an intense brilliancy, reflected on the steel-bright surface of the calm lagoon. The sandy pathways seem like snow. The heavy forest of towering palms and banyans, interlocked with trailing vines, assumes v/eird and fantastic shapes, and shows a black outline against the clear blue sky; under their dark shadows twinkle innumerable points of light—the lamps of great glow-worms and luminous grubs. The trade wind moans among the forest leaves, and mingles its music with the hollow roar of the surf that rolls upon the coral reef. There are sounds of life, too, in the sombre shades—a sound from time to time as of blows with a pickaxe. In such a spot one might imagine it to" be pirates who delve for hidden treasure, or murderers digging graves ; but it is the " knovin," the " uguvale " (the great land-crab of the desert isles) —he is breaking a cocoanut for his morning meal. When the grey dawn glimmers in the east, the sea-birds flap their wings, and cry one to another from the lofty boughs. As the light increases, they quit their roosts, and fly away to seek their living on the sea. They go swiftly and in long lines dead to windward, for they know when they return they will be weary and loaded with fish for their young ones, so they will want a fair wind home. Presently evidences of human existence become apparent in the solitude. Amongst a little cluster of palm-leaf huts breaks forth a gabbling of tongues, and dusky figures carrying glowing firebrands pass from one dwelling to another. Men in the costume of the Grecian statues, and women half-covered by their hair, trot down the sandy pathways to bathe in the cold lagoon. They meet others by the way, and exchange civilities : " Tena korua ! " " Eeke ouli kaina;" " Acre korua ki tai mo ! " '" Beki, acre maua." They make no remarks about the weather ; it is not their habit, the seasons undergo so little change in these blessed latitudes. When the glorious sun rises over the dimpled sea and lights up the woodland with his golden beams, there is a sound of axes in the forest: the men are cutting logs to keep up the fires beneath their smoking fish. Then the women uncover the Maori ovens and spread out the " kai," rolled up in palm-leaves and nicely done brown; fishes of all sorts, and fat cockles, and gannets' eggs, and perhaps a great turtle baked in his armour, and huge land-crabs, and roasted nuts, and many other good things. And when all have eaten they stow 1' away what remains, and wash up the dishes while the men collect their gear—knives, and baskets, and fish-spears, and lines, and gSurds of water. One or two remain at home to watch the* smoking, and, by the time the sun is level with the crowns of the palms, the rest launch the boat, and spread the tall brown sail, and steer for some distant cay or coral shoal, where they spend the day in light labour, which is to them mere sport, tumbling about like Nereids in the clear cool

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water, wandering about upon the mossy reef, laughing and skylarking as they gather the slimy slug and spear the fish among the stones; until early in the afternoon, when they return to their little settlement, where some clean and cook the beche-de-mer, while the rest go to providing food. And by the time they get their suppers it is night; they then make fires, and spread mats beside them, and lie down and tell tales of phantom ships, and of ghosts and tupakos, and of impossible adventures and voyages to wonderful islands, and they sing songs, and the musician plays upon Pandean pipes and a shark-skin drum, and they get up and dance upon the sm#oth white sand by the light of the broad bright moon until the night is far spent, when they all go to rest, to awaken again at daydawn with the sea-birds—just as happy and as innocent in their lives as they. Of course all is not sunshine and moonbeam at all times in the lives of beche-de-mer fishers. Many terrible tragedies have taken place among parties engaged in this pursuit; but in the majority of cases, throughout those islands of the South Pacific inhabited by the copper-coloured race of Polynesians, the preponderance of the blame has been on the side of the white man, and, in most instances, other men's wives have been at the bottom of the mischief. Also, it has frequently occurred that Europeans, destitute of honour or humanity, have hired simple islanders, both men and women, for beche-de-mer-fishing, and, when their work was done, left them destitute in strange places, or sold them for slaves, or brutally ill-treated them for small occasion. One cannot wonder that the judgment of God should seem to cleave in some shape to this sort of scoundrels, who very usually wind up with a violent death, as did happen in half-a-dozen cases of which I had personal knowledge—Joe Bird, Jules Tirel, Joachim Gauza, Aaron Symons, Paddy Cooney, and Captain Daggett, who is reported to have been killed last year on the Island of Tanna. Beche-de-mer is a wrinkled slimy creature, of precisely the appearance of a gigantic snail. When disturbed he swells himself up very considerably, and takes in a great quantity of water, which greatly increases his size. He is also elastic to such a degree that if one of them be slung by the middle across a pole he will, by his own weight, stretch to several times his normal length. His shape is that of a cucumber ; the red kind is seldom more than a foot long. Beche-de-mer is found upon coral shoals, where the water is not more than knee-deep at low tide. The most expeditious mode of collection is to make a little flat-bottomed punt of boards, or a small canoe dug out of a hollow log. (Upon most desert isles is a species of banyan tree, called " buka," of which the wood is very soft and buoyant, and consequently very well adapted to this purpose.) This constitutes an excellent mode of conveyance, as the fisher trails it behind him with a rope as he walks along the reef, and throws the slugs into it as fast as he can pick them up, and when the punt is loaded tows it away to the edge of the deeper water, where he discharges his cargo into the larger boats which are used in the fishery. When the usual quantity of slug has been collected the large boat is steered for home, and on the way the boat's crew employ themselves in gutting the fish. This is done by splitting up the whole length of. the underside of the creature with a sharp knife, which is done over the gunwale, so that the intestines slip out into the sea. These intestines are apparently full of nothing but water and fine sand; they are transparent, about the thickness of a goose quill, and of great length. (I have often thought, from their appearance, that they might be utilized for the making of catgut, and perhaps isinglass.) When the boat arrives at the landing-place the fish must be taken on shore and cooked immediately, for a special reason. It is a remarkable peculiarity of this creature that, if a number of them be placed together, as longas they retain life they can be separated, although by reason of their plasticity they adapt their form to that of any substance with which they may be in contact after being taken out of the water, but shortly after their intestines are removed they lose all resemblance to their original form, and amalgamate into one indistinguishable and indivisible glutinous mass of the appearance and consistency of bird-liine, of which no use can be made, inasmuch as it adheres to whatsoever it touches with the tenacity of glue. There are several ways of preparing it for curing. The most primitive is to steam it in a Maori oven of hot stones. This is made by scooping out a large hole in the earth, in which the fire is made of small wood piled on its ends, cocoanut husks, &c. Over this the stones are heaped, intermixed with more wood and husks. Hard stones are preferred, when obtainable, as they hold the heat better than coral, and do not become calcined. When they are thoroughly hot they are spread out over the bottom of the hole, the fish is laid upon them as close as it will lie, and covered up first with large green leaves, then with " nikau " mats, and finally with a mound of earth. This is the orthodox Polynesian method of cooking everything. I have already mentioned that, in preparing beche-de-mer, it is necessary to exercise caution, so as not to permit the liquor which is contained in its inside to get into the eyes or any abrasion of the skin, otherwise great pain and annoyance will result. After the beche-de-mer has been in the oven a sufficient time (which need not be more than an hour), it may be removed to the smokehouse. The steaming process has considerably altered its appearance; its size is reduced, and it has lost its sliminess. It looks like a piece of boiled cowheel or bacon rind of a dark colour. It is usual at this stage to spread out each separate slug by means of spanners — i.e., little bits of stick inserted transversely into the under-side, which have the effect of keeping it flat and preventing it from curling up during the curing process, so that it dries up more rapidly and completely. It is then laid upon the drying stages, and fires are lighted underneath it of damp and sappy wood, in order to produce a dense and pungent smoke, which is well confined by closing up the building with " pakau"—that is to say, coarse mats of " nikau " (by which I do not mean the " nikau " tree of New Zealand, but the term which is applied by the South Sea Islanders to the leaf of the cocoapalm) . By this plan the beche-de-iner, if a strong smoke be kept up, will cook effectually in fortyeight hours, or, at the outside, in three days. It must be turned at least once. (I have said nothing about taking out the teeth, as practised by some, for the reason that it is wholly unnecessary ; they dry up to the consistence of chalk, and do not affect the value of good beche-de-mer in any degree.) Another method of preparation is by boiling it in the great trypots which are used

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by the whale-fishers. It is boiled twico in salt water, about ten minutes each time. This is the more expeditious way of cooking, but it necessitates a longer smoking, as it will not cure thoroughly after it in less than eight days, and after all never resists the damp so well as that which has been steamed in the oven. A third and most effective system is to put the beche-de-mer into a hogshead or close box, into which a steam pips is introduced from a boiler. This is a very expeditious plan, and most to be recommended. When sufficiently smoke-dried the fish is packed into strong baskets of nikau, which it is not desirable to have stitched up until the time of shipment, for the reason that it is advisable to occasionally spread it out, so as to give it the -advantage of a thorough scorching in the hot sun, and to give opportunity to pick out any soft or imperfectly-cured sample. It must be borne in mind that its preservation depends entirely on its being thoroughly dried. Beche-de-mer, when properly cured, should bo of the consistency of sole-leather, and unless this result is attained it is the most precarious kind of merchandise to deal in. The ultimate destiny of most beche-de-mer being the Chinese market, which involves long transport, unless perfectly^ cured it can never reach the end of its voyage without Becoming greatly depreciated and sometimes altogether destroyed by decomposition. I have seen whole cargoes in Guam and elsewhere thrown into the sea from this cause. In every instance whore such has been the case, it has been the result of ignorance or negligence. It is not only quite possible, but with due care and precaution perfectly easy, to preserve beche-de-mer in such a manner that it will keep without injury, not only during a voyage to China, but, if need be, until the day of resurrection ; as thus : If the beche-de-" mer be cured thoroughly, as it is bound to bo if it is smoked sufficiently and. dried in the hot suntill it rattles like a bag of walnuts (which is no more than any trader expects who has been used to deal in it with success); then, if any one be afraid of transport in damp weather or leaky decks, put it into iron tanks (a tank will hold 30c\vL), plaster the lid round with white-lead, and one might rest on the assurance that the beche-de-mor would be secure from decay as long as the iron was not penetrated by the atmosphere, which would not happen for some years at all events. The difficulty of preserving beche-de-mer consists in this: If not thoroughly divested of its juices, or if subjected to damp, or brought into contact with fresh water, it speedily dissolves into a glutinous fluid, of an appearance like molasses, and of an odour like decayed eggs. No. Xll.—Beche-de-meb, Sponge, and Tdktle Fishing. I have already observed that from some unexplained reason beche-de-mor is not found in the same abundance upon every part of a coral reef or sandy lagoon, although there may be no apparent difference in the depth of water or other local condition. On some islands it is very generally distributed over the whole surface of the shoals ; on others it occurs only in patches. There is also another fact to be borne in mind. On most of the atolls, of the Pacific are to be found in the shallow water, where it is not more than knee-deep at low tide (and consequently during the day very warm), both on the sand and on the flat coral, immense quantities of a sort of black beche-de-mer from six inches to a foot in length, which is of no use whatever in commerce, inasmuch as it consists only of a gelatinous skin filled with water, and cannot be preserved since it has no solid substance, and when cooked almost wholly dissolves. When lying in the water, it does not much differ in appearance from the marketable black kind, excepting in so far that it is rather more slender in proportion to its length ; also, that around its mouth it exhibits small tentacles resembling the horns of a snail. It has frequently happened that men void of experience, seeing the great abundance of this creature upon coral reefs, have reported such localities as being productive in the true black beche-de-mer of commerce, when at the same time there was nothing of the kind to be found there. There is to be met with frequently among beche-de-mer a marine animal of a very singular aspect. It is called by the natives of Tokerau " taumata" (that is to say, skull cap, from the fact of its being sometimes converted to that use). It is about the size of a man's head, or somewhat larger. As concerns its shape, if you take a square piece of paper and double down the corners in such a manner that the points meet in the middle, that will represent it very nearly, excepting that the form will be more rounded. The under-side, whore the foldings take place, lies flat upon the rock or sand; the upper is concave, and of a reddish-brown colour, so that it looks like a loaf of bread. It is of a gristly consistence, and covered with small warts. It has no appearance of eyes or power of locomotion so far as one can discern, and therefore seems to represent one of the lowest forms of animal life. (I should like to know Mr. Darwin's opinion as to the ultimate future of such an organism as this.) The beche-de-mer, blind and helpless as it seems to be, may be regarded as an intelligent animal in comparison. It appears to live upon suction. When taken out of the water, it can exist a very considerable time, if not absolutely exposed to the hot sun. There may possibly be a use for this thing, if one only knew it (it is not regarded as edible); but the only purpose to which savages devote it is for the making of a kind of skull cap or helmet, which they effect by cutting round the under-side (for it cannot be opened by any violence) and scooping -out the inside. When dry it becomes as hard as bone. Beche-de-mer fishers frequently cut these creatures into strips, and cure them with their beche-de-mer, on the principle that " all is fish that comes to the net;" but the practice is dishonest, and ought never to be permitted, if for no other reason, from the mere fact that it has a tendency to depreciate the article in the Chinese, market. Among the profitable industries of the coral seas, the collection of sponges is not the least important. It is said that the sponges of the Pacific are of a kind inferior to those of the Levant or Eed Sea. It may be so, but I believe not in every case, as sponges are met with occasionally in the Pacific as large and well shaped, and apparently as soft, as any that are to be found in the market. lam of opinion that the Turks and Arabs have some peculiar mode of preparing their sponges with which the fishers of the South Sea are not acquainted, and that this really constitutes the difference. Sponges of a superior kind are gathered in great quantities in the Gulf of Mexico,

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about the Bahama Banks, and at Green Turtle Bay ; they realize a high price in the "market, but as far as I have seen do not differ from those found in the Pacific. To fish for sponges with success requires a certain degree of practice, as they are very difficult to recognize in the water when in a live state. They grow on the coral, and very much in the crevices of it, and are not by any means conspicuous, as they look like a part of the stone. When removed, they are heavy, slimy, hard, and black as tar. The best of them are of the form of a mushroom, and they are found from the size of a man's fist up to two feet in diameter. They usually lie within the lagoons, in water of a depth from one to ten fathoms. They are inhabited by t.nimalculse, which in the process of cleaning are decomposed and washed away. In order to effect this object upon a sandy beach where the tide .-ebbs and flows, a number of forked sticks are driven into the sand, and upon them are fastened -slender poles as a sort of fran _■___ : from these sponges are suspended by strings in such a manner that; when the tide is in the sponges are floating in it; when it is not, they are exposed to the wind and sun. In the latter case the animalcula. die and decay, and by alternate scorchings and Vv'aFJhiDgs the sponge becomes cleaned and "bleached, as well as softened, in consequence of the removal of the glutinous creatures which bad inhabited it. When prepared in this manner, the usual rate of barter in the islands where they are chiefly obtained is four large sponges for one yard of calico. I have found that they were greatly improved both in colour and softness by being •washed in hot fresh 'water, which had been previously strongly impregnated with the alkali of wood ashes. I have had occasion, in a former paper, to mention turtle-shell as one of the valuable products of the coral isles. It is commonly spoken of as tortoise-shell, which, in the case of the hawksbill fturtle, is no great misnomer, as there is Suit little difference between the animals, except in s'o far ithat the latter has flippers instead of paws, On the Gallapagos is a gigantic species of tortoise, of which the shell is of no use, though tho flesh is very good eating. This creature, which is, I believe, found nowhere else on the face of the earth', grows to so groat a bulk as to weigh half a ton, and it is said even more; he is quite harmless.' A seaman of a New Bedford whale-ship, a few years ago, was supposed by his companions to have lost himself on one of the Gallapagos. They sought '. him for a week without success, when to their astonishment he made his appearance driving dn§ of these immense brutes with a club. It was the largest they had ever seen or heard of, and he had spent several days and nights in getting it down from the mountains to the sea-beach. This monster might probably have been several centuries old, for, like all the tortoise tribe, they are of -very slow growth. I believe that it is admitted by men of science that there is strong-presumptive ■ evidence of land tortoises of the old world, in a domesticated state, having lived for more than two hundred years. Twenty years ago two young tortoises of the Gallapagos were brought to Aitutake .by a whale-fisher, who had a wife and family on that island. He took them on shore in his pockets . and let them go adrift in the bush. Bight years afterwards the natives found one of them dead ; after a bush fire, and they say it was no larger than the blade of a paddle, v. hich would be of an - oval shape and about a foot in diameter. The Gallapagos Islands, which are a hoirrible congeries of extinct volcanic craters, seem to be inhabited by no living creatures but these groat tortoises, and vast multitudes of hideous iguanas, which also arc very good eating. Among the natives of the coral isles there are certain laws with respect to catching turtle. Whosoever sees the turtle first (be it man or woman) claims the shell. Be it remembered the shell is valuable to them for many purposes. Not only do they make of it many articles of domestic use, but among the more savage tribes it is carved into grotesque ornaments, which they attach to their heads and bodies; also they cut it into long strips, with which they cover tho seams of their canoes, and of the thickest portion they make ear-rings, finger-rings, bracelets, and fish-hooks. In fact, it would be difficult to enumerate the multitude of uses to which the " una home," as it is called, is devoted by barbarians. Some of the bones also of the turtle are made to serve many useful purposes —such as bodkins, fish-hooks, spoons, and especially knives. Civilized men will be apt to smile at the idea of a bone knife; but I have seen many knives made from the blade-bones of the turtle, which, although clumsy in form, were quite as effective for any ordinary purpose as steel knives could have been; one which I had in my own possession was very old, having been made in a former generation. It required to be very seldom sharpened, and then took such an edge as no man would, like to run his finger carelessly along. When a turtle is caught, be it large or small, the flesh is divided among the whole of the inhabitants of the village to which the captors belong, so that in many cases a very small piece comes to the share of each individual. The weight of a full-grown turtle is usually about 4cwt. in the Pacific, but sometimes they are fouud as much as 6cwt. They are profitable to fish for, not only on account of the shell, but for the oil which they contain, of which .a good-sized one will yield ten gallons. The trade price is usually one dollar per gallon. Among savages they are sought after chiefly for the flesh, which they eat either cooked or raw. It is like beef, and is no great delicacy. Turtle soup, as far as I can understand it, resembles the broth which a cobbler is said to have made of his lapstone ; he was supplied with a variety of excellent ingredients to boil with it, and it turned out very good indeed. The creature is killed by striking it on the back of tho head with a club; a bundle of dry leaves is then ignited and passed over the shell, so as to loosen the plates, which are pulled off; the under-part of the shell is then split from the upper, and the meat is cut up. On some lands all turtles are claimed by the King; in that case, the plates being removed from the back, the animal is put whole into an oven of hot stones, and baked. When there are not sufficient in the company to consume the whole carcase at one meal, the residue is preserved in a very ingenious manner. The turtle being baked wfth his back down, the hollow of the shell is full of melted fat or oil; this is baled out and taken care of; the meat which is intended t§ be preserved is cut into junks, each about the size of a man's fist. One or more of these is put into a cocoanut shell, and the oil poured upon it till the shell is nearly filled; tho mouth is then closed, with a green leaf tied over it; it is then put"away until wanted, when it is again put into the oven and made hot. In this manner the meat can be preserved for an indefinite time without spoiling.

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There are several ways of catching turtle, but the most usual is to watch for them at night, When they are taken during the day, it is generally by surprising them while they are asleep on the t surface of the water. On those occasions, the practice is, as soon as the turtle is discovered, for several persons to go out to him in a canoe, and paddle silently alongside, when they seize him and lift him on board before ho knows what is gomg on. They are quite harmless, except in the mere matter of floundering and striking out with their flippers, with which they can deliver a severe blow. It is very rare for them to attempt to bite. When a turtle is found sleeping, and he be of great size, and but few men to seize him, it is usual to harpoon him. During the breeding season these creatures are very careless of their safety; they are found in congeries, and, under certain circumstances, exhibit no sense of danger, or desire to escape from the presence of man. When several turtles are in this state, a like number of men, having approached them in a canoe, will jump overboard and lay hold of them thus : The man gets on the back of the turtle, and takes hold with his hands of the front of the shell, just behind the neck. This prevents him from " sounding," that is to say, going down head foremost, as a turtle will always do when alarmed, if not prevented, • as in this case he is effectually by the weight of the man on his back. He is thus quite helpless, for he has no idea of getting rid of his rider, except by diving head first, and allows himself to be steered in any direction his captors may choose. Thus he is brought up alongside of the canoe, and hoisted into it without resistance. But in playing this little game, which seems so simple, there are several things which it is necessary to know. One of them is, that a turtle in the water can cut a naked man very dangerously with his flippers. Another thing to be avoided is to catch the turtle by the tail. God help the man that knows no better than to do so, for the reptile will in that case instantly shut his tail close up to his body, whereby he will hold the man's hand as tight as though it were in a vyce, and, diving head foremost, will take him down to the bottom of the sea. On lagoon isles, turtles are never (except by some extraordinary accident) found within the reef, unless the lagoon have a wide entrance, through which the tide ebbs and flows freely. They do not like stagnant or warm water, but delight in the fresh dashing spray which breaks upon the outer reef. There, also, they find the long green moss upon which they delight to feed. There are times of the year, however, when they are found wandering about in the shallow water upon the top of the reef in search of small beche-de-mer, which they swallow in great quantities until they quite fill themselves. At those times, whenever the male or bull turtle is found, the female is not far away ; they are generally close together. In such cases the savages declare that the turtle are bound on a cruise to some island far away, and are laying in provender for their voyage. When found upon the coral shoals, it is usual to secure them by spearing them with a harpoon, not of course by attempting to pierce the shell, but by driving it into any of the orifices, generally the back of the neck. But the greater number of turtle are taken on shore, on sandy beaches, where they resort to lay their eggs during the night. They select for this purpose solitary places, not necessarily on uninhabited isles, but always at a distance from the dwellings of men. About full moon is a favourite time with them. The female goes on shore; the male lies out beyond the breakers and watches for his mate. She lands with the high tide, and returns to the sea with the next flood ; consequently, she remains on shore several hours. If overtaken by daylight before high water, she goes out on the reef and lies still there, waiting for the tide to come in. While in this situation, turtle are often taken by fishers, as they do not attempt to move, not even if a man should tread upon them, which has frequently happened in the grey of the dawn to men who have been out early seeking other fish. When the turtle lands to lay, she goes well up on the dry beach above high-water mark, frequently under the shadow of trees, and there scratches out a great circular hollow, throwing out the sand with her flippers. As the creature turns herself round and round in the hole, it becomes smooth within, like a basin, and about so deep that the turtle sinks below the level of the surrounding sand. Then, in the middle of this pit, she digs out a small perpendicular cavity, about the depth of a man's arm, and therein deposits her eggs to the number of over 100, and, filling up the whole excavation, returns to sea. Thus, though a man may easily find the track of a turtle, it takes considerable experience to discover the eggs. It is the practice of the fishers to walk round the beach, after high tide, in places where the turtles are expected to resort, on moonlight nights, about full and change, and to look for the signs of their presence, which are easily discoverable, as the animal leaves a broad track on the sand. This they follow up until they find her either lying in a pit or on her v. ay to or from the water. The turtle offers no resistance, but tries to make its escape into the sea, and it is surprising, from its clumsy appearance, with what rapidity it can get over the ground. The mode of capture is to turn it over on its back, and it does not seem very feasible, for the uninitiated in the business, how a single man, running in heavy sand, can contrive to capsize an animal of 300 lb. or even greater weight. But there is a knack extremely simple to those who are used to it. The manner of a turtle's locomotion on dry land, when interfered with or obstructed, is by wriggling with sudden jerks from side to side, making short strokes with its flippers. The fisher takes his opportunity when it is just on the cant, and tips it over on its back with ease. Much injury is frequently done to the shell by turning the animal over on the stones and gravel, and leaving it there, as in its efforts to right itself it cuts and scrapes the plates. It is likewise abominable to witness the ill-treatment which these animals experience at the hands not only of savages but white fishers, before they are finally despatched, being often kept for hours on the hot sand under the broiling sun, their shells also scorched by fire off their backs while they are still alive, and then being battered about the head with clubs often for half an hour before life is extinct. They are, of course, very tenacious of life, like all the reptilia; but one would think that there can be no better way to kill them without torture than to cut off their head'Svith a sharp axe or cleaver. Even in that case they continue to move about for some time afterwards, and I have noticed that the head, when not taken off close to the base of the skull apparently will not die at all, at least until decomposition has far advanced. I have never been able to understand this; but it seemed to mo to involve some strange mystery, 10—A. 4.

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i.—Trade and trading arrangements : Mr. Sterndale.

for I have noticed the same thing in serpents, that there is a place in the neck that if you cut below it the head continues to live, and vice verst't. Turtles are frequently killed by being capsized in a surf, and dashed with violence upon rocks. Sometimes, also, they escape with life after sustaining great injuries. I have seen one which, at some former time, must have had its shell split completely open longitudinally, for there was the mark of a scar in that direction having the exact appearance of a seam which had been caulked. The eggs of the turtle are perfectly round, and rather smaller than a billiard-ball; they are white and without shell, the covering being like pajkshjgejiS . They contain a yellow yolk about the size of a grape-shot, floating in a watery liquid. They are sufficiently wholesome as food when boiled or baked in the Maori oven, but their nav.qui*is insipid and fishy. A turtle will often contain as many a3 300 eggs, but will not usually lay more than half of them at a time. If the fisher finds the tracks of a turtle on the sand, but should not succeed in catching it—if he have been previously on the watch about the same locality—he will know whether the turtle has been on shore there shortly before ; if not, he will look out again for it at the same place, exactly the ninth night from that time ; and, if it comes not then, on the eighteenth, for, if no accident have occurred to it in the meanwhile, it will assuredly return at either one of these periods, exactly at the same spot, or somewhere not more than a cable's'lengfch to the leeward of it (never to windward). If it should not come back on the eighteenth night from its first appearance, it will never return any more, at least until the following year. It is very remarkable how an animal of so stupid an aspect should display so marvellous an instinct in the observance of times and seasons, but it is so. They are also exceedingly cunning in the concealment of their eggs. Moreover, if they perceive a man in their neighbourhood, instead of stupidly rushing to make an immediate escape, they will lie perdu, for hours, as though in hope that he might : : without perceiving them. When the young are hatched, which takes place in a month, they are about the size of a Bolivian dollar, perfectly formed, and prepared to begin life upon their own hook, which they commence by digging their way out of the sand and scuttling off into the deep sea, although many of them never reach it, in consequence of being pounced upon and gobbled up by "man-of-war hawks," or the like birds of prey, if it be daylight, or, if in the night, by the "koviu," or great land-crab, concerning which I have something hereafter to say, inasmuch as his peculiarities not only invest him with a certain amount of interest, but entitle him to be ranked among animals of superior intelligence. It has long been customary with natives of the coral seas to rear and tame turtles. They become much attached to the persons who feed them, and, though they spend much of their time in the salt water, invariably return to the houses where they are domesticated.

ADDITIONAL MEMORANDA BY ME. H. 13. STEKNDALE. The United States and the- Samoan Gboup. In my previous memoranda, I mentioned the Island of Upolu as being the most important of the Samoan Group. Lying midway between Savaii and Tutuila, upon the latter being the splendid harbour of Pagopago, Upolu is of much greater commercial consequence than cither of them, for the reasons that Savaii possesses but one harbour, and that a small one, very inferior in point of security, and that Tutuila is much less fertile than Upolu, and has a smaller area of land available for plantation purposes. The scheme propounded by the Americans appears, as far as I understand it, to be the establishment of a naval station and the purchase of some 10,000 acres of land contiguous to the seaports, i.e., partly on Tutuila and the remainder on Upolu. It is reported that Americans have already purchased a considerable area at Pagopago. The inference is that they propose to monopolize what vacant land may still be available on that harbour, and to take up the remainder of the 10,000, which will probably be the larger portion of it, on Upolu. This is very significant, and will, if carried out, exercise a very important influence on the commercial future of the Central Pacific. Upolu (or its port of Apia rather) is now the commercial centre or receiving depot for the products of Tonga Hapai, the Union Group, the Ellice Group, the Gilberts, the Marshalls, and the Carolines, as well as for the detached outlying islands near them all, such as Niuafou, Fotuna, Alofa, Uvea, Tokerau, Manihiki, Niue, and many others. The port of Apia is divided between three commercial interests, the Germans, the English, and the Americans. The American trade up to the present time has been insignificant; the German, very extensive ; the English, although represented by about seven establishments, entirely divided among small business men. The Germans and Americans have always pulled together : so much so that for several years, while the Germans were extensively engaged in the purchase of lands, they registered all their title-deeds in the American Consulate. The Germans bought up large tracts of land. Indeed, four years ago Ccesar Godeffroy owned somewhere about 25,000 acres on Upolu alone. The Americans also, including their Consul, acquired lands by domesticating themselves among the natives, intermarrying, &c. Their lands are all of the best as regards future agricultural prospects, and are contiguous to the harbour of Apia. The English have very little land, and what they have is of no great commercial importance as regards the future settlement of the place; for the reason that no property of consequence was acquired by English settlers at Apia during those times when land was easily procurable, except such as was given by the natives to John Williams, the Samoan missionary. This he bequeathed to his son, the present British Consul, who sold much of fflS best land to the French Eoman Catholic Mission when they founded their present establishments, so that very little valuable land, *gi such as is contiguous to the seaport, now remains in the possession of Englishmen. Mr. Consul Williams is now an invalid in Sydney, and his case is said to be hopeless. His son, a very young man, is, I believe, discharging his duties, and will probably be appointed in hia

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stead. He is a storekeeper, a business which of course he must relinquish if permanently appointed to fill his father's place. The policy of Consul "Williams has not given satisfaction to the English residents of Samoa. His private character has been such as to render him much respected and beloved by his countrymen at the Navigators, but in his consular capacity he has caused irreparable mischief. Many British subjects have renounced their nationality, and made common cause with the Germans and Americans. His son, consequently, does not possess the confidence of the English residents, and English interests at Apia are in an unhealthy state. This 4ias not been made sufficiently apparent in the New Zealand papers, beeaust? their correspondents have been usually persons more or less connected with the Mission. If the Americans take up, say, 5,000 acres of land contiguous to Apia harbour, they can only obtain it by purchasing the property of their- own countrymen, and by buying up the remainder of the native lands which lie between the settlement and the mountains; unless, indeed, they make some composition with the Germans, which they are very likely to do from community of interests. In either case, the English proprietors will fee in a manner thrust out, as many of them are now located upon land to which they have no tenure but by sufferance of the chiefs. The English settlement will be confined to a fractional part of the whole harbour, with but small facilities for the conduct of their business. The question will resolve itself into this : Is Apia to be regarded as an American or as a German possession ? The possession of Apia means the sovereignty of the Navigator Islands. This is one view of the question, but yet another may be taken. To the east of Apia, and about nine miles distant, is another harbour called Salafata. It is regarded by whalers and other seafarers as equal in security, &c. to that of Apia. Thoro is no settlement, but around it are considerable tracts of land already the property of Americans and Germans. No English of any consideration are there. If the Americans elect to purchase their land and form their station at Salafata, the result will be that the American Consul and residents will remove from Apia to that place, which will become the great nucleus of American trade in the Pacific; and then the English now in Apia, or who may subsequently settle there, will have only their old rivals, the Germans, to contend with. Although but a few miles apart, there will be no land communication between the two settlements, as the nature of the country will not permit it; but a considerable trade along the sea-coast will spring up between them, which cannot fail to be beneficial to both. The Kobra Trade. The kobra trade of the Society Islands is assuming large proportions. A French gentleman who has been for some years associated with Mr. Brander, of Tahiti, has purchased the island of Burutu from the natives, and has been engaged in cocoanut plantation for eighteen months, and in improving the existing wild trees. He anticipates that, at mling.rates for kobra, this property will, in four years from the present time, begin to yield an income of £4,000 per annum. A large portion of the island of Tubuai has been purchased by the same firm for a like purpose. Active operations of the same kind are being commenced in the Paumotus, which it is believed will soon be occupied entirely by Europeans. The French authorities have declared their intention to give every encouragement to settlement in those islands. It is worthy of notice that the Paumotus, or Low Archipelago, are an absolute possession of France, and not a protectorate, as are the islands of Tahiti, Moorea, and those of the Austral group, including Eapa. The two splendid islands of Eaiatea and Huaheine, with their small dependencies, are in no way subject to France in reality, but had their independence secured to them by virtue of a treaty of which the terms were guaranteed by England, somewhere about the years 1846 and 1847. The Marquesas are still retained as an absolute possession of France, and are now regarded by them as very valuable. Mr. Brander, of Tahiti, has erected very expensive and powerful machinery at Valparaiso for the manufacture of cocoanut oil from kobra, which is shipped to that port from his warehouses in Tahiti. A San Francisco firm have proposed the establishment of a depot of the same kind at Eaiatea. Mr. Brander has also purchased Easter Island, which lies in the direct route, about halfway between Tahiti and Valparaiso. He has removed most of the aborigines to his own Tahitian plantation, and has replaced them by Chilenos and others in his employ, who are stocking the island with cattle and sheep, for which it is well adapted.

-.—Trade and trading arrangements: Mr. Sterndale.

11. DIPLOMATIC ARRANGEMENTS.

11.- -Diplomatic arrangements.

BEITISH TEEATIES.

A.-3, 1880.

BOENEO.—May 27, 1847. Commerce and Navigation. —No time fixed. Most-favoured-jSTation Treatment. Subjects : Commerce, Privileges, and Advantages. —The subjects of Her Britannic Majesty shall have full liberty to enter into, reside in, trade with, and pass with their merchandise through all parts of the dominions of His Highness the Sultan of Borneo, and they shall enjoy therein all the privileges and advantages, with respect to commerce or otherwise, which are now or which may hereafter be granted to the subjects or citizens of the most favoured nation; and the subjects of His Highness the Sultan of Borneo shall in like manner be at liberty to enter into, reside in, trade with, and pass with their merchandise through all parts of Her Britannic Majesty's dominions in Europe and Asia, as freely as the subjects of the most favoured nation, and they shall enjoy in those dominions all the privileges and advantages, with respect to commerce or otherwise, which are now or which may hereafter be granted therein to the subjects or citizens of the most favoured nation. (Article II.) If.applicable to British Colonies. Subjects : Commerce, dc. —Applicable to " all parts of the British dominions in Europe and Asia." (Article II.)

SANDWICH ISLANDS.—JuIy 10, 1851. Commerce and Navigation. —ln order that the two Contracting Parties may have the opportunity of hereafter treating and agreeing upon such other arrangements as may tend still further to the improvement of their mutual intercourse, and to the advancement of the interests of their respective subjects, it is agreed that, at any time after the expiration of seven years from the date of the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty (May 6, 1852), either of the Contracting Parties shall have the right of giving to the other Party notice of its intention to terminate Articles IV., V., and VI. of the present treaty, and that, at the expiration of twelve months after such notice shall have been received by either Party from the other, the said articles and all the stipulations contained therein shall cease to be binding on the two Contracting Parties. (Article XVII.) Mosfc-favoured-Nation Treatment. Subjects : Commerce and Navigation, Favours, Privileges, and Immunities. —The two Contracting Parties hereby a.gree that any favour, privilege, or immunity whatever in matters of commerce or navigation which either Contracting Party has actually granted, or may hereafter grant, to the subjects or citizens of any other State, shall bo extended to the 'Subjects or citizens of the other Contracting Party gratuitously if the concession in favour of that other State shall have been gratuitous, or in return for a compensation as nearly as possible of proportionate value and effect, to be adjusted by mutual agreement if the concession shall have been conditional. (Article III.) Whale-ships. —British whale-ships shall have access to the ports of Hilo, Kealakekua, and Hanalei, in the Sandwich Islands, for the purpose of refitment and refreshment, as well as to the ports of Honolulu and Lahaina, which two last-mentioned ports only are ports of entry for all merchant vessels. (Article VII.) Trade and Barter, Tonnage and Harbour Dues, Import Duties. —And in all the above-named ports they shall be permitted to trade or to barter their supplies or goods, excepting spirituous liquors, to the amount of 200 dollars ad valorem for each vessel, without paying any charge for tonnage, or for harbour dues of any description, or any duties or imposts whatever upon the goods or articles so traded or bartered. They shall also be permitted, with the like exemption from all charges for tonnage and harbour dues, further to trade or barter, with the same exception as to spirituous liquors, to the additional amount of 1,000 dollars ad valorem for each vessel, paying upon the additional goods and articles so traded and bartered no other or higher duties than are payable on like goods and articles when imported in national vessels and by native subjects. They shall also be permitted to pass from port to port of the Sandwich Islands for the purpose of procuring refreshments, but they shall not discharge their seamen or land their passengers in the said islands except at Honolulu and Lahaina; and in all the ports named in this article British whale-ships shall enjoy, in all respects whatsoever, all the rights, privileges, and immunities which are or may be enjoyed by national whale-ships, or by whale-ships of the most favoured nation. (Article VII.) Diplomatic Agents and Consuls. —lt shall be free for each of the two Contracting Parties to appoint Consuls for the protection of trade, to reside in the territories of the other Party ; but, before any Consul shall act as such, he shall, in the usual form, be approved and admitted by the

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Government to which he is sent; and either of the Contracting Parties may except from the residence of Consuls such particular places as either of them may judge fit to be excepted. The Diplomatic Agents and Consuls of the Hawaiian Islands in 'the dominions of Her Britannic Majesty shall enjoy whatever privileges,.exemptions, and immunities are or shall be granted there to Agents of the same rank belonging to the most favoured nation; and in like manner the Diplomatic Agents and Consuls of Her Britannic Majesty in the Hawaiian Islands shall enjoy whatever privileges, exemptions, and immunities are or may be granted there to the Diplomatic Agents and Consuls of the same rank belonging to the most favoured nation. (Article XII.). If applicable to British Colonies. Not applicable to British colonies..

ll.—Diplomatic: arrangements..

TONGA. Tbeaty of Fbiendship between Her Majesty the Queen of Geeat Britain and Ireland and the King of Tonga. Heb Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and His Majesty the King of Tonga, being desirous to maintain and strengthen the relations of friendship which happily subsist between their respective dominions and subject:;, have resolved to conclude a treaty for that purpose, and have therefore named as their Plenipotentiaries : Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, &c, &c., &c. —- The Honourable Sir Arthur Hamilton Gordon, Knight Grand Cross of the Most Distinguished Order of Saint Michael and Saint George, Her Britannic Majesty's High Commissioner and ConsulGeneral for the Western Pacific, Governor of Fiji; and Alfred Percival Maudslay, Esquire, one of Her Majesty's Deputy-Commissioners for the Western Pacific; and His Majesty the King of Tonga, &c.—Wellington Tubou Malohi, Knight of the Order of the Eed Eagle of the second class, Governor of Yavou; and George Fatafehi, Governor of Haapai: Who, after having communicated to each other their respective full powers, have agreed upon and concluded the following articles : — Article I. There shall be perpetual peace and friendship between Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, her heirs and successors, and His Majesty the King of Tonga, his heirs and successors, and between their respective dominions and subjects. Article 11. His Majesty the King of Tonga engages to grant to no other Sovereign or State any rights, powers, authority, or privileges in Tonga in excess of those accorded to Her Britannic Majesty. .The subjects of Her Britannic Majesty shall always enjoy in Tonga whatever rights, privileges, and immunities they now possess, or which are now accorded to the subjects of the most favoured nation; and the like privileges shall be equally enjoyed by Tongan subjects in the territories of Her Britannic Majesty ; and no rights, privileges, or immunities shall be granted hereafter in Tonga to the subjects of any foreign State which shall not equally and unconditionally be granted to the subjects of Her Britannic Majesty. Article 111. (a.) If any subject of Her Britannic Majesty in Tonga is charged with a criminal offence cognizable by British law, such charge maybe tried by Her Britannic Majesty's High Commissioner for the Western Pacific Islands, or other British officer duly authorized by Her Britannic Majesty in that behalf. (b.) If any subject of Her Britannic Majesty in Tonga is charged with an offence against the municipal law of Tonga, not cognizable as such under British law, he shall be amenable to the jurisdiction of the Tongan Courts, the proceedings-of which shall be conducted in public, and the records of which shall be public and accessible. (c.) If any subject of Her Britannic Majesty in Tonga is charged with.a criminal offence cognizable as such both by British law and the laws of Tonga, the party charged may elect whether he will be tried by a Tongan Court, or by the Court of Her Britannic Majesty's High Commissioner. (d.) Any civil suit which may be brought in Tonga against any subject of Her Britannic Majesty in Tonga shall be brought before and shall be tried by the Court of Her Britannic Majesty's High Commissioner. (e.) Every summons or warrant to appear as a witness before the Court of Her Britannic Majesty's High Commissioner, issued in accordance with British law, and directed to a Tongan subject, shall, if possible, be indorsed by a Judge of the Supreme Court of Tonga, and, when so indorsed, shall have the same authority and may be enforced in like manner as if issued by the Supreme Court of Tonga; but, where it shall be made to appear to the Court that the delay required to procure such indorsement might lead to the escape or removal of a material witness, such summons or warrant may be issued by the Court without such indorsement, and shall have the same authority and may be enforced in like manner as if such summons or warrant had been directed to a subject of Her Britannic Majesty. (/.) The expression " British law "in this article includes any regulations duly made and issued by Her Britannic Majesty's High Commissioner for the Western Pacific Islands, for the better government of British subjects witlgn his jurisdiction. Article IV. Her Britannic Majesty agrees to surrender to "His Majesty the King of Tonga any Tongan

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H.—Diplomatic arrangements.

= subject who, being accused or convicted of any of the undermentioned crimes, committed in the territory of the King of Tonga, shall be found within the territory of Her Britannic Majesty. The crimes for which such surrender may be granted are the following :■ —Murder or attempt to murder, embezzlement or larceny, fraudulent bankruptcy, forgery. Article V. The present treaty shall come into force and effect from the date ofc the signatures thereof, but shall again become null and void if not ratifiod.witbin the prescribed period. Article VI. The present treaty shall be ratified and the ratifications exchanged at Nukualofa within twelve months from.the date thereof. In witness whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed the same, and have affixed thereto their seals. Done at Nukualofa, the 29th day of November, in the year of our Lord 1879. (1.5.) Abthub Gordon, (1.5.) Alfred P. Maudslay. (1.5.) Ueligtoni Tubou Malohi. (1.5.) Jiaoji Fatafehi.

AMERICAN TREATY.

A--%■«%»■

SAMOA. Whebbas a Treaty of Friendship and Conimerce between the United States and the Government of the Samoan Islands was concluded and. signed by their respective Plenipotentiaries at the City of Washington, on the 17th day of January, in the year of our Lord 1878, which treaty, after having been amended and ratified by the contracting parties, is word for word as follows :— The Government of the United States of America and the Government of the Samoan Islands being desirous of concluding a Treaty of Friendship and Commerce, the President of the United States has for this purpose conferred full powers upon William M. Ewarts, Secretary of State, and the Government of the Samoan Islands has conferred like powers upon M. K. Le Mamea, its Envoy Extraordinary to the United States. And the said Plenipotentiaries, having exchanged their Ml powers, which were found to be in due, form, have agreed upon the following articles: —- Article I. There shall be perpetual peace and friendship between the Government of the United States ■and the Government of the Samoan Islands. Article 11. Naval vessels of the United States shall have the privilege of entering and. using the Port of Pagopago, and establishing therein and on the shores thereof a station for coal and other naval supplies for their naval and commercial marine ; and the Samoan Government will hereafter neither exercise nor authorize any jurisdiction within said port adverse to such rights of the United States, or restrictive thereof. The same vessels shall also have the privilege of entering other ports of the Samoan Islands. The citizens of the United States shall likewise have free liberty to enter the same ports with their ships and cargoes of whatsoever kind, and to sell the same to any of the inhabitants of those islands. All such traffic, in whatever articles of trade or barter, shall be free, except that the trade in firearms and munitions of war in the islands shall be subject to regulations by that Government. Article 111. No import or export duty shall be charged on the cargoes of the vessels of the United States entering or clearing from the ports of the Samoan Islands, and no other than a tonnage duty of one-half of 1 per cent, per ton actual measurement shall be charged on the entrance of such vessels. Article IV. All disputes between citizens of the United States in the Samoan Islands, whether relating to civil matters or to offences or crimes, shall be heard and determined by the Consul of the United States at Apia, Samoa, under such regulations and limitations as the United States may provide; .and all disputes between citizens of the United States and the people of those islands shall be heard by that Consul in conjunction with such officer of the Samoan Government as may be designated for that purpose. Crimes and offences, in cases where citizens of the United States may be convicted, shall be punished according to the laws of their country ; and, in cases where the people of the Samoan Islands may be convicted, they shall be punished pursuant to Samoan laws, and by the authorities of that country. Article V. If, unhappily, any differences should have arisen, or shall hereafter arise, between the Samoan Government and any other Government in amity with the United States, the Government of the latter will employ its good offices for the purpose of adjusting those differences upon a satisfactory and solid foundation. Article VI. The Government of Samoa agrees to allow to the Government and citizens of the United States free and equal participation in any privileges that may have been or may hereafter be granted to the Government, citizens, or subjects, of any other nation,

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Article VII. The present treaty shall remain in force for ten years from this date. If neither party shall have given to the other six months' previous notice of his intention then to terminate the same, it shall farther remain in force until the end of twelve months after either party shall have given notice to the other of such intention. Article VIII. The present treaty shall be ratified, and the ratifications exchanged, as soon as possible. In faith whereof the Plenipotentiaries have signed and sealed this treaty at Washington, the 17th day of January, 1878. (1.5.) William Maxwell Ewabts. . (1.5.) M. K. Le Mamea. And whereas the said treaty as amended has been duly ratified on both parts, and the respective ratifications of the same were received in the City of Washington, on the 11th day of February, 1878 : Now, therefore, be it known that I, Eutherford B. Hayes, President of the United States of America, have caused the said treaty to be made public, to the end that the same and every clause and article thereof may be observed and fulfilled with good faith by the United States and the citizens thereof. In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the Seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the City of Washington, the 13th day of February, in the year of our Lord 1878, and1 of the independence of the United States the 102nd. By the President. (1.5.) R. B. Hates. Wm. M. Ewaets, Secretary of State.

ll—Diplomatic arrangements.

111. PEOPOSED TBADING COMPANIES.

UJ.-Tradintf Companies.

NEW ZEALAND AND POLYNESIAN COMPANY. No. 1. Governor the Eight Hon. Sir J. Feegusson to the Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbebley. (No. 15.) My Loed, —■ Government House, Wellington, New Zealand, 11th March, 1874. I have the honour to inform you that a joint-stock company is in course of formation in New Zealand, for the purpose of engaging largely in trade with the islanders of the Pacific Ocean, which my Advisers propose to assist by a guarantee, by the Government of New Zealand, of interest at the rate of five per cent, upon its share capital, retaining certain power of control over its operations. 2. This scheme was at first devised by a private individual, who contemplated an attempt to form a company in England and Germany. He communicated it to the Premier, the Hon. Mr. Vogel, C.M.G., who deemed it to be one which New Zealand should not only encourage, but adopt and control, in consideration of the advantages which would accrue to her through a reciprocal trade with the islands, and possibly by becoming, at a future time, the centre of their government. 3. Your Lordship is already aware that Mr. Vogel is very anxious that any opportunity of promoting these objects should not be lost; and I have some reason to believe that in such a course he would be supported by the opinion of the colony. 4. In several conversations on the subject, I have pointed out to him that any project with respect to the Pacific which the Government of the colony might adopt, must be kept free from political elements, to have the sanction of Her Majesty's Government. Your Lordship's recent despatches with respect to arrangements with the chiefs of the Navigator Islands show that no project involving interference with the Government of those or other islands would be in accordance with their views. 5. Mr. Vogel has now placed in my hands a paper, in which the views are set forth, of which I enclose a copy, together with a memorandum therein referred to, which he had previously addressed confidentially to myself; a supplement to the former, in which is stated the result of conferences between himself and Mr. Whitaker, a barrister of old standing in the colony, as the representative of the promoters of the Company; and the heads of agreement contemplated to be entered into between the Government and the promoters, and intended to be laid before the General Assembly, along with the Bill by which the Company will be incorporated and the Government empowered to support it. 6. Your Lordship will perceive that, important and extensive as is ■ the scheme embodied in these papers, it does not include any political features, or involve any direct or indirect Imperial responsibilities. Any footing which the Company might gain in the islands would be as private individuals resident in foreign countries, and deriving their position and privileges solely from the existing rulers, whoever they might be. 7. At the same time, Mr. Vogel does not disguise his hopes that the establishment and operations of such a Company would tend to the strengthening of British influence in the numerous communities of the Pacific Ocean, to the acquisition by New Zealand of a leading position, as representing the Mother-country, and ultimately to her becoming the head of a new " Dominion." 8. The scheme as indicated by Mr. Vogel's memorandum almost directly contemplated political engagements, and certainly the establishment of the Company upon exclusive terms for the benefit of New Zealand. It remained to be seen how far these views would be embodied in a Bill; but in the form which it has now assumed, and especially in the proposed heads of agreement, which will, I assume, constitute the real substance of the measure, the Bill merely enabling the Government to enter into such an agreement, such features are eliminated, and I do not perceive any provisions which would necessarily require the reservation of the measure for the signification of Her Majesty's pleasure thereon. 9. I had pointed out to Mr. Vogel that there were features in the scheme, as at first devised, which might possibly render such reservation necessary ; and I have no doubt that the Government and the Company will be very desirous of avoiding any proposals which would involve consequent delay and uncertainty, which might very injuriously affect the success of their project. They have rivals, not only in other rising commercial communities, but in foreign Governments, who are not insensible to the value of the field, for commercial enterprise on the one hand, and of the strategic positions on the other, which is presented by the scattered, but collectively populous, islands of the Pacific. 10. In my Despatch" No. 82, of the 22nd October, 1873, covering a Ministerial memorandum with reference to the Navigator Islands, I endeavoured to present to your Lordship's consideration the aspiration and sentiments entertained in New Zealand on this subject, and the anxiety felt lest the opportunities which have been, and may be still, open to the extension of British influence over

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the groups nearest to this colony, should be lost, and lest, through the disinclination of Her Majesty's Government to extend its responsibilities, and so not only that the probable commercial advantages accruing from political influence might be forfeited, but that foreign Powers might establish naval stations in positions which in the future might be disquieting if not hazardous to the colonial communities, whose future is estimated at a high rate by themselves. 11. It is now considered certain that the Government of the United States have accepted the tender of the Protectorate of the Navigator (Samoan) group, and especially the concession of the excellent harbour of Pango-Pango as a naval station, which the' chiefs had previously offered to Her Majesty's Government, an event which can hardly bo regarded otherwise than as a misfortune by this community. 12. In the scheme with which I am desirous of fully acquainting your Lordship, there are undoubtedly concerned the same motives which have constantly actuated the people and Government of this colony, and which perhaps are characteristic of the nation to which they belong. It is not surprising that the spirit which has so widely extended the British Colonies, which has led our fellow-countrymen to settle upon many shores, and now, as in North America, to bind distant settlements together in a strong and united Dominion, should be displayed by those who have planted so deeply in this hemisphere the roots of British power. 13. In the great British Colonies of North America, commercial undertakings have not been free from political features; and in the material assistance which the Mother-country has afforded, by means of the Imperial guarantee, to the intercolonial railways, their political and strategic importance have been expressly recognized in Parliament. If, in the scheme now in question, similar considerations are contingent, it may not be improper-to remark that any Imperial liabilities which may be anticipated are only such as are involved by the extension of British commerce, which ever entails possible claims upon the protection of. the Imperial forces ; but that to discourage such extension upon that account, would imply disapproval of those national tendencies which have contributed so largely to the national power. 14. I would beg leave to remark, also, that, for the development of these colonies, spontaneous growth cannot be relied upon. Such colonies, at least in their early stages, as leave their supply of labour, their public works, their commercial undertakings, to follow naturally the demand, are stagnant or slow in their rise; while those which stimulate their own progress by energetic if welldevised measures, advance by rapid strides. In one sense, much of the present prosperity of New Zealand is artificial. It has been found, for example, that active agencies and liberal inducements are required to divert the stream of emigration from seeking the nearer shores of America. The means of internal communication are only constructed by the direct agency of Government, or by its guarantee of profit to contractors. Shipping companies must often be promoted, and submarine telegraphic companies subsidized. The assistance or encouragement of a trading and shipping com.pany in the Pacific, by the Colonial Government, is only thus a fresh extension of a system under which the progress of the colony is already rapid. 15. In the hope that in the measure in which the present scheme will be embodied, notwithstanding the avowed aspirations with which it is supported, there may be no provisions which will render it my duty to reserve it, I nevertheless desire to make your Lordship fully acquainted with its history and scope, having regard to its possible bearing upon the policy of Her Majesty's Government with reference to other kindred and pending questions, at such an early period that I may receive any directions which you may desire to give before the Bill has arrived at the stage at which my decision will be required. Ido not anticipate the commencement of the Parliamentary session before the beginning of July. I have, &c. James Fbegusson, The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimberley. Governor. i

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Enclosure. Memorandum for His Excellency. I have never felt any desire to see New Zealand constituted an independent State. On the contrary, it has been a hope I have long cherished, that the British possessions would, in course of time, be consolidated into a mighty Dominion, and the British Colonies become, not Dependencies, but integral and inseparable parts of an Empire owning a naval force so irresistible as to practically afford to its outlying portions full and ample security from the effects of any wars of other nations. Still, I have not been able to disguise from myself that, were ISfew Zealand independent, she would not have stayed her hand from attempting to civilize, and to attach to her in peaceful connection, the islands of the Pacific. . New Zealand's natural relations to the islands may to some extent be gauged from the fact that the country wag peopled from the islands adjacent to Australia; whilst, so far as lam aware, there is no trace of the islanders having established themselves in any part of the island continent. It is remarkable how the prevailing winds make New Zealand and the islands mutually accessible. They proclaim New Zealand as the natural head-quarters of Polynesia. It is singular how Polynesia is being divided. It would seem, to those who think of the enterprise of Great Britain in earlier days, when colonization, in the absence of modern facilities, was infinitely more difficult than at present, that the country which 270 years ago acquired Barbadoes, would not suffer the fertile islands of the Pacific to escape her. The late Admiral Washington, in a letter to the Colonial Office, in 1859, wrote : —" I have been much struck by the entire want, by Great Britain, of any advanced position in the Pacific Ocean. We have valuable possessions on either side, as at Vancouver's and Sydney, but not an islet or a rock in the 7,000 miles of ocean that separate them. The Panama and Sydney mail communication is likely to be established, yet we have no island on which to place a coaling-station, and where we could insure fresh supplies . . . .; and it may hereafter be found very inconvenient that England should bo shut out from any station in the Pacific, and that an enemy should have possession of Tongatabu, where there is a good harbour, within a few hundred miles of the track of our homeward-bound gold ships from Sydney arrd Melbourne. Neither forts nor batteries would be necessary to hold the ground. A single cruising-ship would suffice for all the wants of the islands. Coral reefs and the hearty good-will of the natives would do the rest." Meanwhile, the islands of the Pacific have been objects of attraction to other countries. Holland, Spain, and Prance, and recently the United States and Germany, have not disguised their interest in them. To these nations, 11—A. 4.

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they have been attractive chiefly as convict and naval stations, excepting to Holland, which apparently regards them from a commercial point of view. Great Britain, which might look upon them from four standpoints— 1. As naval stations ; 2. As important to the preservation and safety of her Australian possessions ; 3. In order to preserve them from becoming convict stations ; 4. On account of their commercial importance— has stood aloof. She is now, proba,bly, on the point of taking some responsibility in 'respect to Fiji; but it lias, in many ways, been almost forced upon her. She is indifferent to the Navigator or Sainoan Islands becCniing an American dependency, although she knows they are being so constituted because_.5f .the excellent harbour they possess, their commanding position, and their splendid capabilities. On the other hand, Great Britain has entcrr-'l on a herculean task in undertaking the repression of slavery in the Southern Seas. This is a work which, under present conditions, will not grow less. The expense is not temporary. Let the islands continue as at present, and the repression of slavery in the South Seas means such an inducement to those who are successful in the trade, as to couple with the efforts to check slavery an encouragement to promote it, and make necessary larger means of repression. It is hopeless, however, to expect Great Britain to take possession of all unoccupied Polynesia ; and the problem which I have considered is—Can New Zealand do anything ? Politically, she cannot: but she can do mifbh if it be conceded that to such countries as these islands, the influences of civilization and commerce will stand as substitutes, if not ultimately lead to the flag and the dominion. In fine, it seems to me that .New Zealand may earn for reluctant Great Britain —without committing her to responsibilities she fears—a grand island dominion ; may, in the meanwhile, save the Mother-country 'much trouble, and danger, and risk (I speak, of course, of the danger and risk of expenditure, which weigh so much with the rulers of Great Britain),; and when the result is secured, and the commerce established, it may be recognized that New Zealand, the Colony, has done a useful work for Great Britain, the Empire. In this work, all aid and countenance, or even tacit permission, have been denied to New Zealand. The plan which I am about to develop, arose in my mind in this way : — Mr. Ooleman Phillips, who had aided in swwangijLg for'the establishment of a bank in Fiji, addressed to me a communication in which he suggested the establishment of a company which, like the East India Company, should endeavour politically and commercially to gain ascendency in the Pacific Islands. I was much struck with the idea ; but, when Mr. Phillips asked me if I would advise him to go Home to endeavour to float the company, I felt that he would have great difficulty in raising the capital. It then occurred to me, from the New Zealand point of view, from which I felt bound to look at it, that Mr. Phillips's project, supposing it matured, might or might not be worked in a manner calculated to be of much benefit to New Zealand. I then asked myself, Was it not worth the while of New Zealand to secure the charge of the great work, by enabling the capital to be raised ? What I have already jiritten will suggest the answer the query met with in my mind. I recognized that New Zealand should make the effort; and the following is the course I advise :— A company to be formed, on the share capital of which New Zealand to give a guarantee of five per cent, interest for fifty years. I estimate that this would secure the necessary capital with facility. The company to purchase, if procurable, the leading factories and estates already existent in the chief islands, and to establish others of its own ; to acquire land and assist suitable persons with capital and means, on condition that the produce he sold to the Company at agreed prices ; to aid the missionaries to civilize; and to endeavour to encourage native industry, by agreements with the chiefs. I need not here more minutely particularize the nature of the Company's operations. I have described them in a memorandum to His Excellency, which is attached. It Will be sufficient now to add, that I propose the Company should, by its immense resources, d.o all it can to develop and to absorb the trade and produce of the islands. I do not propose that the Company should be more than a commercial one, and therefore it is no part of my proposition that it should confine its operations to the islands unannexed to foreign countries. On the contrary, it seems to me, for example, that the Company's operations would be heartily welcomed by the French at Tahiti and New Caledonia. The returns I propose New Zealand should exact for its guarantee are certain conditions, such as— (a.) That the Company should carry the produce of the islands to New Zealand, and should ship from Now Zealand its supplies to the islands. (6.) Royalty to bo paid on ail produce procured by the Company from the islands, and also a royalty on all supplies, other thsm those of New Zealand produce and manufacture, sent to the islands, (c.) The establishment of manufactories in New Zealand to utilize the island products, such as sugar refineries, cotton mills, paper mills, &c. (d.) *Afiording encouragement to New Zealand productions and manufactures by shipping to the islands live stock and such articles, produced or prepared in the colony, as grain, flour, preserved meats, beer, rope, fabrics of various kinds, glass, reduced iron, coal, agricultural machine^', biscuits, boots and shoes, butter, cheese, hams and bacon, fish dried and pickled, candles, soap, cordage, sawn timber, doors and sashes, shingles, and cotton and woollen fabrics. (e.) The establishment of steam communication constantly between the different islands and New Zealand ports from north to south. I allude to these conditions sparingly, and do not state the relative importance I attach to them, because I am now dealing with the matter from the twofold position of the two parties to the bargain. When a number of gentlemen place themselves in a position to negotiate, I shall be able to develop the view of the Government, as they will that of the Company. As nearest to the work, I think the head-quarters of the Company should bo in Auckland; but its works, and factories, and steamers should be in all parts of the colony. It should have Directors in all the provinces, who should possess a certain power of local action. They should periodically meet at some central pla.ee—say, Wellington. The Managing Director in the colony and at Home should be appointed by the Government, to secure the fulfilment of the Company's obligations to the colony. I may add, I consider that Mr. Phillips's share in the project entitles him to substantial compensation. I can hardly be more explicit until, as representing the Government, I am able to treat with those who represent the Company ; and for obvious reasons I abstain from setting forth the many already established businesses, connections, lands, and factories which I believe the Company might, without difficulty, at once secure on favourable terms. In conclusion, I may observe that I believe the Company will be a great success; and that the shareholders, secure of five per cent, as their minimum profit, may reasonably count on very much larger returns. On the other hand, it seems to mo difficult to exaggerate the advantages to New Zealand, and through New Zealand to the Empire, from this proposal. It will make New Zealand a great manufacturing and a great shipping country. It will stimulate the people of the colony to the exercise of that hardy enterprise which has done so much to build up

* I find that the principal articles of commerce imported into tile Mauritius arc—T-jive animals (horses*, cows, and oxen), gunnybags, beef salted, beer and ale, boots and shoes, carriages, cheese, coals, clocks and watches, eoffoe, cordage, coir, c&pper shoots and nails, corn and grain, cotton manufactures, fish dried and salted, haberdashery and millinery, hardware and cutlery,'hats, iron (bar, sheet, and castings), lard, leather, linen manufactures, machinery and mill works, manure (guano), oils, pork salted, soap, spirits, tea, tobacco, umbrellas, winc.^voollen manufactures (cloth, bmnkets, and shawls), wood (planks and boards, shingles). The quantities of eotfcon manufactures imported during 1807 were —Plain, 3,582,487 yards; coloured, 3,750,795 yards. Java, besides immense quantities of cotton and woollen goods, receives very largely, from the United States—Flour, beef, pork, bread, machinery, cordage," furniture, soap, butter, candles, preserved provisions, sawn timber, apples, tongues, ploughs, carriages. There were imported into Java, during 1871, cottons (including cotton yarns) to the value of £000,000. The imports of all sorts to Ceylon, in 1871, amounted to £4,970,000; and to the Mauritius, to £1,807,000.

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the character of Great Britain and its people. The production of the islands, and the demand from, tho islands for manufactures and supplies from temperate climates, must bo borne in mind when it is attempted to realize the results. The advantage to Great Britain of dealing with one powerful corporation, in lieu of with those who now ennoble or degrade the island trade, is sufficiently apparent. Supposing the Government to make a satisfactory arrangement with a body of gentlemen, determined to work; out the concession, I think such arrangement might properly bo submitted to Parliament for ratification. I attach copy of a memorandum on the subject, addressed to His lExcellcnsy some months since. Wellington, Oth February, 1874. Julius Yodel.

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:*** Sub-Eiiclostircs. I avail myself of your Excellency's invitation to r it'into written shape the representation I have had the honour to personally make to you on the subject of the South Sea Islands. 1. The unsettled state of the South Sea Islands, especially the uncertainty which hangs over their future, is calculated to cause considerable uneasiness to the neighbouring colonies. 2. Intimately identified as the future of those colonies will be with the Imperial country, of which I am of opinion it is their ambition to remain dependencies, they cannot regard without anxiety the disposition evinced by '"some foreign nations to establish a footing in their neighbourhood amongst the islands of the South Pacific. 3. In New Zealand there is a strong feeling that the geographical position of the colony, the prevailing winds, the shipping facilities, and other causes, ought to enable its inhabitants to develop largo commercial relations with the islands. 4. The conditions to be met appear to be, — (a.) To prevent, by anticipatory action, tho establishment of European communities with lawless tendencies, such as have been displayed in Fiji. (b.) To develop the self-governing aptitudes of the Polynesian natives, (c.) To encourage them to labour and to realize the advantages winch labour confers. (d.) To stimulate tho production of the islands, (c.) Without bloodshed or embroilment with other nations, to gradually introduce a uniform Government organization throughout Polynesia. 5. To stop the traffic in forced labour, more is required than mere force and vigilance. As long as Her Majesty's vessels are engaged as at present, they no doubt offer a check to labour traffic ; but they also make the profits of the traffic larger, and thus evidently encourage it. To permanently stop forced labour, there must be opportunities available to free labour. 6. Your Excellency is aware that I have felt much interest in a proposal made by Mr. Phillips, that a trading company should bo formed in England, with tho view of absorbing by it scommercial power a large share of political control in the islands. The object proposed by Mr. Phillips, excepting that of a chartered labour traffic, I approved; and your Excellency, I believe, communicated the substance of Mr. Phillips's ideas to the Secretary of State. I have . since thought very carefully over the matter, and there are two points in respect to Mr. Phillips's proposal which seem to me to require serious consideration, and without providing for which I am not certain the proposed Company might not lend itself to retard instead of to advance the civilisation of the islands. Those points are—(l.) That, in order to obtain the necessary capital, every consideration besides that of the mere acquirement of profit might have to be abandoned ; (2.) That Mr. Phillips's proposal does not provide that amount of direct and powerful governmental ■ control which, in my opinion, should be stipulated for, in the interest of the helpless natives. Taking all these circumstances into consideration, and not forgetting that New Zealand, by assuming the largo responsibilities proposed, would have the right to tho contingent advantages the island trade will confer, I am. inclined to recommend — (a.) That New Zealand should encourage the formation of a powerful Company to colonize the islands of the. South Pacific, by offering a guarantee of five per cent, for forty years on the share capital. (6.) That the Government of New Zealand should appoint the Managing Director and Secretary here, and the. Managing Director in. London. (c.) The object of the Company to be to civilize and settle the South Sea Islands, by opening up profitable production and trade in connection with them. (d.) Tho Company to establish factories and plantations at different islands, and to acquire by purchase soai.a already established. (c.) To acquire lands, and to let the same on terms calculated to promote production. (/.) To arrange with chiefs to cultivate produce,*and to dispose of it on agreed terms. (g.) To supply live stock and merchandise to the islands. (h.) To lend money and give assistance to settlers to establish plantations. (i.) To open up steam communication between the different islands, and between them and Now Zealand, (j.) To discourage tho removal of islanders from their homes for labour purposes, by affording them occupation on their own islands, or on islands adjacent. The Government of New Zealand to stipulate, in return for guarantee— (a.) That the Company give facilities and reasonable pecuniary aid to tho missionaries. (6.) That, whilst affording inducements to free labour, tho Company abstain from employing forced labour, (c.) The Company to own at least six steamers between the islands, and between the islands and New Zealand; and to fix the times so that New Zealand shall be in communication with the principal islands at intervals of not more than a month. (d.) The Company to establish in New Zealand at least one cotton factory, at least one woollen factory, and at least one sugar refinery. (e.) That all the produce the Company obtain at the islands, or which is obtained from the lands of the Company, bo forwarded to New Zealand. (/.) That all goods sent by the Company to the islands be shipped from New Zealand. ig.) That on all produce the Company pay the Government of New Zealand five per cent, royalty. (h.) That on all goods shipped to the islands, other than those the produce or manufacture of New Zealand, the Company pay a royalty of 7J per cent. 7. The ultimate object which I have in view is, the establishment of the Polynesian Islands as one Dominion, with New Zealand the centre of Government; the Dominion, like Canada, to be a British dependency. 8. I venture to think that these proposals, if carried out, would save Great Britain large expenses in connection with the repression of slavery, whilst the Imperial prestige in the South Pacific would bo maintained. Christchurch, 22nd November, 1873. Julius Vocjel.

After conferring with several gentlemen on the subject ;of this memorandum, I agreed with Mr. Whitaker that ho should act "with a few promoters, and draw up the heads of an agreement, to be put into shape by the AttorneyGeneral, if approved by the Cabinet, and then to bo subject to the ratification of Parliament. I conceded, after a long discussion, the condition of imposing a royalty on the shipments of the Company. I substituted for it a condition binding the GSmpany to repay, out of profits, any payments made by the Government, and impounding all profits for that purpose; secondly, a power by which the Government can intervene in the case of the business of the Company not being carried on efficiently. I agreed to this change, because I found that every one to whom I had spoken was of opinion that the royalty would shut out the Company from much business which might otherwise be profitable ; and because I believe, irrespective of the contingent advantages the colony will gain, that it is sufficiently secured against any loss arising from the guarantee, by the provision making such guarantee a lien on future profits. Julius Vogel. Wellington, 28th February, 1874.

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Heads of an Agreement between the Government of New Zealand, of the ono part, and Frederick Whitakek, on behalf of himself and the several other Persons hereafter to bo named (and herein called the Promoters), of the other part. 1. The promoters undertake to form a joint-stock company, to be called " The New Zealand and Polynesian Company," for the objects hereinafter mentioned. 2. The capital of the Company to bo £1,000,000, divided into 100,000 shares of £10 each, with power to increase the capital and borrow £1,000,000. 3. The liability of the shareholders to be limited. 4. The head-quarters of the Company to be at Auckland, an<§; Directors resident in other parts ot the colony to act as Local Boards at such places as the business of fcKfl Company may from time to time require. A meeting of all the Colonial Directors to be held once a year, in Wellington. A Board of Directors shall also be constituted in London. 5. The objects of tho Company to )>r - (1.) To carry on the business of merchants, shipowners, planters, producers, manufacturers, brokers, agents, insurers, bankers, and money-lenders, in the islands of the Pacific, New Zealand, and Great Britain, and also elsewhere with the permission of tho Government of New Zealand. 6. New Zealand to bo made by the Company the depot for the island trade ; and specially the Company— (1.,) To bring to New Zealand all the produce it exports from the islands, to be manufactured in or exported from New Zealand, unless permitted otherwise to deal with it by the Government. (2.) To ship from New Zealand all the merchandise and supplies imported by tho Company into the islands, unless otherwise authorized by the Government. (3.) To employ at least six steam-vessels to carry on tho trade between New Zealand and the islands, and between the several islands ; the steam-vessels running from the islands to New Zealand to call at Auckland, Manukau, Napier, Taranaki, Nelson, Wellington, Lyttelton, and Port Chalmers, as may from time to time be required by the Government, having due regard to tho requirements of trade and the interests of tho Company. (4.) To establish manufactories in Now Zealand to utilize the products of tho islands, and to prepare supplies and merchandise for export to the islai Is. (5.) To establish within five years such a manufactory in Otago, Canterbury, Wellington, and Auckland, in the order those several places are named. ~ 7. In consideration of the foregoing, the Government of New Zealand will guarantee interest after the rate of £5 per centum per annum on the paid-up capital of tho Company, not exceeding £1,000,000, for fifty years, and will provide for the regular payment of such interest half-yearly, irrespective of the state of tho accounts between the Government and the Company, and notwithstanding the Government and General Assembly may exercise the powers hereinafter provided for. 8. Such interest and all sums paid by the Government in respect of tho guarantee shall bo a first charge on tho profits of the Company, and no dividends shall be paid by the Company until all sums advanced by the Government have been repaid. 9. If at any time tho business of the Company is not carried on, in the opinion of tho Governor in Council, with sufficient vigour or prudence, or in accordance with the intentions of this agreement—or if at any time after the expiration of throe years there shall be due by the Company to the Government, in respect of the guarantee, a sum exceeding £100,000 —it shall be lawful for the Government to suspend the powers and functions of tho Company and of the Directors, by notice to be published in tho New Zealand Gazette. 10. In such case, the business of the Company shall, .until the General Assembly shall otherwise provide, be managed by a Commissioner, to be appointed by the Government, who shall have and may exercise all tho functions and powers vested in the Directors ; and 11. It shall be lawful for the General Assembly to deal with the Company and its business and property in such manner as the General Assembly may think fit: Provided that nothing be done to prejudice the payment of the guaranteed interest, which, under any event, shall bo duly and punctually paid by tho Government at the times and for the term herein mentioned: Provided also, that any Bill affecting tho powers, functions, or interests of the Company shall be reserved for the signification of Her Majesty's pleasure thereon. 12. There shall be two Managing Directors, one in Now Zealand and one in England, and those officers shall bo appointed and may be removed by tho Government. 13. The amount of salary of each Managing Director shall bo fixed by tho Government, but shall not exceed £1,800 per annum for the first year, with an annual increase of £100, till a maximum of £2,500 is reached. Such salaries to be paid by the Company. 14. The especial duty of the Managing Directors shall be to see that the agreement with the Government is faithfully carried out; to report all matters to the Government which they may deem of sufficient importance ; and to furnish from the Company's books, and otherwise, all such information as tho Government may from time to time require; and no business or plantation shall be purchased without the consent of the Managing Director in New Zealand. 15. Subject to the foregoing, tho Managing Directors to carry out the instructions of the Company. 16. The Directors, general and local, to bo paid a reasonable remuneration for their services. 17. The Promoters shall not receive any promotion-money, or shares. 18. The agreement, to be drawn up in accordance with these heads, to be submitted to the General Assembly for ratification, and to be of no force until such ratification is obtained. If it be refused, suoh refusal to form no ground for compensation on any account whatever.

GEEMAN MAEITIME TEADING COMPANY. No. 1. The Agent-Geneeal to the Pbemiee. Sib, — 7, Westminster Chambers, London, S.W., 27th January, 1880. I enclose to you the translation of a German prospectus for the establishment of a company likely to exercise great influence in the future throughout the South Pacific. The primary object of the Company is to take over the assets of the Company formed by Messrs. Godefroi: but, inasmuch as its capital is to be largely in excess of what is sufficient i'or that purpose, with an almost indefinite power of increase, its objects are presumably of a much more ambitious description than those of the Company it supersedes. Its title is a very wide one —"The German Maritime Trading Company;" and its object is stated to be " transatlantic trade ; the purchase and working of factories, mills, and plantations, particularly in the South Sea Islands." Prince Bismarck considers the Company fo have an importance of so high a national .character, that he has undertaken to procure for it a guaranteed minimum rate of dividend to the shareholders. It will be in your recollection that, in 1874, I strongly urged the expediency of New Zealand encouraging by a guarantee a similar company. I greatly regret that the proposal did not meet

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with sufficient encouragement to induce the Government to persevere with it. We had very much opposition at the time to contend with, and the opponents of the proposal freely stigmatized it as the revival of the South Sea Bubble. Now that 1 read the papers again, I am more than ever convinced of the soundness of the proposal. The German Company is formed on similar lines, but with almost unlimited powers. If it can suit Germany, so averse as a rule to colonizing operations, to attach to such a Company a national importance and to assign to it a guarantee, it need scarcely be argued that New Zealand has tenfold inducements to a similar course. The South- Sea Islands, are a remote incident of German commerce, but they are probably destined to be the leading exterior feature for weal or woe of New Zealand's future. She cannot afford to continue indifferent to th& destiny of Polynesia, and the longer she remains so the more onerous will be the task when she awakens to the consciousness that nations and the dependencies of nations cannot escape the responsibilities entailed upon them by geographical and natural laws. New Zealand, from its position, is the country, possessing a temperate climate, to which Polynesia should and must in the future, attach the most importance. I trust these remarks will not be thought out of place from one who has taken so much interest in the subject. I venture to ask that immediate publicity be given to this despatch, because I think the people of New Zealand should, without delay, ponder on what may be the effect of a large foreign trading company supported by national funds taking up its position in their immediate vicinity. Who shall say what may be the limits to the ambition of the Company, and to what extent it may be able to drag its Government, reluctantly perhaps, into backing up its actions ? In self-defence, it seems to me, Now Zealand should proceed with the project commenced in 1874. State assistance is of great importance to such an undertaking, because, although in the long-run the enterprise would meet with commercial success, it might for some time have to subordinate such success to the object of laying its foundation broad and deep. The trade it would bring toNew Zealand, and the industries in the shape of mills and factories it would establish there, must also be taken into account. It is worthy of notice that the extent of the risk of the German Government is only £15,000 for twenty years. Although the guarantee is 4|- per cent., the actual extent to which the gains of the Company are to be supplemented is limited to three per cent, on £15,000 a year on half a million sterling. With this comparatively trifling encouragement, the shares were subscribed for twice over, and a great national enterprise started. I have, &c, Julius Vogel, The Hon. the Premier, New Zealand. Agent-General.

lll—Trading Companies.

Enclosures. Notice.—lssue of 8,000 Shares of the Deutsche See Handels-Gesellschaft (German Sea Trading Company), in Shares of 1,000 Marks (£5O) each, of the Value of 8,000,000 Marks. The object and plan of the Deutsche See Handels-Gesellschaft, which is to be formed in Berlin on the 21st January after the capital has been fully subscribed, may be gathered from the following extract of the statute (laws and by-laws) and appertaining supplements. Applications for shares may bo made to the General Direction der See-Handlungs Societiit, Berlin ; Bank fur Handel mid Industrie, Berlin ; Berliner Handels-Gesellchaft, Berlin; S. Bleichroder, Berlin; Direction der Disconts-Gesellschaft, Berlin ; Mendelssohn and Co., Berlin ; Gebriider Schickler, Berlin; Eobert Warschauer and Co., Berlin; Deutsche Bank, Berlin; H. C. Plant, Berlin ;M. A. von Bothscliild and Sons, Berlin; Branch of the Bank fur Handel und Industrie, Frankfort am Main; Norddeutsche Bank, Hamburg; L. Behrens and Sons, Hamburg; Joh. Berenberg, Gossler, and Co., Hamburg; Bremen Branch of the Deutsche Bank, Bremen; Sal. Oppenheim jun., and Co., Cologne—from Thursday, the 15th January, 1880, from nine a.m. till one p.m. and from three p.m. till five p.m.; on Friday, the 16th January, 1880, from nine a.m. till one p.m., when the lists will be closed. The shares are issued at par, and applications are to be made on forms to be obtained at the above-mentioned places. The first payment of 15 per cent, of the subscribed amount must be paid in on filling up and handing over the form of application. The subscribers will receive as soon as possible after the closing of the subscription special information as to the allotment of shares. In case of over-subscription, the offices above mentioned have the right to reduce the amount subscribed according to regulations to be issued by them. The subscriber can obtain the receipt-sheet for his allotted shares, accompanied by the receipt for the first payment of 15 per cent., at the same place he subscribed at, at the appointed time. In, case of over-subscription, and consequent reduction, the surplus of the first payment will bo returned to him at the same time. The receipt-sheet is made out in the name of the subscriber. The subscriber is subject for the amount allotted to him to all statute rights and duties in conformity with the statute to be executed on the 21st January, the complete text of which can bo seen and obtained at the places of subscription. Berlin, 12th January, 1880, General Direction der See Handliings Societiit.

Extract from the Statute. 1. Under the firm Deutsche See Handels-Gesellschaft, and by the present statute, a joint-stock company is to be formed, with ill seat in Berlin. The Company reserves to itself the right of removing its seat to Hamburg, or establishing a branch establishment there under the same name. The Company has besides the right to erect branch establishments and agencies at home and abroad.

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Jll.-Tradine Companies.

2. The object of the enterprise is—Transatlantic trade, the purchase and working of factories [mills] and plantations, particularly in the South Sea Islands. 5. The foundation-capital of the, Company is fixed at 8,000,000 marks, but can be raised to 10,000,000 marks at the decision of the Board of Directors. A further increase can only be decided upon at a general meeting, being a change of the statute. At each increase of capital the time-being shareholders have, each in proportion to their number of shares, the privilege of taking over the: now uhares at the price" 81 issue fixed by the Board of Directors (which must not be under par).' This privilege must be exercised during a term, set to come forth and prove one's claims, of at least four weeks, appointed and advertised by the Board of Directors in the daily papers; otherwise it will be forfeited. In case of part rights, the Board of Directors adjusts the settlement of rival claims. 6. The shares, each of the value of 1,000 marks, are made out in the name of the holder. 8. The first instalment on the shares is to' be paid, with 15 per cent, of the nominal value [amount], on the execution of the conveyancing deed of the statute of the Society. Further payments are to be paid in instalments, according to special regulations of the Board of Directors, which, however, must not bo fixed at more than 30 per cent, of the nominal value [amount] each. The calls for payment of each instalment must be made known at least four weeks before the term of payment, in the daily papers. 13. From the profits [after the drawing-up of the balance-sheet] will be deducted 10 per cent, to form a reserve fund, and a dividend of 4-| per cent, on the paid-in capital. The remaining profits will be divided as follows,; (a.) Nineteen-twentieths for equal distribution to the paid-in capital. (b.) One-twentieth as tantieme for the members of the Board of Directors, according to c. 20, unless otherwise decided upon by the first general meeting. The total dividend on the shares will be paid yearly on the Ist August for the previous business year ending on the 31st December, on delivering up the dividend-receipts and by order of the Directors. Transitory Clauses. 34. By letter of the 26th December, 1879, the German Trade and Plantation Society of the South Sea Islands at Hamburg has offered to hand over its enterprise to the Deutsche See HandelsGesellschaft, and to leave the decision of its acceptance open to the above-mentioned Company until the Ist May, 1880, for a guaranteed payment of 1,200,000 marks. The Imperial Chancellor has at the same time made known, in his circular of Ist January, the conditions under which, in consideration of the national interest of the enterprise, he is willing to apply for assistance to the Empire. It is therefore proposed to accept the offer of the German Trade and Plantation Company, to pay the already necessary payment of 1,200,000 marks (under guarantee), and to accept the transfer of the enterprise of that company, if the assistance of the Empire is granted by the Ist May, 1880, subject to the named conditions. The right is reserved to pay the German Trade and Plantation Company for the transferred "property partly in shares of the Deutsche See Handels-Gesellschaft, and for this purpose to raise the share capital of the last-named company from 8,000,000 marks to 10,000,000 marks. For this increase, the clause in section 5 at 2 has to be scratched. 37. In case the Deutsche See Handels-Gesellschaft continues the enterprise of the German Trade and Plantation Company, as proposed in section 34, the Board of Directors appointed by the constituent meeting is authorized to add to and change the accompanying statute supplement [that is, the one corresponding to the proclamation of the Imperial Chancellor] as may seem necessary for the purpose of entry on the trade register, and these changes are binding for all shareholders. Should, however, the assistance of the State, subject to the mentioned conditions, not be granted in the given term, up to the Ist of. May, then the contract of the Deutsche See HandelsGesellschaft expires on this date, and the Company ceases to exist. In conformity with the legal requirements, trustees will then be appointed, and, after liquidating all aetiva and settling the passiva, will distribute the proceeds amongst the shareholders within the legally-appointed term. Supplements. Offek of the German Trade and Plantation Company of the South Sea Islands, at Hamburg, of the 26th December, 1879. We offer hereby to sell to the now-forming Deutsche See Handels-Gesellschaft all our lands and plantations on Samoa and other South Sea islands, the business carried on by our party at Apia, on Samoa, with all establishments and belongings, and produce and goods, stock, and all outstanding debts, subject to the following conditions : — Article 1. The transfer is based upon the specification contained in our balance-sheet of 31st December, 1879, subject to any alterations that may have taken plqpe up to the date of transfer. Article 2. After ascertaining the value, which each party is to do separately, the purchase price of each to-be-transferred object is to be fixed by committee composed of three persons, namely: (1.) The representative of the Imperial Chancellor; (2.) The plenipotentiary of the Deutsche See Handels-Gesellschaft; (3.) The plenipotentiary of our Company. This committee decides by majority of votes: should this not be obtainable, then the vote of the representative of the Chancellor decides. We agree to the purchase price which the Committee will fix for the divers objects. Article 3. The Deutsche See Handels-Gesellschaft will only take over those passiva of the German Trade and Plantation Company which will be deemed inseparable from the management of the business by the Committee mentioned in Article 2.

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Article 4. The Deutsche Sos Handols-Gesellsehaft must give us the decision of acceptance or refusal of our offer by the Ist May, 1880, at the latest: this right is, however, only conceded on the condition that, immediately after the forming of the Company, a payment of 1,200,000 marks be made, for which all our lands and plantations on Samoa and other South Sea islands, our other real estate and establishments there, with all belongings, will be handed over as guarantee in such a form as may be appointed. Article 5. In the case of timely acceptance of our offer, the immediate transfer of .the whole of our enterprise will take place, for which the Detiische See Ifentlels/Gesellchaft will have to pay the arranged price, after deducting any passiva, which, according to Article 3, have to be taken over; also (according to Article 4), the already-paid amount and-5 per cent, interest for the year. Should the price for certain objects not yet be settled, the Deutsche See Handels-Gesellschaft is entitled to make part payments for the same. Article 6. The Deutsche See Handels-Gesellschaft has the right of offering us shares of the nominal value of 2,000,000 marks at par in payment, the Qxercise of which right must be' notified to us with the acceptance of our offer, at the latest,'by the Ist May, 1880. In case of our taking over shares, the amount to be deducted from our remaining claims. Article 7. The Deutsche See Handels-Gesellschaft takes over our lease, rent, supply, and labour contracts, and also other similar engagements entered into in our working of the business, after having made terms with us for the transfer. If the parties cannot come to terms, the conditions of the transfer will be definitely arranged by the (according to Article 2) appointed Committee. The engagement of our officials and servants must be a matter of mutual arrangement. Article 8. Should the Deutsche See Handels-Gesellschaft refuse the transfer of our enterprise, we are bound to return the payment of 1,200,000 marks, with 5 per cent, interest for the year, at the latest by the Ist October, 1880, in return for which the free disposal of our property is to be given back to us. The Deutsche See Handels-Gesellschaft has to appoint the form in which this engagement is to be drawn up.

M.-fraairiU Companies.

Pboclamation of .the Impebial Chancellob.—Yarzin, Ist January, 1880. 1. Should the balance profit not be sufficient to distribute a dividend of 4J per cent, on the paid-in [foundation] capital, the shareholders will receive out of the guarantee granted by the State , a contribution raising the interest to 4i per cent, of the paid-in capital, with the restriction, however, that the yearly guarantee of the State does not exceed 300,000 marks, or, if the paid-in capital is less than 10,000,000 marks, not exceed three per cent, of the paid-in capital. 2. The guarantee of the State commences with the year 1880, and is calculated in proportion to the time for those payments which have been paid in to the foundation capital in the course of a business year. 3. The State undertakes the responsibility to hand over, in time for payment to the shareholders on the Ist August, the requisite guarantee amount resulting from the balance-sheet of the preceding year, ending the 31st December. The guarantee amount is only handed over as a contribution to the dividend to be paid yearly to the shareholders, so that the contribution is for the benefit of the'shareholders, and not for that of the Company. 4. The guarantee of the State will be granted for twenty years, commencing with 1880, up to and including 1899; it ceases, however, before this period if it has not been applied for during a period of five years. 5. The Company must pay back to the State all advanced contributions, free of interest, and must for this purpose, and until the debt is cleared off, after first deducting 10 per cent, for the formation of a reserve fund and a dividend of 4-J- per cent, on the paid-in capital from the balance profit, make use of the half of the remaining profit before a distribution of dividend, or the payment of a tantieme to the Board of Directors, can take place. 6. For the protection of the interest of the State in the prosperity of the Company, the Chancellor reserves to himself the right of confirming the appointments of members of the Board of Directors. He also appoints a representative, who has to mediate all business between the State and the Company, and must be admitted to all the transactions of the Board of Directors and general meetings. This representative (or, in case of enforced absence, his representative) has the right to look into, either personally or by deputy, all books, accounts, and other documents, at all places, particularly in branch establishments and factories, and also to demand from the managers of the Company written explanations about the position and working of the enterprise. He has the right of calling a meeting of the Board of Directors, a general meeting, and to oppose any measure of the Board of Directors or the general meeting which he may think prejudices the' interest of the State, or other general interests. The execution of any such measure must be delayed till the decision of the Chancellor, with whom it rests. 7. As soon as the guarantee (Article 4) of the State expires, and the Company has paid back all advances out of the guarantee, the clauses about the relations of the State to the Company cease to exist. After what has been brought to my notice, I may assume that a consortion of respectable bank-houses, headed by the Prussian See Handlung, will undertake the forming of the Company in the national interest, and on the basis of the accompanying statute plan, as has been often done at the issue of Imperial and State loans. I beg your Highly-well-born to inform the Minister of Finance, by official communication, of the contents of this Proclamation, under what conditions I am prepared to ask the assistance of the State, and to ask His Excellency whether the Boyal See Handlung would be prepared to afford its co-operation for the realization of this project. As soon as the constitution of the Company is insured I must beg your Highly-well-born to prepare the necessary proposal to the Bundesrath

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[Federal Council] to undertake the proposed guarantee on the part of the State. Your Highly-well-born knows the interest the State takes in the prosperity of German enterprise in the South Sea. I can refer in this respect to the memorial in which I laid the treaty of 24th January last year with the Samoa Islands before the Bundesrath and the Eeichstag during the last session. In consequence of a well-known Hamburg firm, for reasons which did not commence in their South Sea business, having got into difficulties which threatened the German South Sea trade with the loss of what forms its centre, the factories and plantations on the Samoa Isfands, and the hope that those interested would succeed with their own moans.in. averting, in the national interest, this lamentable calamity, I believed myself, in the interest of our transatlantic commerce, to be justified in asking His Majesty the Emperor to grant me the permission to propose to the legislative bodies to grant the endangered enterprise the necessary means of existence. I did so all the more readily, as lately recognized financial authorities, after examining the actual circumstances, have declared that if they are supported by the State they would undertake the forming of a company with the primary object of securing the mentioned lands and factories. The statute which has resulted, from the various negotiations, and is here appended, offers to the smallest capitalist the possibility of participation, and, by doing so, expressing the national interest in the result. The conditions regulating the relations between the State and the Company, which have been framed with the assistance of the Imperial Exchequer Office, give a guarantee of not only his but also the interests of the public. Having received the Imperial sanction, I shall introduce a proposal to the Bundesrath which, under the above-mentioned conditions, grants a financial assistance by the State to the (on the basis of the accompanying Statute) about-to-be-formed Company. Von Bismabck. To Highly-well-born the Imperial Under-Secretary of State, W. Sckolz, Berlin.

lll—Trading Companies.

No. 2. The Agent-General to the Premier. (Eecoived Ist May, 1880.) Gebman Parliament rejected Guarantee Bill, Samoan Company. Vogel. London, 30th April.

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IV. EDUCATIONAL ENDOWMENTS.

IV.—Educational Endowments.

COLLEGE AND GEAMMAE SCHOOL, OE SCHOOLS, AUCKLAND. Victoria, by the Grace of God, of the United Kingdom of Groat Britain and Ireland Queen, Defender of the Faith, and so forth : To all to whom these presents shall come, Greeting : Whereas the allotments or parcels of land hereinafter particularly described and intended to be hereby granted and conveyed have been marked out and distinguished on the charts of the New Zealand Islands as college and grammar-school reserved lands, as an endowment for or towards the maintenance and support of a college and grammar school or schools on the isthmus on which Auckland stands, if the funds suffice, or otherwise as an endowment for or towards the maintenance and support of such grammar schools or school alone, which college or schools are to be always conducted on the following principles : —l. In addition to the usual course of education in the English language and mathematics, and in such other branches of learning as the trustees for the time being may direct, all students attending such college or schools shall, if they desire it, receive instruction in the Greek and Latin languages. —2. Any grammar schools to bo maintained or supported from this endowment shall, upon all school-days not being half-holidays, be kept open for the purposes of instruction for such two hours in the evening, between the hours of half-past six o'clock p.m. and ten o'clock p.m., as the trustees for the time being may direct.—3. Persons of all classes or races who may inhabit this colony are to be in all respects equally admitted to such college or schools. —4. Such proportion of the students or scholars in the college or schools maintained or supported under this endowment shall be free scholars as the trustees for the time being may deem compatible with the state of the funds of the trust: And whereas, for the better management of the said college and grammar-school reserved lands, for the framing of rules and regulations for the management of the college or schools to bo maintained or supported under this endowment, for the appointment of a visitor or visitors, for the appointment and removal, if they deem it requisite, of a master or masters and other officers, and for other like purposes, it is expedient that the same be invested in trustees upon the trusts and with the powers herereinafter mentioned: Now, know ye that We, for Us, our heirs and successors, do hereby grant unto Andrew Sinclair, Esquire, Colonial Secretary, William Swainson, Esquire, Attorney-General, and Alexander Shepherd, Esquire, Colonial Treasurer, and other the person or persons for the time being respectively discharging the duties of the said offices, all that allotment containing by admeasurement (3a. Or. Op.) three acres, more or less, situated in the Town of Auckland, in the Parish .of Waitemata, in the County of Eden, and being No: 1 (one) of Section 10 (ten): bounded on the North by a stream and by Section 9 (nine); on the East by Stanley Street, (440) four hundred and forty links; on the South by part of Section 10, 750 links, at an angle of ninety degrees with Stanley Street; and on the West by a street. All those allotments containing (oa. lr. 36p.) one rood and thirty-six perches, more or less, situated in the Town of Auckland, in the Parish of Waitemata, in the County of Eden, and being Nos. 11, 12, 13, and 14 of Section No. 9 : bounded on the North by a street, 400 links ; on the East by a street, 122 links ; on the South by part of the same section, 400 links ; and on the West by Symonds Street, 122 links. All those allotments containing (16a. Or. 20p.) sixteen acres and twenty perches, more or less, situated in the suburbs of Auckland, in the Parish of Waitemata, in the County of Eden, and being Nos. 2c, 2d, 2e, and 2f of Section 10: bounded on the North-west by a road, 490 links, 344 links, 71 links, 487 links, 440 links, and 130 links'; on the North-east by No. 2b, 200 links and 684 links; on the South-east by No. 1, 500 links, 500 links, 500 links, and 430 links; on the South-west by No. 2g, 660 links and 100 links; and on the West by a road. All those allotments, containing (la. lr. 20p.) one acre one rood and twenty perches, more or less, situated in the Town of Auckland, in the Parish of Waitemata, in the County of Eden, and being Nos. 14, 15, 16, 17, and 18 of Section 22 : bounded on the North by No. 19, 324 links; on the East by Chapel Street, 86 links, 86 links, 86 links, 86 links, and 86 links ; on the South by Nos. 12 and 13, 324 links; and on the West by Hobson Street, 86 links, 86 links, 86 links, 86 links, and 86 links. All those allotments, containing (14a. lr. 27p.) fourteen acres one rood and twenty-seven perches, situated in the suburbs of Auckland, in the Parish of Waitemata, in the County of Eden, and being Nos. 18 and 19 of Section 4 : bounded on the North by a road ; on the East by a stream; on the South by No. 21, 270 links and 610 links; and on the West by Nos. 20 and 19, 1200 links. All that allotment, containing (155a. Or. Op.) one hundred and fifty-five acres, more or less, situated in the Parish of Pakuranga, in the County of Eden, and being Farm No. 59: bounded on the North by the sea; on the East by No. 60, 3600 links ; on the South by a road ; and on the West by No. 57, 3620.1ink5. All that part of Farm No. 17, situated in the Parish of Pakurangi, in the County of Eden 5, containing (53a. Or. Op.) fifty-three acres, more or less: bounded on the North by No. 17, 2050 links ; on the East by the remaining part of the said No. 17, 1378 links, and the end of a road, 100 links; on the South by No. 17a, 3900 links ; and on the West by the Tamaki Eiver. All which allotments are delineated on the other side of this deed. To hold the 12—A. 4,

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same in trust as an endowment for or towards the maintenance of such college and grammar school or schools, or as an endowment for or towards the maintenance and support of such grammar school or schools as aforesaid, and to pay and apply the rents, issues, and profits of the allotments or parcels of land hereinbefore named, for or towards the maintenance of such college or grammar schools; and upon further trust to convey the said allotments or parcels of land unto such other person or persons, either jointly with themselves or otherwise, as the Governor of the Province of New Ulster shall from time to time, in writing under his hand, nominate, direct, ajad appoint, subject nevertheless to the trusts and with the powers herein .expressed and declared of and concerning the same, and with full power and authority to lease tho said allotments or parcels of land, or any part or parts thereof, for any term not exceeding twenty-one years, upon such terms and conditions and in such manner in all respects as to the trustees for the time being shall seem best fitted to promote the efficient maintenance of such college and grammar schools. In testimony whereof, We have caused this our grant to be sealed with the seal of our Province of New Ulster. Witness our trusty and well-beloved Sir George Grey, K.C.8., Governor and Commander-in-Chief of our said province and its dependencies, at Government House, Auckland, in New Ulster aforesaid, this twenty-fourth day of October, in the fourteenth year of our reign, and in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and fifty. G. Grey.

IV.—Educational Endowment..

INDUSTEIAL SCHOOL, WELLINGTON. Victobia, by tho Grace of God, of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland Queen, Defender of the Faith, and so forth: To all to whom these presents shall come, Greeting: Whereas a school is about to bo established at Wellington, in the Province of New Munster, New Zealand, under the superintendence of the Reverend James Watkin, Superintendent of Wesleyan Missions, for that province of New Zealand in which the Town of Wellington is situated, for the education of children of our subjects of all races, and of children of other poor and destitute persons being inhabitants of islands in the Pacific Ocean: And whereas it would promote the objects of the said institution to set apart a certain piece or parcel of land in the neighbourhood thereof for the use and towards the maintenance and support of the same : Now know ye that We, for Us, our heirs and successors, do hereby grant unto the said James Watkin,. Superintendent of Wesleyan Missions as aforesaid, all that piece or parcel of land situate and being in the Town of Wellington, in the Province of New Munster, New Zealand, and bounded towards the North-west, South-west, and South in an irregular line by the Karori Eoad two hundred and forty (240) links and two hundred and sixty-six (266) links, by the Botanical Gardens three hundred and thirty-nine (339) links and two thousand eight hundred and sixty-five (2865) links, and by No. 28, Karori District, one thousand nine hundred and three (1903) links, one thousand one hundred and fifteen (1115) links, and two hundred and eighty-five (285) links; towards the East, South-east, North-east, and North by a branch of the Kumitoto Stream, and an irregular line forming the boundary of the Town Belt, six hundred (600) links, five hundred and thirty-nine (539) links, three hundred and thirty-five (335) links, three hundred and thirty-five (335) links, and one hundred and seventy-four (174) links, and by the Wesley Eoad one thousand and eighty-eight (1088) links and one thousand one hundred and thirteen (1113) links : the contents being seventy-three (73) acres one (1) rood and twentytwo (22) perches, or thereabouts, and the boundaries being more particularly delineated on the plan drawn in the margin of these presents : together with the rents, issues, and proceeds thereof: to hold unto the said James Watkin, Superintendent of Wesleyan Missions for that province of New Zealand in which the Town of Wellington is situated, and his successors in such office, in trust, nevertheless, and for the use and for the maintenance of the said school so long as religious education, industrial training, and instruction in the English language shall be given to the youth educated therein, or maintained thereat. In testimony whereof, We have caused this our grant to be sealed with the seal of our Province of New Munster, in our said territory. Witness our trusty and well-beloved Sir George Grey, a Knight Commander of the Most Honourable Order of the Bath, Governor-in-Chief and Cominandcr-in-Chief of our said territory and its dependencies, and Governor of our Province of New Munster, at Wellington, in New Zealand aforesaid, this twenty-seventh day of October, in the sixteenth year of our reign, and in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and fifty-two. G. Grey.

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V. FIJI, FRIENDLY ISLANDS, AND NEW CALEDONIA (CORRESPONDENCE BELATIVB TO THE ANNEXATION 08, ABANDONMENT OF).

V—Fiji,Fiiendly Islands, and New Caledonia.

Return to an Address of the House of Representatives, dated sth July, 1876, " For copies of all correspondence between the Governor of Now Zealand and the Secretary of State for the Colonies, from the years 1845 to 1853 inclusive, relating to the annexation or abandonment of the Fiji Islands, the Friendly Islands, Now Caledonia, or any other islands in the Pacific Ocean."

No. 1. Governor Sir G. Gkey to the Eight Hon. Earl Grey. My Loed, — Government House, Auckland, 14th March, 1848. I have the honour to report, for the information of Her Majesty's Government, that application has recently been made to me by some of the inhabitants, and by the principal chiefs of the Friendly Islands, as also by some of the inhabitants and principal chiefs of the Fiji Islands, requesting, in the first place, that they might be permitted to become subjects of Her Majesty ; and, in the second place, if this request could not be immediately complied with, that I would visit them and advise with them upon their present condition, suggesting for their adoption such measures as seemed likely to promote their further advancement in civilization, and to prevent the recurrence of the disturbances which were constantly taking place among them. At the same time I have received from other sources authentic accounts of outrages of various kinds which are being committed throughout these islands by Europeans, or by natives instigated thereto by Europeans, and of wars arising from these causes, which are greatly thinning tho population, and producing much unhappiness and distress to the inhabitants. Amongst the outrages of this nature is the one more particularly alluded to in my Despatch No. 9, of the 10th instant, in which are detailed statements regarding a species of trade in the inhabitants which has been commenced in the Pacific; as also of an apparent murder, committed under extraordinary circumstances, at the Island of Rotuma. The enclosed memorial from some European inhabitants of the Fiji Islands shows also the evils which bad European characters are entailing upon those islands. A consideration of the several statements at various times made to me regarding the present state of the islands in the Pacific has led me to conclude that a very general desire prevails upon the part of the inhabitants of tho Friendly Islands and of the Fiji Islands, both European and native, to be brought under Great Britain, in the same manner that the New Zealand Islands have been. This desire I suppose to have originated in the following causes :-— 1. There are a large number of respectable British subjects, missionaries and traders, resident in those islands, who must exercise a great influence over the native inhabitants of them, and who, being anxious to obtain security for their, persons and property, and foreseeing either that they must fall under some European Power, or that a state of constantly-increasing anarchy and confusion will prevail, are very anxious, if practicable, to secure the protection of British, laws and the advantage of British government and commerce, and who probably also have some fear of Franco making the disturbances now prevailing, and which are likely to increase, the reason for taking possession of these islands. 2. The natives, influenced by their European friends, led by the representations of New Zealandors who are resident amongst them, and who describe what is taking place in their own country, probably, also, alarmed at the recent disturbances in the Pacific, and influenced in some degree by religious feelings, conceive, and, I think, justly, that their greatest hopes of future prosperity and happiness rest upon their incorporation with the British Empire. When I was made fully aware of these several circumstances, I requested Captain Maxwell, upon his visiting these islands in H.M.S. "Dido," to institute certain inquiries into their present state, and the probable wishes of the inhabitants. From the enclosed copies of my correspondence with Captain Maxwell, your Lordship will see that I carefully warned, that officer that I do not consider myself in any way authorized to entertain any proposition for the surrender to Her Majesty of the sovereignty of any islands in the Pacific Ocean, or to enter into any negotiations with their chiefs upon such subjects, but that I thought that the present friendly feelings which the inhabitants of the islands in the Pacific so generally entertain for Great Britain should if possible be fostered and promoted. Acting upon these views, Captain Maxwell has visited the Friendly Islands, and I herewith enclose a copy of his very interesting report upon the present state of these islands. Your Lordship will find that he reports that ho is, after personal inquiries upon the spot, of opinion that the information which, had previously reached nie is correct, a,n,d. that the nominal King

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of these islands and many of his principal chiefs much desire British protection, and that the establishment of such a protectorate would be popular and acceptable to all the Christian part of the population. Captain Maxwell, however, points out that a considerable portion, probably about one-third, of the native population are still heathens. Some portion of these are, however, probably really Roman. Catholics, but I do not at the present moment anticipate any hostility to the British race upon the part of any of the natives of the Friendly Islands, whether heathen qt the contrary. The whole population of the Friendly Islands, are estimated by Captain Maxwell at something less than 18,000 souls, and he states that he regards tliem as"pre-eminently capable of improvement, being in his opinion the finest of the Polynesia^ race which he has seen, having all the aptitude of learning usually possessed by that race, combined with an energy of character, perseverance, and ingenuity, qualities in which he considers the Polynesian race generally as deficient. Captain Maxwell was not able to visit the Fiji Islands in order that he might ascertain the accuracy of the statements which have reached me of a desire existing on the part of their principal chiefs of being brought under the protection of Great Britain. I have, however, no reason to doubt that such is their wish. lam informed that the inhabitants of this group amount to nearly 300,000 souls. Upon the whole, then, it may be calculated that, should Great Britain assent to the desire of the inhabitants of the Friendly and Fiji Islands, and allow them to cede the sovereignty of their country to the British Crown, or should those islands be in any way occupied, a population of about 320,000 souls would come under British control. Under any circumstances, your Lordship will probably think it proper that some reply should be returned to the memorial forwarded by the late King of Tonga to Her Majesty on the 19th February, 1844, expressing their desire to become Her Majesty's subjects : of which memorial a copy was forwarded to me by the present principal chiefs of the Friendly Islands, in another letter, upon the 28th August last. I have enclosed for your Lordship's information a copy of this letter, and of the original memorial, which shovv' that for nearly four years the inhabitants have not departed from the intention expressed in the memorial of their late King. If it is not thought prudent that any reply should be returned to this memorial, your Lordship will instruct me whether Her Majesty's Government would wish me to comply with the request of these islanders, that I should visit them and advise with them upon their present state, or what answer they would wish me to return to such applications for the future. The circumstances which have recently transpired in reference to the islands of the Pacific induce me to offer for your Lordship's information the following general observations upon the existing state of British interests in this quarter of the globe, which may, perhaps, not be without interest to your Lordship. Great Britain in occupying New Zealand took a very important step. In occupying these islands she secured a country offering excellent harbours for her shipping, affording supplies of timber of the finest quality for ship-building, flax for cordage, ample supplies of coal, and provisions of every kind. But these islands, moreover, present another remarkable advantage for Great Britain. Colonies in time of war are generally objects of great concern and of considerable expense to the mothercountry, as presenting weak points to an enemy upon which he is likely to seize ; whilst in the case of New Zealand, from the warlike character of its inhabitants, their aptitude for military service, and their growing attachment to Great Britain, there can be no doubt that, so long as it is so governed as to secure the affections of its inhabitants, it would in time of war be perfectly safe as against any force which a European Power could detach to these seas, but it would even be able to afford valuable and powerful assistance in time of need for the protection of our neighbouring Australian settlements. At the present moment, also, this Government could, in the event of any war with France, immediately raise a force which could without difficulty take and hold the French possessions in these seas. In the same manner, I think that any extension of our possessions in these seas would not be a source of weakness but of strength, if such possession was assured with the consent of the inhabitants of the territory occupied, and if their good-will was retained, which it easily might be. The islands of the Pacific would all soon afford a sufficient revenue for their own Government, and a sufficient force not only for their own protection, but for aggressive movements against any other Power, should a necessity for such movements ever unfortunately arise. On the other hand, it must be observed that these islands would present the same advantages to France, or to any other Power which might occupy them with the consent of its inhabitants, and this disadvantage would then be presented to Great Britain: that France could at any moment raise in the Pacific a very formidable force within a few days' sail of Great Britain's valuable colonial possessions in Australia, whilst France would at the same time have within her own colonial possessions in this quarter of the world a native force which could, even if large detachments.were made for aggressive purposes, hold their own islands against any force which we could detach against them, and this without occasioning the slightest drain upon the military resources of France. It may be urged that the now unoccupied islands may still remain unoccupied by any European Power, but I think that such a supposition must prove incorrect. Some European Power must interfere to prevent the disturbances which will certainly take place, and which have already commenced, and it is hardly to be doubted, looking to the advantages they offer, but that some European Power will avail itself of so^plausible an excuse to occupy these islands, even if this should be done without the consent of the inhabitants of them ; and I then think, from the character of the Polynesian race, and from their aptitude for civilization, that they would in a few years overcome any antipathy to the occupiers of their soil, and becomo amalgamated with them.

V.—Fiji,Friendly Islands, and New Caledonia.

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It should also be remarked that at the present time Great Britain could probably obtain possession of the Friendly and Fiji Islands with the almost universal consent and at the request of their inhabitants ; but such an opportunity would soon cease to exist, and is not likely again to present itself. The inhabitants of the islands in the Pacific are daily increasing their supplies of arms and ammunition ; they are constantly becoming more and more corrupted by the outcasts of European society, who take refuge in those islands, and who, together with their offspring, are gradually creating difficulties and complicated interests, the result of which will produce questions which will render the friendly cession of theso islands in a few _ years impracticable, and the conquest of them a matter of great expense and difficulty. I would also observe that the occupation of them by Great Britain, under a judicious system, would not entail any additional expense upon the Mother-country. If, from unforeseen circumstances, any partial disturbances arose in any one of tliese islands, a force of the natives of another island would instantly suppress them—and the men composing this force would be quite as amenable to discipline, and as free from ferocity and cruelty, as a European force—so that war would not, under such circumstances, present any additional horrors, nor would it entail, any additional demands upon the military force of the Mother-country. Indeed, I doubt if, under judicious management, anything more than partial and insignificant disturbances would take place, and as must always ariss in semi-barbarous communities, but which would be infinitely less disastrous and general than their present wars. It certainly must be conceded that for a few years, until a sufficient revenue was raised, the cost of the civil government of these islands would entail some expense upon the British Treasury; but in compensation a great extension would at once be given to British commerce, and a large and constantlyTincreasing demand would be created for British-manufactured goods, whilst in a very few years the several islands would yield an ample revenue to defray the expenses of their own government, and a wide field would be opened in civil appointments for the employment of young men, whose time is now wasted in hopeless and discontented idleness, but who, in the civilization and government of the inhabitants of the islands in the Pacific Ocean, would have presented to them an occupation of the most useful and interesting kind, th,e result of which would confer the greatest benefits upon the whole human race. It only remains for me to add that the proximity of these islands to our possessions in Australia and New Zealand, and the altered state of British and French interests in these seas, render the question of their occupation more important and very different in kind from the similar question "which arose some few years since in reference to the Sandwich Islands. I have, &c, The Eight Hon. Earl Grey, &c. G. Grey.

V.—Fiji,Friendly Islands, and New Caledonia,

Enclosure 1. J. S. Polack, Esq., to the Colonial Secp.etaby, New Zealand. Consulate of the United States of America, New Zealand, Sin,— Auckland, 20th December, 1847. I have the honour to enclose the copy of a protest received this day, the original of which i3 in this office, made by three American shipmasters trading at the Fiji Group, and addressed to G. M. Williams, Esq., U.S. Commercial Agent at those islands, relative to the illegal conduct of a British subject named Charles Pickering, whose conduct (Mr. Williams states) has greatly conduced to foster the warlike feelings of the natives, and greatly injure the commerce of the islands. Having been informed that Captain Maxwell, the Senior Naval Officer of this station, is about to visit the Fiji Group, I have to request that His Excellency the Governor will be pleased to direct the attention of that officer to the subject of this complaint. I have, &c, J. S. Polack, The Colonial Secretary, New Zealand. U.S. Vice-Consul.

Sub-Enclosure. From Shipmasters at Fiji to G. M. Williams, Esq. Sib,— Nukulau, Fiji Islands, 16th September, 1847. We, the undersigned, masters of American vessels now lying in the Port of Nukulau, take the liberty to address you in the following manner, to wit: — We, from our own experience, and from information received from many respoctablo white residents in theso islands, hereby protest against a man, by name Charles Pickering, a subject of Great Britain, as a person dangerous alike to foreigners residing here, and also to masters of vessels visiting the islands. Ho has resided hero for many years, and by his perfect acquaintance with the language of the country, together with his natural duplicity of character, ho has acquired great influence with the natives. This ho uses to"the Injury of shipmasters, and for his own benefit. He has also fomented disturbances among different tribes (of which matter, we are informed, report has been already made to you), and has indirectly, if not with malice prepense, been the cause of the death of two white men within the last three years. Theso, with many other charges against this man, which we believe can be fully substantiated by white residents, warrant us in pronouncing the said Pickering as a person dangerous to the property of these islands, to the residents' and to masters of vessels visiting for recruits. We, therefore, in the absence of any representative of the British Government, lay this matter before you, with a request that a representation of the saine may bo made- to the proper authorities urging the removal of this' man from the islands. We have, &c, Stephen Cutter, Master of barque "Auckland," of Lynn, Mass., U.S.A. T. P. Davenport, Master of schooner " Alfred," New Bedford, Mass., U.S.A. H. T. Saundbrs, G-. M. Williams, Esq. Master of schooner " Warwick," of Salem.

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V.—Fiji,Friendly Islands, and New Caledonia.

■ Enclosure 2. His Excellency Governor Sir G. Gkey to Captain Maxwell, B.N. Sie, — Government House, Auckland, 23rd December, 1847. In reference to tho instructions which have been issued to you by the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty upon the subject of your visiting the Navigator Islands, I have now, in compliance with the wishes of the Homo Government, the honour to forward the following observations upon the subjects affecting British interests in the Pacific which appear to require immediate attention. In my separate letters upon the questions which had arisen in the Friendly Islands, at Eotuma, and New Caledonia, I detailed the reasons which made me think it of great importance that you should visit those places. I need therefore no further allude to them; but I think it right to add that I also feel extremely anxious that you should, if possible, visit the Fiji Islands. I understand that the Fiji Group contains nearly 300,000 inhabitants. It produces also articles of the greatest importance for cur colonies in Australia and New Zealand, and for which an immediate and extensive demand exists. There appears, therefore, no reason why an important and constantly-increasing trade should not at once bo commenced between these colonies and the Fiji Group, which trade, from the number and inhabitants of the Fiji Islands, and frcm the nature of the articles which would form their imports, would be of considerable*valuo and importance to Great Britain: in fact, their imports would consist almost wholly of British-manufactured goods. I have also information, upon which 1 can rely, that at the present time the Fijians are more favourable to tho English than to any other nation, and that it might be easy to confirm these feelings of attachment, and to securo a predominant influence over them. The Fijian chiefs have also expressly sent to me, begging that they may bo visited by a vessel of war, and declaring their regard for and attachment to the British nation. I fear, therefore, that the fact of your being in the immediate vicinity of these islands and net visiting them might have a bad effect. Again, the other European residents in the Fijis have complained of the misconduct of a British subject there, and have appealed for redress. A prompt answer to this appeal would, I have no doubt, have a beneficial influence over the whole of that part of the Pacific, and would operate as a check upon the misconduct of any other European residents in the neighbouring islands. For the foregoing reasons I therefore feel very anxious that you should, if practicable, visit the Fiji group. The subjects upon which it appears at the present moment especially desirable that you should collect information are— 1. The probable number of natives inhabiting the several groups of islands which you may visit: 2. The probable number of Europeans inhabiting the same islands, and the nations to which they belong: 3. The present nature of the government of the different groups, whether there are any persons with whom a civilized nation could treat, and whether there is any person or body of persons who are generally recognized as exorcising sovereign authority: i. What articles of exports the several islands would afiord, either as natural or cultivated productions : 5. What articles of import they would take in exchange for their exports : 6. W Thethcr any and what means have been adopted for raising a revenue in any of these islands; and, if so, what amount is yearly raised. Many other subjects of interest will doubtless present themselves to you, information regarding which would prove most valuable to tha British Government. I have directed that tho packages of articles named in the enclosed list, intended as presents for the chiefs of the islands you may visit, should, be sent on board the " Dido." One of these packages is addressed to " George," the principal chief of the Tonga Islands ; the others are intended to be distributed in such manner as you may think most proper and most likely to promote the interest of tho service upon which you are proceeding. I have, &c, Captain Maxwell, B.N. G. Gbey. P.S.—I have also enclosed a list by tho Eev. Mr. Lawry of the presents which will be regarded as most valuable in the several islands, and of the quantity of goods which would be regarded as a sufficient present. G. Gbey.

Enclosure 3. Governor Sir G-. Grey to Captain Maxwell, R.N., Senior Officer. Sie, — Government House, Auckland, 23rd December, 1847. I have the honour to transmit for your information copies of the papers named in the margin. You will perceive that these papers relate to an alleged wish upon the pail, of the principal chief of the Friendly Islands, and, as I am informed, of the inhabitants of those islands generally, to place their country under the protection and Government of tho Queen. I am in no way authorized either to entertain or to enter into negotiations of this character, and I apprehend that your powers, as well as my own, extend on such subjects no farther than the general duty of taking such immediate measures as may appear most likely to protect British interests, until we can receive further instructions from the Home Government. It is, however, I think quite clear that you should, if practicable, visit the Friendly Islands and put yourself in communication with the principal chief, doing your utmost to promote and confirm the feelings of friendship and .regard which are at present entertained by those islanders for the British race. Indeed, I think that tho fact of your visiting other islands in the immediate neighbourhood of Tonga, the inhabitants of which have neither such strong claims upon us as those of Tonga, and have not made any similar friendly advances, would, if you neglected to visit the latter island, afford its inhabitants strong grounds of complaint and .annoyance, and might seriously injure British interests in that quarter. I hear that it is by no means improbable that you may meet George, the principal chief of Tonga, in the Navigator Islands, where he has proceeded with the view of endeavouring to terminate a war now prevailing there. In this case it might be in your power to offer him a. passage back to his own country, or to render him some similar service, which might produce a favourable impression upon tho inhabitants of the Friendly Islands. I shall feel much obliged to you if you would be kind enough to deliver to George Tubou the acccompanying letter addressed to him, as also a box containing presents for him, which I have directed to be sent on board the "Dido." I have, &c, Captain Maxwell, B.N. G. Gbey.

Sub-Enclosure. Governor Sir G. Gbey to George Tubou, Nukualopa, Tonga. Sra, — Government House, Auckland, New Zealand, 22nd December, 1847. This letter will be delivered to you by Captain Maxwell, of H.M.S. " Dido," who is the offuse§jn command of Her Majesty's ships and vessels on these coasts. I beg that you will communicate to him your wishes, and acquaint him with the mann&r in which I can bo of any future service to you. Captain Maxwell is a personal friend of mine, and I can therefore with confidence recommend you to rely upon his advice, and to trust to his affording you any assistance which he may feel justified in giving. Your letter of the 28th August did not reach me until yesterday. I now lose no time in assuring you of the interest.with which I have watched the progress of your people in Christianity and civilization, and of the sincere pleasure it will afiord me to render you every assistance in promoting their happiness and prosperity.

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The Queen of England will, I have no doubt, hoar with great pleasure that even in your country her name is known and loved, and Her Majesty will, I am satisfied, willingly aid you in your efforts for the advancement of those who are dependent upon you : indeed, her goodness is such that ft) spread the blessings of peace and concord over the earth has constantly boon her aim, and oven theao parts so distant from her own homo will bo to Her Majesty objects of the most lively interest if she can assist in raising the inhabitants of them from vice and barbarism to Christianity and civilization. I beg that you will under any circumstances of difficulty communicate with me. If I can send any animals or plants to you which are not at present to bo found in your islands I shall feel great pleasure in doing as, if you will write to mo for them. It may he in my power next year to visit you. I shall mike a point of doing so if no unexpected difficulties present themselves. If you could visit me I should feel great pleasure in receiving you or any members of your family, and I can without difficulty at any time send a vessel from honoo to convey you back to your own country. Captain Maxwell will deliver to you a small present, which I have sent to you, feeling that in thus ovincmg the regard of my countrymen for you I shall act in conformity with tho wishes of the Queen of England. Begging you to accept the assurances of my high consideration for you, I have, &c, G. Ghey, Mr. George Tubou. Govemor-in-Ohief.

V.—Fiji,Friendly Islands, and New Caledon

No. 2. Governor Sir G. Geey to the Eight Hon. Earl Geey. My Loed, — Government House, Auckland, sth April, 1848. In reference to my Despatch No. 9, of the 10th ultimo, reporting the outrages which had been committed at the Island of Eotuma, I have now the honour to state that, upon considering all the circumstances connected with that particular case, as also the facts which have recently been brought to my knowledge in reference to the various islands in the Pacific, I have thought it my duty to issue a notice offering, on behalf of the British Government, a reward of £200 to any person or persons who shall apprehend, or shall give such information as shall lead to the apprehension of, the offender or offenders who were concerned in shooting the chief Mushcock, at the Island of Eotuma, on or about the 12bh day of July last. I anticipate that the issue of this notice will produce a very useful effect upon the lawless British subjects now scattered through the Pacific, by showing them that they are still liable to bo tried for the crime of murder committed in one of the neighbouring islands ; whilst the inhabitants of the islands in the Pacific, amongst whom translations of this notice will be promulgated, will be made aware that the British Government will, in as far as practicable, protect them from injuries from British subjects, and that there is thus a Power to whom they can look for redress in the case of outrages similar to those which were committed at Eotuma. I have, &c, The Eight Hon. Earl Grey, &c. ■ G. Geey.

No. 3. The Eight Hon. Earl Geey to Governor Gbbt. Sib,— Downing Street, 9th October, 1848. Your Despatch No. 13, of the 14th March last, containing suggestions for the extension of the British dominion in the Pacific, has been communicated by me to Viscount Palmerston, and has received from his Lordship and from myself that attentive consideration which its contents require. It is impossible for Her Majesty's Government to accept at present that submission to her sovereignty which is offered by the chief of Tonga and by the chiefs of the Fiji Islands, of whom your despatch makes mention. Independently of other reasons, it is to be apprehended, notwithstanding your arguments as to the ultimate economy of the measure, that the expense which such an extension of empire would necessarily occasion woiild be larger than Her Majesty's Advisers would think themselves justified in proposing to Parliament. The offers which you have received must therefore be declined, but in a manner as conciliatory as possible, accompanied by the expression of Her Majesty's desire to promote as far as may be in her power the welfare of the inhabitants of those islands, although she is unable to accept their proffered allegiance. Her Majesty's Government have it, however, under consideration whether the appointment of British Consular Agents in places situated in the Pacific, and in the Friendly Islands and Fiji Islands in the first instance, might not bo conducive to British interests in that part of the world. The duties of such Agents might be to give instructions and assistance to the native authorities towards the establishment of a regular Government to protect British subjects, and to conclude treaties with such chiefs or Powers as they might consider of sufficient importance. Such treaties might contain stipulations both political and commercial. They might recite, by way of preamble, that Her Majesty is anxious to assist in promoting the progress of prosperity, civilization, and religion in those islands, and that she accords to their inhabitants her disinterested friendship. The contracting chiefs should engage to receive such Consuls or other officers, and such missionary and other teachers, as Her Majesty may send among them for their benefit and instruction, and that all British subjects and their property and commerce shall be well treated within their respective islands. The chiefs should also contract, in return for the aid afforded them, not intentionally or willingly to do wrong to the subjects of any foreign Power ; and it might be either made a further engagement on the part of the native contracting parties that, if involved in disputes with foreign Powers, they should adeferess themselves to the Queen of England, and leave to her to determine what they should do; or, if this be considered as imposing too great a responsibility on Her Majesty's Government, it might be made part of the Agents' instructions to effect the same object by persuasion as far as they may find it in their power.

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It is conceived that, if it be found practicable to carry these views into execution, many of th'6 advantages which you dwell upon with so much force may be attained, while this course would not be open to the obvious objections which must apply to an extension of the sovereignty of Great Britain in those parts. You will be fully informed of any measures which it may be deemed advisable to adopt on the subject, and should such Agents be appointed I will request Lord Palmerston to put them in communication with you. You are also desired to furnish Her Majesty's Government with any additional explanation of your own views on the subject, and any facts concerning it which may fall within your knowledge. But Ido not think it would be at present expedient that you should leave your Government for the purpose of visiting those islands. I take the same opportunity of acknowledging your Despatch No. 33, of the sth April last, respecting the outrage at Eotuma, of which you have given me previous intelligence. I approve of the Proclamation which you issued on that occasion, and I trust that your exertions may be followed by good results, if not by securing the punishment of this particular offence, at least by showing the light in which such conduct is regarded by the British Government. I have, &c, Governor Sir G. Grey, &c. Gbey.

V.—Fiji,Friendly Islands, and New Caledonia.

No. 4. Governor Sir G. Geey to the Eight Hon. Earl Gbey. My Lord, — Government House, Auckland, 6th November, 1849. In reference to my despatches specified in the margin on the subject of the present condition of the various islands in the Pacific Ocean lying in the vicinity of these colonies, I have the honour to transmit a letter which I have received from Captain John E. Erskine, E.N., commanding H.M. ship " Savannah, " dated Isle of Pines, 22nd September, 1849, containing representations which the principal chief of the Friendly Islands is anxious to have brought under the consideration of Her Majesty's Government. I have, &c, The Eight Hon. Earl Grey, &c. G. Ghey.

No. 5. Governor Sir G. Ghey to the Eight Hon. Earl Gbey. My Lokd,—- Government House, Wellington, 11th February, 1852. I have the honour to transmit to your Lordship an extract of a letter I have received from the Government of the Sandwich Islands. I take the liberty of thus troubling your Lordship because I am anxious that you should see that the inhabitants of the islands in the Pacific are fully aware of the rapid and remarkable progress which the New Zealand Islands have made, that they see that that progress is attributable to the just and liberal line of policy which Great Britain has pursued towards the Native race, and that they are aware that islands circumstanced as those in the Pacific are cannot make any satisfactory and lasting advances without the support of such a great and enlightened nation as Great Britain, and that they consequently view the extension of her power without jealousy or alarm. I have, &c, The Eight Hon. Earl Grey, &c. G. Geey.

No. 6. Governor Sir G. Gbey to the Duke of Newcastle. My Loed Duke, — Government House, Auckland, 15th December, 1853. I have the honour to report, for your Grace's information, that, as I called off the Isle of Pines a few days since in a small colonial vessel, a European came on board and acquainted me that some French men-of-war had recently arrived there, and had taken possession of the Isle of Pines and of New Caledonia, that they had left seamen on those islands who daily hoisted the French flag on them, that depots for steamers of war were being established by the French at the Isle of Pines and New Caledonia, that the French vessels had then proceeded to Tahiti for the. purpose of bringing troops to the Isle of Pines and New Caledonia, and that other preparations were making for occupying the above-named islands with a military and naval force. 2. I have further the honour to report, for your Grace's information, that, from the excellence of the harbours in those islands, from their commanding position in regard to our colonies in Australia and New Zealand, from their lying directly in the lino of communication between those groups of colonies and America, from their in a great measure commanding the route by which our vessels must pass from these colonies either to Great Britain or from New Zealand to India, the occupation of the Isle of Pines and New Caledonia will enable the French, in the event of any future war, most effectually to harass the British trade and colonies in this part of the world: indeed, it would have been impossible to have chosen any other points in this part of the world which would enable France, in the event of a war, so effectually to embarrass our commerce in these seas and to distress our colonies, that, looking to the fact that the French have themselves no colonies or interests whatever in ; ,|he neighbourhood of these islands, it is difficult to form any other conclusion than that the occupation of those islands by the French springs from a line of policy which has for its ultimate probable object consequences such as I have above stated. 3. There being, however, some grounds for thinking that Great Britain has a claim to those islands, I have addressed a letter to the Senior Naval Officer on this station, requesting him to make

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a communicatioii;to that effect to the French authorities. I enclose, for your Grace's information, copies of my letters to the Senior Naval Officer, which will put you fully in information of the grounds_upon which I have taken this step. I have, &c, His Grace the Duke of Newcastle, &c. G. Geey.

V.—Fiji.Friendly Islands, and New Caledonia,

Enclosure. His Excellency Sir G. Gbey to the Seniob Navai/Oficeb, Sydney. Sib, — Government House, Auckland, 15th December, 1853. I have the honour to acquaint you that a few days since I called ofi tho Isle of Pines, and was there informed that some French naval officers had within the last few months taken possession of that island and of New Caledonia, upon behalf of the French Government. _ 2. It is therefore my duty to request that you will, with as little delay as practicable, despatch one of Her Majesty's vessels under your orders to the Isle of Pines or New Caledonia for the purpose of notifying to the French officers at one of those stations that there are strong grounds for believing that the Isle of Pines and at least a part of New Caledonia are regarded by the British Government as being British territories, and for thinking that this fact has been asserted by various public acts of the British Government and British authorities in relation to the Colony of New Zealand and its dependencies; and that it is therefore probable that the senior French officer should be warned that such is the case, lest he should take any steps in prejudice of British rights to such islands, until this question has been decided between the Governments of Great Britain and France, to which Governments the question has been submitted. 3. I have further the honour to transmit the copy of a letter which I have addressed to the Governor-General of Australia upon this subject. I have, &c, Senior Naval Officer, Sydney. G. Gbey..

No. 7. Governor Sir G. Gbey to His Grace the Duke of Newcastle. My Lobd Duke,— Government House, Auckland, 31st December, 1853. I have the honour to state that I recently called at Norfolk Island, with the Bishop of New Zealand, and that we there found that the convict establishment upon the island was being broken up, and a general idea prevailed that the Government proposed to give up the island to the inhabitants of Pitcairn's Island. I beg to state to your Grace that I propose, in conjunction with the Bishop of New Zealand, to submit for your Grace's consideration a plan by which Norfolk Island might not only be made available as a habitation for the people of Pitcairn's Island, but might be made a nursery from which Christianity and civilization might be spread throughout all these islands in the Pacific, which still remain in a state of idolatry and barbarism. .The plan is simply the adoption of the system of industrial schools for the education of the Native race, which is at present in existence ir> New Zealand. It would entail no expense upon the British Government but the surrender of the island and buildings upon it for the purposes of carrying out this plan, together with other property now upon the island, and the removal of which, from the difficulty of landing and embarking stores there, would cost more than the value of the property, whilst the benefits which would accrue to the commerce of the British Empire from opening up to it the valuable trade which could be maintained with the inhabitants of such fertile islands, which yield such highly valuable commodities, would be incalculable. Yet such a trade could in no way be more certainly at once opened up than by rendering their highly-intelligent inhabitants Christians, and by inducing them to adopt our language, laws, and customs, which they evince an earnest desire to do. I know no project the execution of which would yield greater advantages to the Empire, or would render the Minister who carried it out a greater benefactor not only to his country, but to, the whole human race. I trust, therefore, that until the details of this plan have been brought under your Grace's notice you will take no steps for finally disposing of Norfolk Island. I have, &c, His Grace the Duke of Newcastle, &c. G, Gbey,

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VI. FIJI ISLANDS.

VI.-The Fijis,

No. 1. Eepoet by John B. Thubston, H.M. Consul in Fiji and Tonga, for the Year 1866. The following Statement of the Tonnage and Shipping employed in the trade with Fiji during 1866 shows a slight increase on that of the preceding year:—■ Estimated aggregate tonnage: 1865, 3,326; 1866, 4,024. Number of ships employed: British, 1865, 23; 1866, 27. Foreign (Hamburg), 1865, 3; 1866, 3. '

Quantity and Value of Exports during 1866, compared with the Two Preceding Years.

The quantities of imports cannot be accurately ascertained on account of the irregular nature of the Island trade. The following is an approximate estimate of their value during 1866 : — & ' s. d. Manchester goods ... ... ... ... 10,000 0 0 Ironmongery, cutlery ... ... ... ... 7,000 0 0 Wine, beer, spirits ... ... ... ... 3,000 0 0 Ship-chandlery ... ... ... ... 1,500 0 0 Groceries, provisions ... ... ... ... 2,000 0 0 Wearing apparel ... ... ... ... 500 0 0 Tobacco ... ... ... ... ... 500 0 0 Machinery, agricultural implements ... ... ... 700 0 0 £25,200 0 0 At the commencement of the year the prospects of the white settlers in Fiji seemed most favourable. The success which had attended the cultivation of the cotton, the introduction of foreign labour, and the arrival of additional settlers with capital, induced us to form most sanguine hopes of the rapid advancement of Fiji. On the Bth of January, however, a violent hurricane passed between the two larger islands of Fiji, lasting sixteen hours, and severely injuring the district in its course. The effects were confined within a space of sixty miles in breadth, outside of which no traces of its passage appeared. The cotton-planters had hardly repaired the damages which their property had sustained from this visitation when a second storm burst over the entire group, committing still greater devastation. The cocoanut and bread-fruit trees especially suffered. Two-thirds of the cotton trees were twisted out of the ground, and the most advanced plantations on the banks of the river were inundated and swept away. The yam and tara crops were destroyed, and many flourishing coffee plantations buried in the silt brought down by the floods. Such violent cyclones, it is well to know, are rare in Fiji, and one of equal force has not been felt here for twenty years. The cotton-planters—men of small means—who had invested all in their plantations, were reduced to great distress; but, seeing the necessity of rapid exertion to repair the evil, they began their labour anew, clearing the land and planting the seed afresh. A long drought, which generally in these latitudes follows such violent storms, has, however, somewhat checked the growth of the plants. Had this year been as favourable as the preceding one, there was reason to expect that the exports from Fiji would have been four times the quantity of last year; but the destruction of the nut trees and cotton crops, and likewise the loss of many of the small craft which carry on the Island trade, gave a severe check to the progress and industry of the country, which it will take some time to recover frojn. The advent of fresh settlers has, however, done much in inspiriting those whose resolution sank with their fortunes. There are likewise less difficulties than heretofore attending the sale of

181 a. m 55. m S6. Article. Quantity. Value. Quantity. Value. Quantity. Value. Ootton (clean) Oocoanut oil Cocoa fibre .. Beclie-de-mer rortoise-sliell Wool Provisions, &c. cwt. tons owt. piouls 1b. lb. 650 600 1,600 350 500 6,100 & 3,000 13,200 2,150 960 , 250 240 2,400 500 1,000 500 750 10,120 £ 9,200 11,000 1,500 1,200 375 400 500 5,8S0 450 300 2,000 8,396 & 19,800 9,000 600 1,000 320 250 £19,800 £24,175 i £30,970

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lands; and the great obstacle to progress—want of labour in sufficient quantity—is being gradually overcome by the introduction of native labour from the surrounding islands. With increased capital has come a more careful system of cultivation, the introduction of a better description of food for the labourers, and likewise the assistance of steam-power in ginning, cleaning, and pressing the cotton. The Brazilian seed has been superseded by the Sea Island and Egyptian, as these are found to produce more rapidly and more profitably. The Sea Island being a low-growing plant, the crop is readily picked by women and children; the trees are planted 1,000 to the acre, occupying each a space of 6 feet 6 inches square : each tree produces on an average one pound of clean cotton annually. A native labourer can attend to three acres, and his wages, with the cost of his food, &c, amounts to about £6 sterling per annum. The.high price which cotton fetches at present cannot be considered a fair estimate for the future, but, considering the current prices before the war in the United States, the profits to the planters from the Sea Island cotton cannot fall below £40, and from Egyptian £25 per acre. The floods in the year destroyed many of the coffee plantations in Fiji. As few were over two years' growth, this mischief is soon remedied. Coffee-planters from Ceylon, who have visited these islands during the present year, speak in high terms of Fiji and Tonga as coffee-producing countries.' For the present, however, cotton, the poor man's crop, which yields a return in four months from the sowing, engages the attention of our settlers ; and, although many, foreseeing the great advantages to be derived, have also turned their attention to coffee, which gives no crop before the third year, it has not yet received the consideration which its importance merits. The fertility of the soil in Fiji, and the general salubrity of its climate, continue to attract many settlers from the Australian and New Zealand colonies. Many are accompanied by their wives and families ; and there is every reason to believe that they will occupy without opposition the lands which they have purchased. The white population at the present time in Fiji amounts to about 400 souls, 31 of whom are women, and 53 children under twelve years of age. The prosperity of this country is secured whenever the cotton yield is sufficiently great to warrant a direct trade with Europe, which point we may, at the present rate of increase, arrive at in about two years' time. The exports at present all go to Sydney, paying a freight of 70s. per ton; and the high additional charge for brokerage, wharfage, storage, &c, shears away at least 30 per cent, of the planter's profits. The poverty of the planters has hitherto placed them at the mercy of the Sydney traders, forcing them to depend on the latter for their trade goods necessary for carrying on their work, and also to sell their produce at the price which their creditors -choose to offer. Auckland, in New Zealand, is naturally the depot for the South Sea Island trade; it is onethird of the distance nearer to Fiji than Sydney is. As the prevailing winds are fair, both for going and returning, merchandise from Europe can be landed there and at the same prices in about the same time as at Sydney, and the return voyage is much shorter; in addition to which, the mail by the new route of Panama will give the latest quotations of the English markets, and allow the Island traders to make their arrangements accordingly. It is much to be hoped that during the coming year the merchants of Auckland will endeavour to secure for their port the increasing trade of the South Sea islands. The want of roads has, not as yet made itself felt in Fiji; the settlers find good land in sufficient quantities on the sea-coast or on the banks of navigable streams, and the great number of these latter have materially assisted in developing the natural resources and increasing the trade of the country. As the Islands are for the most part of volcanic origin, intersected in all directions by irregular mountain masses, the expense attending road-making would hardly have been brought within the means at the disposal of the inhabitants. Fortunately the rivers of Fiji will suffice for all purposes of trade and internal communication for some years to come. The interior of Fiji is now sufficiently well known, many parties having crossed the land during the past two years. The southeastern third of the island is thickly timbered, very fertile, and, from its exposure to the trade winds, subject to continual rains. This district is bounded by the crest of the highest mountains in the interior, about 5,000 feet high, wooded to the summits on the windward slopes. Outside this district the country is composed of clay hills, covered with coarse reeds, lemon-grass, and patches of the ironwood. As there are no forests to retain the soil in its place, the heavy tropical rains have washed it into the valleys, and cut deep fissures in the marly clay, rendering the mountainous districts of the north-west useless, except as grazing grounds for cattle. The valleys, however, are exceedingly fertile, and the finest samples of tobacco and sugar are produced there. The population is very scanty in the interior of Fiji, but traces of ruined villages and abandoned cultivation everywhere abound. There can be but little doubt that this desolation is entirely due to the ferocious character of their tribal wars, in which the victors were satisfied with nothing short of the complete extermination of their vanquished foes. As yet there is no inducement for the traders to increase their intercourse with the interior of Fiji. The natives possess nothing of commercial value. No oil is made there, as cocoanut trees are only found fringing the coast. Cotton-planting has not yet occupied their attention. Cattle may, in the course of time, prove profitable, as large herds could be pastured on the grassy hills to the west. Few, however, of the white settlers are inclined to embark in any untried speculation, more especially while cotton-planting proves so profitable, requires so small an outlay, and is attended with comparative little risk^ It is, however, much to be regretted that no form of civilized government exists in Fiji, every attempt to introduce such having failed, through the indifference of the people and the faithlessness of the chiefs. No improvement in this respect can be hoped for during the lifetime of the present rulers, who, although professing Christianity, adopt nothing from the whites but their vices.

VI.-The Fiji..

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Vl.-The Fijis,

As the settlers are now making every exertion to extend the cultivation of cotton, it is earnestly to be hoped that their increasing industry may not be cheated, and the country retained in wanton opposition by barbarism on the part of the native chiefs. Whenever the community increases sufficiently in wealth and members, its influence will, undoubtedly, be felt in the general management of the country. Until this takes place they mustbe dependent for protection on the representatives of their different Governments, assisted by the ships-of-war which from time to time visit these islands.

No. 2. Eepokt by John B. Thurston, H.M. Consul in Fiji and Tonga, for the Year 1867. Theee has been a slight decrease in the aggregate tonnage of shipping visiting the Ports of Levuka and Eewa during the past year. This can be partly accounted for by the withdrawal of one or two ships from the trad*e, and to their being replaced by vessels of less capacity, but better adapted to insular navigation. The trade of this group is at present carried on by British vessels, sailing from ports in the adjoining colonies. The following statement shows the number of ships and gross tonnage entered, compared with last year:— 1866. 1867. British ships entered ... ... ... ... 27 24 Foreign ... ... ... ... 3 1 Gross tonnage ... ... ... 4,024 3,797 During the past year three small vessels have been built, measuring respectivively 30, 40, 45 tons. The number of small craft, belonging chiefly to British residents, occupied in Island traffic, amounts at the present time to 18, measuring in the aggregate about 350 tons. As the cultivation of cotton and other products, now engaging the attention of the settlers, progresses, it will be necessary to build or purchase other small vessels, for the purpose of collecting the various articles from outlying districts, where it would not be safe or expedient for a large ship to proceed. There is a prospect of an enterprising Sydney firm despatching a ship direct from this port to London or Liverpool during the coming year. Not having a recognized Government at Fiji, there are no port charges, dues, or imposts of any nature. The navigation of the group is open with safety from April until December, during which time the south-east trade winds prevail. From January until April, the winds are variable, frequently blowing with great violence from the north and north-west, attended with heavy rains.

Commerce. The following comparative table will indicate the progress this group has made during the past year:—

lip. addition to the above return are cash remittances, the amount of which cannot be estimated. The imports do not exceed, so far as I can ascertain, the estimate formed for the year 1866. However, during the past year, many of the immigrants from the adjoining colonies are of a class possessing some means, and have imported a considerable amount of trade and barter on their own account. The total amount of imports may approximate,— By traders ... ... ... ... ... £26,000 By settlers ... ... ... ... ... 3,000 £29,000 The satisfactory increase in the value of exports is owing to the success attending the cultivation of cotton. It will be observed, by referring to the foregoing table, that cocoanut oil, formerly the principal export, has in quantity fallen short of what might have been expected. This, however, can be explained. Cotton. The expense in shipping cotton to the colonies is excessive, and has a depressing effect upon the planter, which can only be removed by direct communication with England. This effected, I

m i5. 1868. >7. Article. Quantity. "Value. Quantity. Value. Quantity. Value. Cotton Cocoanut oil , ,. BSohe-de-mer .. Wool Tortoise-shell Coir Pigs, fruit, &o. .. cwt. tons piouls lb. lb. tons 2,400 500 500 10,120 750 50 £ 9,200 11,000 1,200 400 375 1,500 500 5,880 450 300 8,396 2,000 Nil £ 19,800 9,000 600 320 1,000 7,586 150 880 469 1,700 Nil £ 34,004 3,260 1,600 134 812 250 'l50 £24,175 £30,970 £39,960

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venture to predict that Fiji will rapidly rise to a position of commercial importance. At the present time, freight upon cotton to Sydney is from fd. to Id. per lb., which is about the same rate charged for conveying thence to England. The expenses on this article, for ginning, packing, freight, and brokerage, now consigned to England, via Sydney, amount to 4-|d. per lb. The varieties of cotton cultivated in Fiji are three in number, viz., Kidney, Egyptian, and Sea Island: for the two former an average of 9d. and lOd. per lb. has been obtained at this port; and for the latter, Is. per lb. To the present time no definite report has been made by the cotton-brokers regarding the quality of Fijian cotton. Private advices speak highly of them, arui place their value, according to variety, from Is. 3d. to 3s. 6d. per lb. Oil. The value of exports has been greatly reduced, by the small amount of oil made, compared to former years. Two years ago, these Islands suffered from a violent hurricane, from the effects of which the cocoanut trees have not recovered. Intelligent natives state, the trees require at least three years to regain their vigour after these severe storms. Beche-de-Mer. The beche-de-mer fisheries have been extended during the past year, particularly upon the Mathuata coast, situated upon the north side of Vanua Levu. The increase of value of export under this head has been large, and, provided the exertions used to keep the petty chiefs from quarrelling are successful, will no doubt augment. The fish is sold here at per picul—l4o lb. —and at an average price of 365. per picul. The market prices of this article fluctuate veryjmuch, being sometimes as high as 40s. per picul and as low as 245. during consecutive months. It is shipped to Sydney, and thence to China. Wool. This article, as an export, is becoming less every year. Sheep-farming has hitherto resulted in disappointment to its promoters, the flocks being carried off by some disease for which the owners are unable to account. Notwithstanding the want of success hitherto attending this pursuit, large tracts of land have lately been bought by some sheep-farmers from New Zealand, who intend importing their flocks next May. The following return will show the increase of a small flock of ewes, the increasing weight of fleece, and the gross weight of the clip during three years :^—

VI.-The Fiji's,

Tortoise-shell. Tortoise-shell is plentiful. The amount exported might be increased threefold if the Fijians were at all industrious. The value of this article has fallen greatly. A few years since it was worth 20s. per lb.: now it brings in the colonial markets 9s. Pigs, Timber, Fruit, tStc. Very little has been exported under this head, owing to the influx of settlers during the year past. Everything the native producer could raise in the way of food, either animal or vegetable, has scarcely sufficed to meet their requirements. For the same reason no timber has been exported, the whole being used here for the numerous additions and improvements to the houses of the settlers. Some fruit has been exported, also maize; the latter grows very finely, and is consumed chiefly by the servants and labourers on the various plantations. The coming year will no doubt see these islands advance steadily in the path of prosperity. Large sums of money have lately been invested by men possessing the means to enter extensively into agricultural pursuits. A company is in the course of formation for the purpose of cultivating sugar in the Island of Taviuni, the soil of which is peculiar in richness and fertility. Prom the high opinion competent judges entertain of the sugar-cane now grown by the natives, no doubt can be entertained of the success that will attend the undertaking. Agriculture. Under this head it is satisfactory to report some improvement. In cotton more care is now taken in the selection of seed, in the preparation of the ground, and cultivating the plant. The best season for planting cotton is from September to January. The months of July and August are generally dry, enabling the planter to uproot and burn off the weeds upon his land, and to prepare it for the genial rains of September and October. In dry months, the sun is likely to strike through the soil, and so injure the roots of the young plants, thus producing the disease known as " shore skin." This retards the growth of the tree. If heavy rains fall soon after planting, the

Year. Number of Sheep. Station. "Weight of Fleece. Weight of Clip. 1863 1864 1865 440 559 530 Nanau Island Viti Levu 1b. 2,625 2,836 3,400 1b. 1,150 1,580 1,800

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seed is very liable to rot in the ground ; so in many cases, owing to unpropitious weather, infinite trouble must be endured before the planter can obtain a stand of cotton. The plant appears about four days after sowing, and under favourable circumstances grows rapidly. Sea Island cotton is generally planted in rows 6 feet by 6 feet, but some planters are drilling, as in America, the rows being 5 feet and the plants 30 inches apart. This variety grows much faster and arrives at maturity sooner than any other. I have observed the first blossoms upon a tree one month after planting; at the end of the second month, the blossoms fell and tbe bolls apjDeared; at the end of the third month, the bolls reached maturity, and the cotton was ready for gathering. The most experienced growers estimate each healthy tree will produce annually slb. weight of seed cotton. There are three crops of this variety during the year—the first in January or February, the second in May or June, the third in September or October. The vicissitudes of the seasons, however, will forward or retard the ripening of the crop by a month. In ginning, this cotton loses two-thirds of its gross weight, 300 lb. of seed cotton producing 100 lb. of clean. Assuming that each tree would produce 3 lb. of seed cotton—l lb. of clean fibre (Is.) —and* that an acre of land planted 6 feet by 6 feet carries 1,031 trees, the gross value annually per acre would be £51 11s. The demand for Sea Island cotton is limited; but the diminished production of this variety in America, owing to the disorganization of labour, will probably afford the Fijiian planter an opportunity of selling all he can produce at a remunerative figure for some time to come. The kidney and Egyptian cotton is of much larger growth, requiring to be planted 12 feet by 12 feet. It is sown in the same months as the Sea Island. The picking season is in July. A second and lighter crop can be gathered in December. Tire average yield of this cotton is 1,2001b. per acre, yielding about 3501b. of clean fibre, the value of which, in Fiji, is about £15 sterling. All varieties of cotton in Fiji are perennial. ■ The number of bales leaving Fiji during the present season will be 2,500, of which 90 will be Sea Island; thus, the remainder, say 2,400, will consist of the less valuable varieties, Egyptian, &c, &c. A bale of cotton weighs 3501b. which, stated as above, is the produce of an acre. I estimate the land at present in cultivation by Europeans as follows: — Acres in cotton —Number of bales of 350 lb. ... ... ... 2,400 Acres in cotton, coffee, corn, beans, yams, and vegetables generally, one-third ... ... ... ... .'.. 800 Acres cleared and in course of cultivation ... ... ... 1,500 Total in cultivation ... ... ... 4,700 Estimated area of land held by Europeans ... ... ... 160,000 Uncultivated ... ... ... ... 155,300 The cultivation is carried on by labourers obtained from the neighbouring islands. The implements used are large knives and hoes. Like all Polynesian races, these people prefer sitting to standing whilst at any occupation; therefore they cannot be induced to work with hoes or spades unless they be perfect toys. Nevertheless a fair amount of work is done, provided they are judiciously managed, well fed and cared for. The expense in cultivating land in Fiji is the same as stated in the report of 1866. Three years back there were only two cotton-gins and windmill in all Fiji; at the present date there are about thirty gins, and five steam engines. For short-stapled cottons the saw-gins are preferred, and for the longer, "knife-gins." In the import of agricultural implements there is also an increase, several ploughs, harrows, and cultivators being now in use; for the working of which, and for breeding purposes, seven horses and thirty-five head of cattle have been imported within the last few months. Population. The white population is steadily increasing. The following statement shows the number of residents subject to civilized authority : —

VI.. ThcFijis,

The native population of Fiji may be roughly estimated at 100,000 ; they are, however, rapidly decreasing. I have received the following authentic information of the births and deaths at three towns during the past year. The first town is situated upon the Island of. Ovalau, which contains the principal port of the group, and is the residence of the greater portion of the white people. The second is at Sosi, a division of Bau, at which place only a mission family resides permanently, but

British. British Half-eastos. Total British. American. American Half-caslcs. Total American. Various Nationalities. Men Women Dhilclren 252 45 114 85 63 90 337 108 204 31 1 6 23 21 57 54 22 63 40 1 2 Total 411 ;K8 649 38 101 139 43

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Europeans call there daily. The third is Ba, upon the north-west coast of Viti Levu, where no European visitors reside, and visitors are rare :—

VI. TheFijis.

A very few years ago the Island of Ovalau could send out 3,000 fighting men : now it could only muster 500 by including the lads and old men. This is not a solitary example: the ruined and deserted villages throughout the country bear testimony to the disappearance of the race. John B. Thueston, Port Levuka, Fiji, 31st December, 1867. H.M. Acting Consul in Fiji and Tonga.

No. 3. Governor Sir G. P. Bowen, G.C.M.G. to tho Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbbelby. (No. 33.) My Lord, — Government House, Wellington, New Zealand, 27th March, 1872. 1 have the honour to transmit herewith, for your Lordship's information, copies of correspondence which has passed with Her Majesty's Consul in the Fiji Islands, in consequence of that gentleman having alleged that men were being enlisted in New Zealand for military service in 2. I caused strict inquiry to be made, with the advice of the Attorney-General, and it will be perceived, from the official report (Enclosure 4), that there is no foundation for the rumours referred to by Consul March. I have, &c, The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimberloy. G. F. Bowen.

Enclosure 1. Consul Mabch to the Governor of New Zealand. Sib, — H.B.M. Consulate, Fiji and Tonga, Ovalau, 11th December, 1871. From what has come to my knowledge, I have reason to believe that the so-styled Government of Fiji are endeavouring to raise, among Her Majesty's colonial subjects, a body of men for military service under Thakombau, one of the kings or chiefs of Fiji. Each volunteer is to receive a grant of land in return for his services. It is stated that several recruits have already been, made at the Thames and in Auckland, and that a member of the staff of the Thames Volunteers is taking a loading part in the enlistment. Your Excellency is doubtless aware of the movement initiated for the establishment of a Government in these islands. The group has always been under the control of several independent chiefs ; and, although Thakombau's advisers have lately proclaimed him " King of Fiji," his right to that title is disputed. It is to compel these independent chiefs to submit to him that an army is being raised. I deem it my duty to report this circumstance to your Excellency, as I believe it involves a breach of the Foreign Enlistment Act. I have, &c, His Excellency Sir Goorgo F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. Edwaed Match, Governor of New Zealand. H.M. Consul.

Enclosure 2. The Govebnob of New Zealand to Consul Mabch. Sie, — Government House, Wellington, New Zealand, 22nd January, 1872. I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt, on this day, of your letter of the 11th December ultimo, stating that you have been informed that several recruits have been made in this colony, at the Thames and at Auckland, for the service of Thakombau, of Fiji; and that a member of the staff of tho Thames Volunteers is taking a leading part in the enlistment. The Colonial Government will cause inquiry to be made as to these alleged facts, and will take tho opinion, of the Attorney-General on the questions of law involved. I have, &e., Edward March, Esq. H.B.M. Consul, Fiji. G. F. Bowen.

Enclosure 3. Opinion of Attobney-Genebal. Wellington, 12th February, 1872. I think the alleged enlistment, if without the consent of Her Majesty, is a breach of " The Foreign Enlistment 4.ct 1870." ' ' The Act provides that if any person without the license of Hoi- Majesty, and being a British subject, accepts any engagement in the military service of any " foreign State " at war with any " foreign State " at peaco with Her Majesty, or, whether a British subject or not, induces others to enter such service, ho shall be guilty of an offence. The term " foreign State " includes any " foreign Prince " or any part of any province or people or any person exorcising or assuming to exercise powers of Government in any foreign country or over any part of any province or people. These words seem sufficient to include the state of things existing in the Fiji Islands. I think, therefore, that inquiry should bo made, and, if it bo found to be true that any such enlisting has been practised, that a notice should be issued, warning the public against it, and the officer of Volunteers referred to, if found out, should be warned against proceeding in such a matter. _^i, notwithstanding the warning, the practico is continued, I think that a prosecution should bo instituted. If on inquiry the allegations contained in this letter are not borne out, it will bo unnecessary to take any steps. I think the writer should be informed of what is intended to be done, and thanked for his information. The Hon. the Colonial Secretary. j, P&ekdeegasi.

Town. Died. Born. Of which Died rai Ba 41 60-- * 7 7 Nil 7 4 Nil.

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VI.-The Fijis,

Enclosure 4. Detective Inspector Thomson to the Acting Undee-Secbetaby for Defence, Wellington. Sib, — Armed Constabulary (Detective Branch), Auckland, 15th March, 1872. Referring to your letter of the 21st ultimo, No. 23 (re alleged enlistments here for military service at the Fiji Islands), which reached my office during my temporary absence on duty in the Bay of Plenty District, I have the honour to report that since my return I have caused careful inquiries to bo made in the matter, and have ascertained that the rumour mentioned in your letter, and embodied in a paragraph which went the round of the Press about two months ago (taken from tho Thames Advertiser), has no bettor foundation than the following-facts: About the middle of January last, one " Crichton," or " Cre'ighton," formerly connected with the Volunteer movement as a sergeant-major and drill instructor at tho Thames, returned to Auckland after a short absence at Levuka, and informed some of his friends that he was empowered by the Fijian Government to enrol men for .military service at Fiji; and, his friends speaking of the matter at the Thames, the statement eventually found its -way into the columns of the local Press. Creighton, who is spoken of as a reputed liar and of very intemperate habits, left the Thames considerably in •debt, and has only spent one day there since his return from Fiji. Ho has neither sufficient personal influence nor Lsocial status to induce people hero to look upon him as a duly-appointed agent of the Fiji Government, or any other ■Government. As the result of the inquiries made in the matter, I am in a position to state advisedly ttfat not a single man has been enrolled either here or at the Thames for the service in question, and in this opinion Major Gordon fully concurs with me. Such enlistments (on however small a scale) could no more take place at the Thames than here, without the knowledge of Major Cooper or Sub-Inspector Bullen, of tho Constabulary, to both of whom I have spoken on the subject. Creighton has not teen seen here for some time past, but lam having further inquiries made, and,* should any information be obtained relative to this matter (worth reporting), will duly report same. I have, &c, J. Bell Thomson, G-, S. Cooper, Esq. Under-Seerctary. Inspector, A.C.

Enclosure 5. The Govebnob of New Zealand to Consul Mabch. Sib, — Government House, Wellington, New Zealand, 27th March, 1872. Adverting to your letter of the 11th December ultimo, and to my reply of the 22nd January ultimo, I have now further to inform you that the Colonial Government, acting with the advice of the Attorney-General, have caused strict inquiry to be made ; and that you will perceive, from the enclosed police report, that there is no foundation for the rumour to which you refer, of men having boen enlisted in this colony for military service in Fiji. I have, &c, Edward March, Esq. H.B.M. Consul, Fiji. G. F. Bowen.

No. 4. Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. to the Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbebley. (No. 57.) My Loed, —■ Government House, Auckland, New Zealand, 11th July, 1871. I have the honour to forward herewith, for your Lordship's information, a copy of a letter which I have lately received from the Secretary of King Cakobau, of the Fiji Islands, transmitting copies of the new Fiji Government Gazette, "containing the proclamation and appointment of an Executive to administer the King's Government under the Constitution of 1867." I annex a copy of rny acknowledgment of the receipt of this letter. 2. I understand from Lord Belmoro that he has not failed, according to the custom followed by previous Governors of New South Wales, to keep your Lordship and your predecessors at the Colonial Office fully informed of the progress of events in the Fijis, and in the South Sea Islands generally. I will, therefore, only observe that it is evidently intended to set up in the Fijis a form of policy similar to that already established in the Hawaiian (Sandwich) Islands, viz., a native dynasty, with European advisers and agents. This is an interesting experiment. I have, &c, The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimberley. G. F. Bowen.

Enclosure 1. The Secbetaby to King Cakobau to tho Governob of New Zealand. Youe Excellency,— Levuka, Fiji, Government Offices, 16th June, 1871. I am directed by the King, Cakobau tho First, to transmit for your information copies of Government Gazette, containing proclamation and appointment of an Executive to administer the King's Government under the, Constitution of 1867. I have, &c, W. M. Mooee, His Excellency the Governor of New Zealand. Secretary.

Enclosure 2. The Pbivate Secbetaey to the Sbceetaey to King Cakobau. g IE Government House, Auckland, 4th July, 1871. I am directed by Governor Sir G. Bowen to acknowledge the receipt of your letter No. 31/71, of the 16th Juno ultimo. l have ' &c -> W. M. Moore, Esq. Secretary to Executive Council, Henry D. Pitt, Capt. E.A., LevukaT Fiji. — Private Secretary,

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VI.-The-.Fijis,

No. 5. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbeeley to Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. (Circular.) Sib,- — Downing Street, 3rd November, 187.1. I have received your Despatch No. 57, of the 11th July, 1871, respecting the formation of a Government at Fiji, under the authority of King Thakombau. I have to inform you that, as long as this newly-constituted Government exercises actual authority you should deal with it as a de facto Government so far as concerns the districts which may acknowledge its rule; but HerMajesty's Government are not prepared to give any-opinion as to the propriety of formally recognizing it without much fuller information, as to its character and prospects. I have, &c, Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. Kimbeblby.

No. 6. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbebley to Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. (Circular.) Sib,— Downing Street, 14th August, 1872. Her Majesty's Government have had under their consideration a question which has arisen with reference to the Government established da facto in the Fiji Islands, namely, whether, beyond the limits of the new State, British subjects, so long-as the new State is not duly recognized, can be accepted as citizens of it, and exempted, from British jurisdiction, in respect of acts done by them or engagements entered into with them. A reference has been made to the Law Officers of the Crown, who have advised Her Majesty's Government that British subjects, beyond the limits of the new State not yet duly recognized, should not be accepted as citizens of the new State, nor be held exempted from British jurisdiction for acts done by them on British territory, or on board ships which ought to be navigated under the British flag ; and, further, that they should" not be held exempted from British jurisdiction for engagements entered into with them in cases where the validity or construction of such engagements would properly, and in ordinary course, be triable before a British tribunal. They are further of opinion that Her Majesty's Government may interfere with the acts and engagements of British subjects within Fiji, and may declare certain acts and engagements to be legal or illegal in the case of British subjects within Fiji. The Law Officers have also reported, with reference to inquiries made through Mr. Consul March, by certain half-castes residing at Fiji, as to the protection which could be granted to them, on account of their British origin, in connection with the establishment of a de facto Government, that the half-castes in question appear to be illegitimate children of Fiji women, and to have been born in Fiji territory; and that, consequently, their nationality is not British, and that they are not entitled to British protection. These opinions are communicated to you for your information and guidance. I have, &c, Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. Kmbkeley.

No. 7. Governor the Eight Hon. Sir J. Fbbgusson, Bart, to the Eight Hon. the Earl of Caenabvon. (No. 27.) My Loed, — Government House, Auckland, New Zealand, 13th April, 1874. I have the honour to transmit copies of a memorandum which has been addressed to me by the Premier on the part of the Ministry, with a request that I would transmit it to your Lordship. 2. I have so fully explained to your Lordship's predecessor my sense of the earnest desire of the people of this colony to see British government extended in the South Pacific, where European settlement has spread, that it is unnecessary for me to do more than assure your Lordship that in my belief my Advisers are justified in reckoning on the support of the Assembly in the proposition which they make. 3. I do not understand Ministers to recommend or advocate the constitutional union of Fiji with New Zealand. The dissimilar circumstances of the two communities, the one possessing a large and growing predominance of the Europeans, and the other of the colonial race, seem to me to render the idea of a collective Parliament out of the question. It is, then, to the personal government of the Governor of New Zealand, assisted by his Eesponsible Advisers, perhaps, as Councillors, that the charge of the local government of Fiji, whatever it might be, would be committed. I think that I can offer no remarks upon this proposal that would be of service to Her Majesty's Government. They are well aware that the British people of New Zealand possess a large experience of a similar race to those which inhabit the Fiji and neighbouring groups, and that,' whatever failures may have occurred in the early stages of the colony, the management of Native affairs is now prudent and successful. 4. In the event of Her Majesty's Government undertaking the sovereignty of or protectorate of Fiji, and preferring to place the Lieutenant-Governor, Agent, or Eesident, under the government-in-chief of the Governor .of New Zealand, I see no considerable difficulty in the way. If he should be made personally responsible for the details of government, it would certainly be necessary for him 14—A. 4.

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to pay to the Islands at first a visit of some duration, and to visit them subsequently at occasional periods. To this there is not now likely to be any obstacle in the conditiomof New Zealand, and steam communication is regular and rapid. I have, &c, James Fekgusson, The Eight Hon. the Earl of Carnarvon. Governor. *

VI.-The Fiji*.

Enclosure, -J" - Memorandum for His'Excellency. Three years ago, the Colony of New South Wales was allowed to understand that Her Majesty's Government would not be averse to the colony making an effort to annex Fiji. In a memorandum by the Attorney-General of New South Wales to His Excellency the Governor, under date Bth August, 1871, there occurred the following passago : —" We are aware, from unofficial but reliable sources, that Her Majesty's Ministers in England are anxious to have the Fijian question settled in some way or other without delay. We have been informed that powers would in all probability be conferred upon this colony, if we desired it, to annex Fijifor take it under our protection." The Attorney-fteneral'S memorandum was forwarded to the Secretary of State for the Colonies, who, in commenting on the passage quoted, wroto as follows, under date 3rd November, 1871: —" Sir James Martin adverts to the suggestion that tho Fijis might bo annexed to New South Wales; and, if" the colony were willing to undertake the responsibility of providing for the government of tho Islands, Her Majesty's Government would not refuse to entertain such a proposal, if it met with the concurrence of tho native chiefs." That colony did not favourably respond to the suggestion. The Premier thinks that, if New Zealand were given to understand that an offer by the colony to provide for the government of the Islands would be entertained, it is probable the Assembly would sanction such an offer being made. New Zealand is better fitted than Now South Wales to undertake tho charge, on account of its nearer proximity, and its familiarity with the government of a race similar-4o that which com.prisos the bulk of the population of Fiji. In 'establishing a Government at Fiji, the problem to be worked out is to divide tho government fairly between the two races. Only of late years, and after the Native race ceased to be the more numerous, has this been sufficiently realized in New Zealand. But, when the colony was left to its own guidance, it arrived at the conclusion that the plough, and tho axe, and the pen were preferable agents to tho sword and the rifle ; and the Maori race has eagerly responded to the policy. The Maoris themselves would be excellent agents for extending to the Fiji Islands the desire for government and the knowledge of how to govern. The Maori schools, which arc being so plentifully established in the colony, could doubtless be made available for training young Fijians. The Now Zealand colonists have already largely directed their attention to Fiji. They have established a bank there, with its head-quarters in Now Zealand. Respecting the natural position which New Zealand occupies in regard to Fiji, the following extract from the report of Mr. Thurston, 1866, then Her Majesty's Consul in Fiji and Tonga, printed in a Blue Book presented to the House of Commons, is instructive :—" Auckland, in New Zealand, is naturally tho d.6pot for the South Sea Islands trade. It is one-third of the distance nearer to Fiji than Sydney is. As the prevailing winds are fair both for going and returning, merchandise from Europe can be landed there at tho same prices and in about tho same time as at Sydney, and the return voyage is much shorter." The laws of New Zealand, including those which enable revenue to be raised, would in great measure be at once applicable to Fiji. In short, all the experience of self-government gained by New Zealand should fit it for tho task of establishing a Colonial Government at Fiji, the group to become part of tho colony, or to bo governed as a separato province, or in tho form of a protectorate, according as, after discussion, might be found, most desirable. Precedent is not wanting for the suggested course. The Commission issued to tho first Governor of New South Wales, Captain Phillip, gave him a jurisdiction which included and extended beyond the Fijian group. New Zealand was for some time actually governed from New South Wales. Tho Mauritius now governs the Seychelles. The Cape Government exercises, it is believed, or has exercised, protectorate rights over distinct territories ; and not long since, to Canada was assigned the duty of governing Manitoba. As already stated, the Premier only asks that the Assembly bo invited to make a proposal. He ia not prepared to guarantee that it will do so. The terms upon which the duty should be undertaken would of course have to be considered. Tho Earl of Kimberley, in a despatch under date 16th March, 1871, wrote : —" It would be impossible for this country to undertake the. responsibility of the government of the Islands, without a sufficient force to support its authority." In the event of annexation to New Zealand, this would probably not be required, and Her Majesty's Government would be spared much expense which would undoubtedly follow independent annexation. In consideration of this saving, it is to be presumed some assistance would be rendered at tho outset; but it would be premature to discuss tho point, or even to make it a condition. Wellington, Bth April, 1874. Julius Voghd,

No. 8. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Carnarvon to Governor the Eight Hon. Sir J. Fbbgusson, Bart. (No. 45.) Sib, — Downing Street, 9th September, 1874. I duly received your Despatch No. 27, of the 13th of April, enclosing a memorandum approved by your Government on the subject of the establishment of a Government in the Fiji Islands in the event of their annexation to the British Crown. 2. I have received the communication with very great satisfaction. I understand it to mean on the part of your Ministers a readiness to accept a share of the burden and responsibility which, if the Islands become annexed to the Crown, will be incurred. Though colonial even more than Imperial interests are concerned in this question, I recognize in this readiness to co-operate with Her Majesty's Government an evidence of the national feeling by which your Ministers, and the entire Colony of New Zealand, are influenced, and their desire to associate themselves with the policy of this country. At the same time, whilst cordially acknowledging this feeling, for the reasons which I have given in a despatch addressed to the Governor of New South Wales on the 7th of last month, and of which I enclose you now a copy, I am of opinion that no one colony of the Australasian group can properly undertake a part in the direct government of those Islands, and that the co-operation which I understand tlism to offer, and which I rejoice to receive, can bo bast afforded in the manner which I have indicated in that despatch. _ 3. For these reasons you are at liberty to submit, for the consideration of your Ministers, the suggestions which I have made to the Governor of New South Wales in my despatch of the 7th August, in regard to a money contribution towards the general expenses of administration.

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4. I should before now r have replied to your despatch of the 13th April, but that I considered it best to defer my answer until the course to be taken by Her Majesty's Government, and the consequent instructions to be given to Sir H. Eobinson in regard to the mission to Fiji, with which he is charged, should have been finally determined upon. I have, &c, Governor the Eight Hon. Sir J. Fergusson, Bart. Cabnabvon.

VI.-The Fijis,

Enclosure. ■ -?' - The Eight Hon. the Earl of Caknabvon to Governor Sir Herchles Eobinsoh, K.O.M.G. New South Wales. Sin,— Downing Street, 7tli August, 1874. I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your telegram, dated 21st July, relative to an anticipated deficit in the revenue of Fiji in the event of its annexation, in which you state that your Ministers fully appreciate the obligation of New South Wales to assist in the establishment of a G overnment in the Islands, and indicate various modes in which such assistance might be given; adding that, if preferred, yoiir Ministers would ask the Colonial Legislature to contribute, in money, a portion of the probable deficiency. 2. You inform me that a minute expressing more fully the views of your Cabinet will be sent by the next mail. But, looking to the importance of the question, and the necessity of allowing no unnecessary delay in dealing with it, I will at once explain to you the form in which Her Majesty's Government are at present disposed to think that the colonies oduld best co-operate in this matter. 3. And, in the first place, I desire to express my hearty appreciation of the readiness evinced by your Ministers to undertake on the part of New South Wales a portion of the cost, and to assist in the administration of Fiji. X had . already received from the Government of New Zealand a spontaneous and sornewhat similar intimation of the readiness of that colony to co-operate, in various ways, through its Governor and public departments, in providing the Islands with a Government which might be at once efficient and economical. The total sum of money which may in any case bo required to meet the possible deficiency in the revenue si Fiji will probably not bo considerable. Nor could I, on the mere ground of saving expense to the Imperial Treasury, ask your Government to contribute money towards a deficiency of revenue. But I hail this oiler as a fresh evidence of the sympathy which exists between the Australian Colonies and their Mother-country, and of their readiness to bear their share, so far as circumstances admit, in the common burdens of the Empire. So believing, Ido not hesitate to reply to that offer in the spirit in which it is made. 4. In accepting, then, this proposal, I need perhaps hardly say that it is impossible'to invite your Ministers to a co-operation in the actual duties of Government. They will be well aware that, in order to secure that administrative efficiency in which we are all interested, there can bo no divided.responsibilities or uncertain authority. The authority can obviously be exercised only by the Imperial Government; and, though the anxieties of organizing and administering a new colony are in one sense enhanced, in another they are lightened to me by the generous confidence in the dispositions and intentions of Her Majesty's Government which this offer indicates. 5. Whilst thus acknowledging, as I feel is due, the spirit in which this offer of assistance has been made by your Ministers, I may add' that I fully believe that the present is one of those occasions where the principle of co-operation among different members of the Empire has an especial fitness. 6. It is alike the desire and for the advantage of the Australasian Colonies that British rule should be established in Fiji, in order to give increased security not only to British interests, but even more immediately to the great and growing interests of those colonies. I conceive, therefore, that lam only acting in conformity with their feeling •ivhen I invite the Colonial Legislatures to share with this Government the expenses attendant upon giving effect to a policy which they have advocated, and with which their future interests, political and commercial, are eio largely connected. Nor am I uninfluenced by the conviction that, in undertaking the responsibility of establishing a Colonial Government in .Fiji, I can fully rely upon the readiness of all the Australasian Colonies to give practical proof of their strong desire to see the labour traffic regulated, and its abuses eradicated, by the establishment of British authority in these Islands, which, though they do not cover the entire area of the kidnapping trade, form at least one of its principal centres, and constitute a point from which any effective control may be exercised. 7. Taking therefore all these circumstances into consideration, I have arrived at the conclusion that, in order to he thoroughly efficient and capable of acting promptly and vigorously, the Government of Fiji, should it become a colony, must ho strong and complete within itself, and must be directed, for a time at all events, from this country. It will, I conceive, be most essential to select for the first Governor a person possessed of tried administrative ability, and, if possible, of experience in colonies inhabited by a mixed population of European and coloured races, and to provide him with really efficient officers in the principal departments of Government. The salaries therefore of the Governor and the principal officers must in my opinion be liberal; but, in determining this and other similar questions, it is my firm determination that the strictest economy, consistent with administrative efficiency, shall be practised. At the same time I cannot conceal from myself that there are already indications of some heavy expenses of various kinds, which in many other, places and under different circumstances would not have to be incurred, and which, added to the impoverished condition, of many, of the settlers in the Islands, will render it impossible to rely upon raising the revenue estimated by the Commissioners. 8. Taking then all things into consideration, I trust that I am making no unreasonable proposal if I invite each of the four colonies of Now South Wales, Victoria, New Zealand, and Queensland, who are principally concerned in the commerce of the Islands, and in the regulation of the labour traffic, to contribute the sum of £4,000 a year towards the expenses of the Colonial Government of Fiji. It is, I trust, not improbable that smaller contributions in each case may suffice, and in that event I should propose to draw only the necessary proportion from each colony to make good the deficit. 9. I propose to address you on other questions connected with the annexation of these Islands by the next mail. I have, &e., Governor Sir Hercules Robinson, K.C.M.G-. &c. Carnarvon.

No. 9. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Cabnaevon to Governor the Most Hon. the Marquis of Noemanby. (Circular.) My Lobd, — Downing Street, 9th July, 1875. In the autumn of last year, and in the course of a correspondence with reference to the cession of the Fiji Islands, I suggested, in a despatch addressed to the Governor of NewTSouth Wales, of -which copies were subsequently sent to the Governors of Victoria, New Zealand, ajjd Queensland, that each of these four colonies, being from various reasons specially interested in the establishment of the new colony^should contribute a small annual sum, not to exceed in any case £4,000, towards the probable deficiency in the revenue. 2. Even before the lamentable outbreak of disease which has recently ravaged the Islands, sufficient proof had been afforded that the anticipations of revenue were not likely to be realized;

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1 and the last return which I have received shows the collections from the lltli of October to the 31st of December, 1874, to fall short by £1,544 135., or considerably less than the moderate expenditure of the same period. The late calamity, it is needless to say, has of course seriously crippled the necessarily slender financial resources of the young colony. 3. Her Majesty's Government has now made such provision as seems necessary for enabling the Colony of Fiji to contend with what I trust may be only a limited period of financial difficulty, and it is not my object to renew in this despatch the suggestion that any of the colonies should co-operate in the way contemplated by me last year. J3ut I "think it due to myself, and indeed to the Colonial Governments also (all of whom, readily entered upon the consideration of the question, although none of them were satisfied that they could confidently make any recommendation to their Parliaments), that I should tak ome noi ice of the replies which have been made, more especially as the principle on which I proceeded would soern not to have been sufficiently explained or understood. 4. The circumstances under which I considered that Her Majesty's Government might be justified in accepting a money contribution from the Australian Colonies were these : At their strong and repeated instance, and for reasons on which I need not now dwelL it had been decided to accept the cession of Fiji, and to establish there a British Government, which, though its presence must necessarily affect in many ways the neighbouring colonies, it was not thought desirable to place in special connection with, or under the political influence of, any one of them. 5. It became, therefore, necessary to provide a sufficient civil staff for the proper administration of Fiji as a separate Crown colony; and, having been called upon on many recent occasions to consider what minimum of expenditure could bo safely adopted in similar cases, I framed a scale of establishments involving the lowest possible, cost which, according to my experience, could safely be incurred. 6. I at once perceived, however, that it was very doubtful whether the revenue would meet the cost of such an administration; and, as New South Wales and New Zealand had liberally volunteered to give assistance, through their Governors or Judges, or otherwise, in the conduct of public affairs, I thought it not impossible that they might be disposed to make their contributions in another and, as it so happened, in a more convenient form, and that the other two colonies principally concerned in Polynesian matters, namely, Victoria and Queensland, might desire not to be excluded from any such arrangement. In order to place all as far as possible on the same footing, it appeared to me that the most satisfactory course for all parties might be a money contribution, but that, for reasons which I explained, and which I think must command general assent, the colonies contributing should not undertake any share in the government of Fiji. 7. Without recapitulating in detail the replies of the several Governments, I may state briefly that the Government of New South Wales was of opinion that it would not be possible for all the four colonies to combine with the Imperial Government in granting financial assistance, but, with a liberality and readiness which Her Majesty's Government fully appreciate, offered to ask the sanction of the Legislature to a proposal that New South Wales should bear an equal part of any deficit with this Government: suggesting, as an alternative, that New South Wales and England should each guarantee one-half of a contemplated loan of £100,000. 8. The Government of Queensland, on the other hand, was not favourable to the principle of a contribution from the revenue of that colony, and considered that Fiji had no claim, direct or indirect, upon it, on the ground that no trading relations exist between the two colonies. Without desiring to enter into any unnecessary controversy, I feel bound, in passing, to observe on this head that, as Queensland has been largely concerned in the labour traffic, the regulation of which was a principal object of the annexation of Fiji, that colony could not be considered to be uninterested, if, indeed, it was not under a special obligation to assist in such a case as this. 9. The Government of New Zealand took a somewhat different view, and was unwilling to contribute towards the expenses of Fiji without a corresponding voice in the direction of the administration. 10. And, lastly, the Government of Victoria, observing that it had not been a party to previous communications with respect to the annexation of Fiji, felt unable to decide whether it should place the proposal before Parliament, without further information as to the duration of the proposed grant, and as to the obligations which would devolve on Victoria in the event of complications in Fiji —matters which I had endeavoured, though, as it would appear, imperfectly, to explain in my despatch to the Governor of New South Wales of the 7th August. The representation, however, made by the Government of Victoria, that " no colony or colonies should exercise any exclusive control or enjoy any special privileges in Fiji from which the rest of Australia should be shut out," would in any case have had great weight with me, and expressed a conclusion to which I had myself already been led. 11. It would, in my opinion, have been obviously undesirable, in a matter where the grace of the action depended upon it being voluntary, and where tho amount involved was so small that it would be mainly valuable as proving the readiness of the great colonies to accept their membership in the common duties of the Empire, to put the slightest pressure upon any one of them to make this joint contribution. 12. It was, as I explained in my former despatch, principally to give trial and effect to the principle of joint action among different members of the Empire in such cases that I invited co-operation in a matter in which the contributions proposed were so inconsiderabletss to make it practically immaterial, .except in connection with such a principle, whether the arrangements could be at once carried out. 13. But as I am still inclined to believe that the Colonial Governments are alive to the expediency of bearing, in certain cases, a share of those burdens which cannot fairly be thrown entirely upon the revenue of Great Britain, it may be well that I should take this opportunity

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of again explaining the part which, in my opinion, it would be reasonable, in any similar case in future, for them to bear in an undertaking into which they may desire the Imperial Government to enter. 14. It may again hereafter be deemed a matter of great importance to a colony or group of colonies that the protection or sovereignty of the Crown should be extended to a place adjacent to those colonies, either because British subjects have settled or are likely to settle there, or because there is a trade with colonial ports needing protection or development, or in order to anticipate the occupation of the country by any foreign Power. -J& • 15. Taking, in illustration of this principle, the., case of Fiji, or that of New Guinea (over a portion of which Her Majesty's Government have been invited, for reasons which are more or less worthy of consideration, to advise that the @*6wn should assume jurisdiction), it must be obvious that the future of these islands is of the most direct and material importance to the colonies of Australasia; while it would be impossible for a very large proportion of the taxpayers of this country to understand on what principle they should bear—whilst the colonies immediately con-., cerned should be exempted from—the burden of any expenditure that may be incurred in connection with such places. 16. In the corresponding case of a Crown colony, there would be no doubt as to the course to be pursued. If the Government of such a colony should recommend the intervention of this country and the expenditure of money in a neighbouring territory, among the first questions to be considered would be what amount the colony could and ought to expend on such objects, as in fact has recently happened in the Malay Peninsula. There, in order to promote British enterprise and extend relations in the Malay territories adjacent to the Straits Settlements, the Government of those settlements has granted a subsidy for a telegraph line beyond its frontiers, and has made itself responsible, in the first instance, for the salaries of residents at the Courts of the native princes. The progress of the Australasian Colonies is* so rapid that one can hardly venture at any particular date to calculate what their aggregate revenues may be ; but it has been lately said that they amount to some £14,000,000 per annum. I cannot doubt that colonies which possess such magnificent resources, and which have shown not only an enlightened liberality in their internal government, but, on occasional emergency, a remarkable eagerness to contribute to Imperial needs, will be desirous to join in establishing some system under which they may share in the cost of any policy which they may hereafter propose as essential to their interests and those of the Empire generally; and I request you, in communicating this despatch to your Ministers, to intimate to them that, while I am obliged by the consideration which they have given to my suggestion in reference to a contribution towards the deficiency of revenue in Fiji, and have no desire to press it further on them, I shall be glad if they will consider—whether as regards the Colony of New Zealand alone, or, better still, in my opinion, should this appear convenient, in concert with the other Governments of Australasia—whether the time has not arrived for the adoption of some general principle (such as has in fact been already tested, though on a very small scale, in the case of the joint contributions towards the settlement of Cape York), under which each colony more immediately concerned shall bear its reasonable proportion of the expense attending any policy which it may advocate or approve. I have, &c, Governor the Most Hon. the Marquis of Normanby, K.C.M.G. &c. Cabnabvon.

VI,-The Fijis,

No. 10. Governor the Most Hon. the Marquis of Nobmanby to the Eight Hon. the Earl of Caenabvon. My Lobd, —■ Government House, Auckland, New Zealand, 27th April, 1876. Referring to your Lordship's circular despatch of the 9th July, 1875, on the subject of the annexation of Fiji, in which, while waiving any desire to press further the consideration of a contribution from this colony towards the denciency"*m Fiji, your Lordship expressed a desire that, a"s regards future action, my Government should consider " Whether the time has not arrived for the adoption of some general principle under which each colony more immediately concerned shall bear its reasonable proportion of the expense attending any policy which it may advocate or approve," I have now the honour to enclose six copies of a memorandum in which my Government have embodied their views upon the subject. 2. I regret that there has been so much delay in obtaining this reply, but my Government were anxious to reserve their answer until after the return of Sir Julius Vogel, with whom they wished to consult. 3. It certainly appears to me most desirable that, in future, any question of contribution from the revenue of one colony towards the support of any now colony that it is proposed to annex, should be distinctly settled before the annexation takes place, so as to preclude any subsequent misunderstanding. At the same time, however, where such annexation takes place at the instigation and for the benefit of any particular colony or colonies, it does seem to me most reasonable that, before complying with their request, they should be required to fix definitely the funds that they are prepared to appropriate towards the carrying-out of the policy they are advocating. 4. The advantages and disadvantages to this colony of the proposed annexation could then be dispassionately considered; and, while the Imperial revenue would thus be relieved from a fair proportion of the burden entailed, the colonies could have no possible complaint, as their contribution would have been voluntarily tendered in consideration of the benefit they expected to derive. 5. My Government will, in accordance with the wish expressed by your Lordship, communicate with the other Australian Governments, with the view, if possible, of adopting some general principle on the subject. I have, &c, The Eight Hon. the Earl of Carnarvon. Noemanbt.

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Enclosure. The Hon. Sir J. Vogel to His Excellency the Govebnoe. My Lobd,— Wellington, Bth April, 1876. I have the honour to transmit to your Excellency a memorandum which has been agreed to in Cabinet, in reply to Lord Carnarvon's despatch of the 9th of July, 1875. I also enclose copies of the memorandum, as your Excellency may desire to communicate with tho Secretary of State by the out-going mail. I have, &c. His Excellency the Most Hon. the Marquis of Normanby, Auckland. . „. Julius Vogel. Sub-Enclosure. MBMOEANDnir for His Excellency. The Premier, with the approval of tho "Cabinet,-bas the honour to respectfully submit to His Excellency tho following remarks upon the circular despatch of the Earl of Carnarvon, dated 9th July, 1875, on the subject of colonial contributions to the cost of governing the Islands of tho Pacific, of which Her Majesty assumes possession for the benefit of these colonies. _ The delay in commenting on this despatch has arisen through the Premier's absence, and his colleagues desiring to await his return before taking action about it. Lord Carnarvon states his views witk great kindness and courtesy, and evidently desires to consider that the colonies have been actuated by not illiberal motives ; but it is impossible to fail to see that the case, as put by his Lordship, means—That the Australasian Colonies more or less urged on the Imperial Government the expediency and the necessity of assuming possession of Fiji; that partly in consequence of these representations, possession was assumed ; that the colonies are particularly interested in such possession being taken; that they have ample revenues; that, as soon as annexation was effected, a trifling contribution to the revenue of Fiji was asked from them, as much with the view cf testing their feelings as from the necessity of such contribution; that the contribution was refused on various grounds ; that the Imperial Government were left to bear alone the consequence of complying with the advice of the colonies; and that, to avoid any similar iniscc>hception, it will be better, in future, for the colonies to recognize the principle that certain responsibilities attach to the advice they render. It is not unnatural that the Secretary of State should see the subjectin this light. He finds the Imperial Government threatened with a deficiency on account of Her Krajesty having accepted the possession of Fiji, that possession having been taken at the instance of tho colonies ; and, when ho turns to them for aid, the specific request he makes meets with refusal. But the Premier wishes to say a few words on the colonial view of the case, to show that, at any rate, the colonies have not been actuated by an illiberal desire to evade responsibilities they conceived to be just. Ho believes that underlying the replies of all the colonies there have been these two feelings—First, that the Mother-country was drifting into an entirely new colonial, or rather anti-colonial, policy ; that in times past she did not hesitate to incur colonial expenditure ; that assuming possession of Fiji was analogous to many previous cases ; that to ask contributions from the colonies was a novel proceeding, connected only with the presumed policy of casting the colonies adrift; and that to acquiesce in it would argue an acceptance by the colonies of the new position it was desired to assign to them. Second, that there was an anomaly in contributing to the cost of a G-overnment in which no control was to be permitted to tho contributors. The Premier is glad to hope that the policy"of disintegrating tho Empire is los.ractively pursued. Tho Conservatives never supported it, and an important section of the Liberals appears to have abandoned it, as witness the remarkable speech on the colonies delivered a few months since by .the Eight Honourable Mr. Forster. But it is not to be supposed that the soreness which for several years had grown up in the colonies, at the idea that they were regarded as burdens on, rather than as valuable parts of, the Empire, slioall die away in a day. Lord Carnarvon's proposal was not altogether viewed in tho spirit in which it was made. Besides, it is much better that prospective rather than retrospective arrangements should be made. It is not the "business of G-overnments to be liberal: on the contrary, they have to consider it, as a rule, highly inexpedient to indulge in any expenditure that can with honour be avoided. The Imperial Government having annexed Fiji, made it more difficult to entertain the question of contributions than would have been the case had the colonial Governments been told that agreement to make such contributions would be considered necessary before Her Majesty would be advised to annex those Islands. The case now to be considered is that of prospective contribution as a consequence of advising further annexation. Tho question is one of great interest to New Zealand, because this colony is no doubt much concerned in the annexation of the Navigator Islands. It is a new feature for a colony by pecuniary contributions to aid the Mother-country to enlarge the colonial possessions. The Secretary of State gives no analogous instance, excepting one of a joint contribution to a harbour of refuge at Somerset. Humanitarian rather than commercial reasons led to this arrangement, and it is very little in point. But a groat deal of weight may be attached to the view that the Imperial Government have the right to consider advice volunteered by the colonies, unsupported by any assistance, as, to say the least, not much entitled to consideration if it be made on the ground only of Imperial concern. On the ground of the interests of the whole Empire, a request to extend the colonial possessions made by 300,000 people in New Zealand is entitled to no more weight than a similar request from 300,000 British subjects in a British town. To them, the answer would be, "Why do you want to cast an additional cost on tho country ? Our colonial possessions are sufficiently large." But the request of New Zealand would really not mean advice volunteered in the general interests only of the Empire : it would mean that it was volunteered, also, in the special interest of the portion of tho Empire making the request. And here another fact obtrudes itself. The English Government, before Fiji was annexed, had commenced a crusade against labour-traffic amongst the Islands. Nothing could have been more satisfactory than this determination to stamp out a system of slavery; but the feeling was very strong, that the attempt to do it would be comparatively futile until the Government acquired a more substantial right to protect the islanders than they possessed. Whilst they did not hold, and were not directly interested in ruling, a single island between Sydney and San Francisco, their efforts were regarded as spasmodic and temporary, and had the effect of rather stimulating the labour-trade by making" it more profitable. It is impossible to overstate tho moral effects of annexing Fiji; but, before the annexation, the colonies felt that their own interest in its annexation was trifling as compared with the interest which the Mothercountry had in it, in aid of the determination to repress South Sea slavery. The Premier, when he despaired of anything like a comprehensive South Sea Islands policy being pursued by tho Imperial Government, proposed that New Zealand should take the task in hand by means of a chartered company. It is his duty to admit that there is no longer need of New Zealand volunteering in this way ; for he recognizes that, as far as the Empire is concerned, the steps being taken are in a wise and excellent direction. Not only has Fiji been annexed, but, by an Act of last year, Her" Majesty, without possession, has asserted in a novel form a right of exercising considerable authority in those of tho Islands which, do not possess civilized Governments. Sir Arthur Gordon, the High Commissioner appointed under the provisions of "The Pacific Islanders Protection Act, 1875," is certainly not likely to undervalue the responsibilities of tho powerful position assigned to him. Under these circumstances, it seems to the Premier reasonable thaj; any recommendations for further annexation which New Zealand makes should, unless these recommendations are wholly free from considerations specially affecting itself, be accompanied by b, statement of the pecuniary aid it is prepared to render. No doubt such pecuniary aid."wcnild be very peculiar ; but the recommendations would also be peculiar, for they would be made in New Zealand interests. It is unquestionably important to 3Sew Zealand that a foreign Power should not own the Navigator Islands. But in this case the Imperial Government has a large direct interest. The Islands are excellent, both in resources and position; they are outside .the hurricane track; and for maritime purposes are, it is believed, much more valuable than Fiji, with its dangerous approaches. It is, perhaps, inexpedient to urge annexation just now, but it may be desirable at

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some future time to do so ; and, in the face of the Despatch under consideration, it would bo impossible to make the recommendation without knowing the views of tho Assembly as to a money contribution. The Premier therefore thinks that, when it is considered desirable to take further steps, the Government should submit to both Houses a resolution to the effect —That tho Assembly recognizes that, if the colony urges the Imperial Government to further annexation, because of the interests of New Zealand partly or wholly requiring the annexation, a statement should also be made of the amount the colony is prepared to contribute; and the Assembly is also of opinion that, if the Government at any time deem it necessary to recommend the annexation of the Navigator group, such-recommenda-tion should be accompanied by an undertaking to submit to the Legislature a stated contribution. . •». Lord Carnarvon intimates that he would prefer that tho colony should cojno to a conclusion in concert with the other colonies. On behalf of New Zealand, the Premier would bo glad bo' aid. this result, but he does not see much prospect of it. New South Wales and New Zealand frequently a»ct in concert, and their interests are identical with regard to some of the Islands. The other colonies have less direct interests at stake. With His Excellency's permission, copies of this memorandum might be s.cnt to ail the Australian Colonies, though it is doubtful if any results would follow. Probably each colony has already forwarded an expression of its views. Wellington, sth April, 1876. Julius Voqel.

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VII. NEW GAL E"'D ONI A .

Vll,—New Caledonia.

ITS CONVICTS. No. 1. The Eight Hon. the Earl -of Kimbesley to Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. (Circular.) Sib, — Downing Street, 14th July, 1871. I transmit to jrou, for your information, a copy of a correspondence between this office and the Agents-General in England for the Colonies of New South Wales and Victoria, on the subject of the rumoured intention of the French Government to transport to New Caledonia a large number of the prisoners taken in the late insurrection in Paris. I have, &c. Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. Kimbekley.

Its Convict:

Enclosure 1. Mr. Verdon to the Undee-Secretaey of State, Colonial Office. (No. 5504.) - Sin.— 8, Victoria Chambers, Victoria Street, Westminster, S.W. Bth June, 1871. I beg leave to ask that the attention of the Secretary of State for the Colonies may be directed to the statement that 20,000 French convicts are about to be sent to New Caledonia. For many years the Governments of Australia have endeavoured to prevent the introduction of criminals from Europe to the Australian Continent, and the reasons urged against the continuance of transportation to Western Australia prevailed with Her Majesty's Government. It was found, although the distance between tho penal settlement of Western Australia and the Eastern Colonies is very great, that it did not prevent convicts and ticket-of-leave men from finding their way thither, either by land or sea; and much of the worst kind of crime with which the Governments had to contend could be traced to that source. It cannot be doubted that, out of 20,000 prisoners, many will be able to escape ; and it is equally certain, if they do, that they will find their way to Australia, and greatly add to tho care and cost of the colonial Governments. My object in making this communication is to urge that Her Majesty's Government may be pleased to inquire as to the truth of the report, and to take whatever measures may be necessary for the protection of British interests in Australia, which, as I have endeavoured to show, would be seriously affected by tho transportation of large numbers of convicts to New Caledonia. I have, &c. George Vebdos", The Under-Secretary of State, Colonial Office. Agent-General for Victoria.

Enclosure 2. Mr. Holland to Mr. Verdon. Sik, — Downing Street, 9th June, 1871. I have laid before the Earl of Kimberley your letter of tho Bth instant, calling attention to a statement which has appeared in the newspapers that the French Government were about to send 20,000 convicts to New Caledonia. His Lordship desires me to inform you that he has suggested to Lord Granvillo that inquiry should be made of the French Government on the subject. I have, &o. G. Verdon, Esq., C.B. H. T. Hollabd.

Enclosure 3. Mr. Holland to Mr. Cowper and Mr. Verdon. Slß,— Downing Street, 3rd July, 1871. With reference to the representation which you made to the Earl of Kimberley in the course of last month, — With reference to your letter of tho 13th ultimo—respecting a statement which appeared in the newspapers that the French Government were about to send 20,000 convicts to New Caledonia—l am directed by his Lordship the Earl of Kimberley to inform you that Lord Lyons reports that no decision has been come to on this subject by the French Government or the National Assembly. I have, &c. Charles Cowper, Esq. and Q. Verdon, Esq. C.B. 11. T. Hollakd.

To Mr. Cowper. To Mr. Verdon.

Enclosure 4. Mr. Vebdon to the XJhtdeb-Secbetaby, Colonial Office. Sir, — 8, Victoria Chambers, Victoria Street, Westminster, S.W. sth July, 1871. lam glad to learn, from Mr. Holland'js letter of the 3rd instant, that Lord Lyons has reported that no decision has been come to by the Government or Legislature of Franco, on the subject of transporting large numbers of convicts to New Caledonia. .- In conveying this information to the Chief Secretary of Victoria, I shall lie glad to bo authorized tcTsay that Her Majesty's Government will &> whatever may be possible to avert the serious injury which would be inflicted upon all the colonies of Australia if the project were carried out. _- I have, &c, G. Verdon, The Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies. Agent-Genoral for Victoria.

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Enclosure 5. Mr, Cowper to Mr, Holland. Agency of the Government of New South Wales, Sib,— 8, Adam Street, Adelphi, W.C. Bth July, 1871. I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 3rd instant, communicating to me, by direction of Lord Kimberley, the result of his Lordship's inquiry respecting a statement which appeared in the newspapers, that tho French Government were about to send convicts to New Caledonia ; and I have the honour to request thst you will convey to his Lordship my respectful thanks for the prompt attention to the request personally made by me to his Lordship. ' 1 have, &c. Chables Cowper, H, T. Holland, Esq. Under-Secretary, &c. Colonial Office. Agent-General for New South Wales.

Vll.—New Caledonia.

I ts Convicts.

■ Enclosure 6. Mr. Heebebt to Mr. Vebdox. Sir,— Downing Street, 13th July, 1871. Lord Kimberley has had before him your letter of the sth instant, in which you say that you will be glad to be authorized to acquaint the Government of Victoria that Her Majesty's Government will do whatever may be possible to avert the serious injury which would be inflicted on all the colonies of Australia, if the project of transporting large numbers of French convicts to New Caledonia were carried out. This question has received careful consideration, and Lord Kimberley regrets that Her Majesty's Government do not see what steps they could, with propriety, take in the matter. Lord Kimberley would also point out that the distance of New Caledonia, even from Queensland, is so considerable as to render it reasonable to expect that no serious injury would be caused to the Australian Colonies by the transportation of additional convicts to the French penal settlement, which'has not, as far as Lord Kimberley is aware, hitherto been productive of any inconvenience to the British colon;' The strict control and supervision exercised over French convicts render their escape very difficult; and it may be mentioned, as a proof that there is no good ground for alarm, that the French penal settlement of Cayenne has long existed in close proximity to English oolonies without any grave evils arising in consequence of such proximity.. I have, &c. G. Verdon, Esq. C.B. B. G. W. Hebbebt.

Enclosure 7. Mr. Hebbebt to Mr. Cowpeß; Sib,— Downing Street, 13th July, 1871. • With reference to previous correspondence, I am directed by the Earl of Kimberley to transmit to you a. copy of a letter which he has caused to be addressed to Mr. Verdon on the subject of the rumoured intention of ths French Government to send an additional number of prisoners to New Caledonia. have, &c. C. Cowper, Esq. C.M.G. It. G. W. Heebebt.

No. 2. The Bight Hon. the Earl of Kimbebley to Govebnok Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. (Circular.) Sie,~ Downing Street, 21st December, 1871. With reference to my circular despatch of 14th July last, I transmit to you, for your information, a, copy of a correspondence which has taken place with the Foreign Office, on the subject of the convicts sent to New Caledonia by the French Government. I have, &c. The Officer Administering the Government of New Zealand. Kimbebley.

Enclosure 1. Mr. Hammokd to the Under-Secbetaby of State, Colonial Office. Sib, — Foreign Office, 23rd November, 1871. I am directed by Her Majesty's Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs to transmit to you, to be laid beforo the Earl of Kimberley, the accompanying copy of a despatch from Mr. West, reporting the departure for New Caledonia of a certain number of French convicts. I have, &c. The Under-Secretary of State, Colonial Office. E. Hammond.

Sub-Enclosure. Mr. West to Earl Gbanville. Bib,— Paris, 19th November, 1871. With reference to your Lordship's Despatch No. 425, of the 20th June last, I have the honour to inform you that the French transport "Jura" is reported to have loft Toulon for New Caledonia, with a considerable number of convicts. The vessel proceeds by way of the Isthmus of Suez. I have, &c. The Earl Granville, K.G. L. S. Sackville West.

Enclosure 2. Mr. Holland to Mr. Hammond. Sib,— Downing Street, 29th November, 1871. I am directed by the Earl of Khnberley to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 23rd instant, enclosing a copy of a despatch from Mr. West, reportingsthe departure of a number of French convicts for Now Caledonia. Lord Kimberley would suggest, for the consideration of Karl Granville, whether it may not be desirable to express, through Lord Lyons, the confident hope of Her Majesty's Government that the Government of France will not fail to make the fullest provision for the safe custody, and for preventing the escapo to the neighbouring PJnglish colonies, of any convicts confined in Now Caledonia or other adjacent island. I am, &c. The Right Hon. E. Hammond. H. T. Holiand. 15—A. 4. ' v

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VII.-New Caledonia.

Enclosure 3. Mr. Hammond to the Undeb-Secbetaby of State, Colonial Office. Sib, — Foreign Office, 2nd December, 1871. I have laid beforo Lord Granville your letter of the 29th ultimo, suggesting that communication should be made to the French Government on the subject of the safe custody of the convicts sent to New Caledonia; and lam directed by his Lordship to request that you will inform the Earl of Kimberley that Her Majesty's Minister in Paris has been instructed to express to the French Minister for Foreign Affairs the hope o£ Her Majesty's Government that proper precautions will be taken to prevent the escape of the convicts to British colonies. I am, &c. The Under-Secretary of Stats, Colonial Office. E. Hammond. '

Iks Convicts.

No. 3. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbebley to Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. (Circular.) Sir, — Downing Street, 25th January, 1872. W Tith reference to my circular despatch of 21st December, I transmit to you, for your information, a copy of a letter addressed to Lord Lyons by the French Minister for Foreign Affairs, which has been forwarded to this department from the Foreign Office, respecting the measures taken by the French Government to prevent the escape of convicts from New Cpoledonia to the Australian Colonies. I have, &c. The Officer Administering the Government of New Zealand. Kimberley..

Enclosure. M. Eemusai to Lord Lyons. M. l'Ambassadbue, — Versailles, lo 9 Janvier, 1872. Dans une lettre en date du 4 Decembre dernier, M. Sackvillo West m'avait temoigne, au nom du Gouvernement de la Reine, le desir d'etre assure que des mesures de precaution suffisantes etaient prises afin d'empe'eher que les individus condamnes a etre deportes dans l'archipel de la Nouvelle Caledonio ne pussent s'echapper dans les possessions Anglaises voisines. M. le Ministre de la Marine, a qui j'ai fait part de cette communication, m'ecrit quo, pourrepondre a la preoccupation manifestee par le Gouvernement Britannique, il a recommande aux autorites de notre colonie penitentiaire d'exercer, au point de vue qui nous etait signale, une surveillance particuliere. Les precedents sont d'ailleurs de nature a donner pleine eonfiance sur refficacit6 dos dispositions generates adoptees a l'egard des condamnes, car, depuis l'origine do la transportation a la Nouvelle Caledonie, trois evasions seulement ont etc accomplies avec succes. Je m'empresse de porter a votre connaissance cette reponse de 51. l'Amiral Pothnan. Agreez, &c. S.E. Lord Lyons. Remusat.

No. 4. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimberley to Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. (Circular.) Sie, — Downing Street, 29th February, 1872. With reference to my circular despatch of 25th January, I have to inform you that the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs has communicated to me a despatch from Lord Lyons, in which he states that the French Minister of Justice had brought in a Bill to establish convict stations at the Peninsula of Ducos, in New Caledonia; at the lie des Saintes dite Terre en Haut, iii the West Indies; as well as at the lie des Pins, and (conditionally) at the He Mare, in New Caledonia. Lord Lyons adds that the Bill was declared to be urgent; that it will in all probability be passed in a short time; and that it is to be presumed that, under its provisions, the convicts sentenced to transportation for taking part in the Paris insurrection will be sent to one or other of the places named. There does not, however, appear to be at present any reason to suppose that persons will be transported without trial, or that the number will be extremely large. I have, &c. Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. Kimberley.

No. 5. ■ The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbebley to Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. (Circular.) Sib, — Downing Street, 12th March, 1872. With reference to my circular despatch of the 29th ultimo, I transmit to you, for your information, a copy of a letter from the Foreign Office relative to the Bill now before the French Assembly, for establishing penal settlements in New Caledonia and the West Indies. I have, &o. The Officer Administering the Government of New Zealand. Kimbebley.

Enclosure. 3|r. Hammond to the Under-Secretaby of State, Colonial Office. Sib,— Foreign Office, 29th February, 1872. With reference to Lord Enfield's letter of the 19th instant, I am directed by Earl Granville to transmit to you, to be laid before the Earl of Kimberley, a copy of a Bill presented to the French Assembly by Monsieur Thier

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and by the Colonial Minister, for the establishment of certain stations for the transportation of convicts ; as well as a copy of a despatch from Her Majesty's Ambassador at Paris, relative to the penal settlements to which Communist convicts are to be transported. I have, &c. The Under-Secretary of State, Colonial Office. E. Hammond.

VH.-Ne-Y Caledonia.

Us Convicts.

Sub-Enclosure. (No. 235.) Lord Lyons to Earl Granville, My Lord,— Paris, 24th February, 1872. In my Despatch No. 234, of to-day, I have enclosed a second copy of the Bill brought into the Assembly by the Government, to designate as stations to which convicts are to be transported the Peninsula of Ducos in New Caledonia, the lie des Pins, and the He Mare, in the neighbourhood of that colony, and the He des Saintes, on the south of Guadaloupe, in the West Indies. The expose des motifs prefixed to the Bill will have made your Lordship acquainted with the details of the Government plan, I have herewith the honour to transmit to your Lordship an account, taken from the Journal des Debats, of the proceedings of the Committee appointed by the Assembly to consider the Bill. This account is, of course, not official, but is in all probability substantially correct. The number of persons under sentence of transportation, in consequence of the part taken by them in the Paris insurrection, appears to have been roughly stated as being between five and six thousand. Your Lordship will observe also that one of the members of the Committee, Admiral de Montaignac, expressed a fear that disputes might arise between the convicts and the English missionaries in the Loyalty Islands, if the He des Pins were made one of the stations. I have, &c. The Earl Granville, K.G. &c. Lyons.

No. 6. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbeeley to Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.C. (Circular.)' Sie,— Downing Street, 14th March, 1872. With reference to my previous circulars on the subject of the transportation of French convicts who took part in the Paris insurrection, I transmit to you, for your information, a copy of a further despatch received through the Foreign Office from Her Majesty's Ambassador at Paris, relative to the establishment in New Caledonia and in the He des Saintes of a station for the detention of the convicts in question. I have, &c, - The Officer Administering the Government of New Zealand. Kimbebley.

Enclosure. Lord Lyons to Lord GbanvitJaE. My Lord,— Paris, 2nd March, 1872. With reference to my Despatch No. 235, of the 24th ultimo, to your Lordship's Despatch No. 44, of the 19th ultimo, and to the previous correspondence respecting the transportation of French convicts to stations in the f vicinity of British colonies, I have the honour to transmit to your Lordship an extract from the Journal des Debats of to-day, purporting to give a summary of the further proceedings of the Committee on the Bill for establishing at New Caledonia and the lie des Saintes stations for convicts transported on account of having taken, part in the Communist insurrection. The summaries given in the journal of the proceedings of the Committees of the Assembly, though in no sense official or authentic, are in general substantially correct. If that which I now enclose is to be relied upon, the Government promises to establish complete regulations respecting the treatment of ths convicts. I have, &c. The Earl Granville, &c. Lyons.

No. 7. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbeblet to Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. (Circular.) Sib,— Downing Street, 27th July, 1872. With, reference to my circular despatch of the Ist instant, and to previous circulars respecting the deportation of French political convicts. I transmit to you, for your information, a copy of a despatch received through the Foreign Office from Her Majesty's Consul at Brest, reporting that 680 Communist prisoners had been sent from that port to New Caledonia on board " La Guerriere," and that the transport " La Garonne " was about to proceed to the same destination with about 700 prisoners of a similar class. I have, &c, The Officer Administering the Government of New Zealand. Kimbekley.

Enclosure. The British Consul, Brest, to Lord G-ranville. My Lord,— British Consulate, Brest, 3rd July, 1872. I have the honour to report to your Lordship that, on. the 13th ultimo, the steam transport "La Guerriere"* left here for New Caledonia with 680 Communist prisoners on board; and the steam transport "La Garonne," having on board about 700 of a similar class of prisoners, has been lying in the Brest roadstead ready to leave for the same destination for some time past. The reason for her detention I cannot ascertain ; but it is probably caused by a desire on the part of the French Government to prevent too many prisoners arriving at New Caledonia at the same period. I have made inquiries, and, as far as I have been able to ascertain, there are no British subjects as prisoners on board either of these vessels. I have, &c. The Eight Hon. Earl Granville, K.G. &c. Harby Rainals.

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No. 8. Governor Sir Hercules Bobinson, G.C.M.G. to tho Eight Hon. Sir M. E. Hicks Beach1. (No. 6.) Sir, — Government House, Wellington, New Zealand, 6th March, 1880. I have the honour to report that on the 6th March I transmitted a, telegraphic despatch to you, of which the following is a copy : — " Sixth March. —Ministers request me to solicit tKe-good offices of Her Majesty's Government, in remonstrating with the French Government against making Now Zealand a receptacle for liberated Communists and convicts from New Caledonia. The recent arrival of a considerable number of such men has caused much dissatisfaction, and demands that the colony shall legislate for its own protection, against further additions of tho same kind, have been made from various quarters. Full particulars respecting recent arrivals in Auckland were forwarded to Agent-General by last Frisco mail. "Governor, Wellington." I have, &c. The Eight Hon. Sir Michael Hicks Beach. Hercules Eobinson.

Vll.-Ne* Caledonia.

Its Convicts.

No. 9. Governor Sir Hercules Robinson, G.C.M.G. to tho Eight Hon. Sir M. E. Hicks Beach. (No. 10.) Sir, — Government House, Wellington, New Zealand, 9th March, 1880. I have the honour to forward to you a copy of a memorandum which I have received from Ministers, detailing the circumstances connected with the recent arrival of a number of amnestied Communists and time-expired convicts from Now Caledonia, and requesting me to solicit the intervention of Her Majesty's Government in remonstrating with the French Government against a repetition of such a proceeding as that complained of. I have, &c. The Eight Hon. Sir Michael Hicks Beach. Hercules Bobjnson.

Enclosure. Memorandum for His Excellency. Ministers present their respectful compliments to the Governor, and submit, for His Excellency's information, the following statement respecting the recent arrival in this colony of a number of amnestied Communists and timeexpired criminal prisoners from New Caledonia : — 2. On the 10th February a telegram was received from the Minister resident in Auckland, stating that the schooner " Griffin "had arrived in the Manukau Harbour from New Caledonia, and had brought thence eleven political offenders and nine convicts for criminal offences. It was further stated that all the men had been conditionally released, and that the schooner had been chartered by the French authorities. Subsequently the Minister telegraphed that careful inquiries seemed to confirm the information he had sent. He also transmitted an extract from a letter written by a British shipping agent in New Caledonia, who stated that he had "booked for Auckland " a number of men who were waiting for passages by a schooner expected from Hiscock Island ; and who added that, " should favourable news be received here from the passengers per ' Griffin,' there will be a number more to go from this place." '6. The Premier hereupon telegraphed to the Governments of New South Wales, Queensland, and Victoria, repeating the information before stated, and asking whether those colonies had been similarly treated, and whether they would join New Zealand in urging the Imperial Government to remonstrate with Franco against permitting a repetition, on the part of its representatives in New Caledonia, of proceedings so likely to prove highly injurious to these colonies. The Chief Secretary of New South Wales replied, " Batches of pardoned convicts from New Caledonia have on several occasions arrived here ;" while from Queensland the reply was, " On two or three occasions escaped Communists have reached our coasts, but not, as far as we are aware, with the connivance of the French authorities." Both Governments explained what had been attempted by them in the way of legislating against the landing of foreign convicts, political or criminal; both also agreed to join in the proposed remonstrance through the Agents-General for the Colonies. Victorfa has not replied, no doubt owing to the fact that a general election was proceeding at the time the telegram was sent. 4. Considering it to be of importance that some action should at once be taken to protest against the wrong that had been done, the Agent-General was directed—pending such steps as, upon his return to Wellington, His Excellency might think necessary—to do what was possible, in concert with the representatives of Now South Wales, Queensland, and Victoria, towards causing a remonstrance to be addressed to the French Government. 5. Inquiries were continued in Auckland by the police for the purpose of ascertaining the crimes, sentences, and conditions of release of the men individually. The result was such that a second telegram was sent to the AgentGeneral, withdrawing the first, and directing him to suspend action until he had received letters that would be forwarded by the outgoing mail. It was found, in fact, that the " Griffin " was chartered by the French authorities, and that they paid the passages of the liberated Communists ; but that the men who had been criminal convicts had paid their own passages. It was further ascertained that these latter wore, so far as regards the operation of French law, free to return to France, though the amnestied Communists were not at liberty to land in France, or in any French territory. 6. The wrong done to New Zealand was thus shown to be less gra,ve than it had been believed to be; but it remained of a character necessitating protest against repetition, and against the unfriendliness of the action, if not against a breach of good faith and of promise. A. statement of all the facts was accordingly sent to the AgentGeneral by the mail via. San Francisco; and he was instructed to consult with the other Agents-General, and to do what he could, pending action by His Excellency, to secure that a remonstrance should bo made to the French Government against the act of its representatives in New Caledonia. , 7. Copies of telegrams, reports, &c. are submitted herewith for His Excellency's information; and Ministers respectfully advise His Excellency, in anticipation of such despatches as he may be pleased to send by the next mail,-to telegraph to the Secretary of State for the Colonies to the following effect: — " Ministers request me to solicit the good offices of Her Majesty's Government, in remonstrating with the French Government against making New Zealand a receptacle for liberated Communists and convicts from New Caledonia. The recent arrival of a considerable number of such men has caused very great dissatisfaction, and demands that the colony shall legislate for its own protection, against further additions of the kind, have been made from various parts of the colony. Full particulars respecting recent arrivals in Auckland were forwarded to Agent-General vid San Francisco." Wellington, sth March, 1880. John Hall.

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Sub-Enclosures. Papers relating to the Landing of French Convicts from Neio Caledonia at Auckland. The Pbemieb, New Zealand, to Sir Henry Paekes, New South Wales. The Hon. Sir H. Parkes, Sydney. Wellington, 19th February, 1880. Schooneb " Griffin," from New Caledonia, arrived at Auckland, bringing eleven pardoned Communists, and nine convicts, described as ticket-of-leave men, or only " conditionally freed." Passages of these people were paid by Now Caledonian Government. -'Information received that second batch of Communists is ready for deportation on similar terms. This Government will be much obliged if you will inform them -whether New South Wales has boon treated in this manner ; and, if so, what action, if any, has been taken by your Government. Further, will New South Wales unite in a request to Imperial Government, to be made through Governors, and also by Agents-General, that suck*emonstrances may be addressed to the Government of France as will prevent future shipment of amnestied criminals to the Australasian Colonies ? I am addressing the Premiers of Victoria and Queensland to same effect. As case is urgent, I shall bo obliged by early reply. John Hall. [A liko message, on the same date, to the Premiers of Victoria and Queensland.]

VII. -New Caledonia.

Its Convicts,

The Colonial Seceetaby, Queensland, to the Peemieb, New Zealand. Chief Secretary, New Zealand. Brisbane, 20th February, 1880. The matter referred to in your message has already received the attention of this Government. On two or three occasions escaped Communists have reached our coasts, but not, so far as we are aware, with the connivance of the French authorities. Government will readily join in remonstrance to the Imperial Government. Will forward you by next mail copy of Bill submitted to our Parliament last session, framed to meet such cases, which we propose rcintroducing next year in modified form. C. Habdie Buzacott, (for Colonial Secretary.)

The Colonial Secretary, New South W Tales, 'to the Colonial Secbetaby, New Zealand. Colonial Secretary, Wellington. Sydney, 20th February, 1880. Batches of pardoned convicts from New Caledonia have on several occasions arrived here. Last session wo introduced Bill to prevent their influx, but did not proceed with it, for reasons which I will explain in letter. This Government will communicate with Imperial Government as you suggest, if your Government will take a similar course. Colonial Secbetary.

The Pbemieb, Wellington, to the Agent-Genebal, London. Vogel, London. Eleven pardoned Communists, and nine convicts described as " conditionally freed," arrived Auckland from New Caledonia. Passages paid by Government of New Caledonia. Reported that further similar deportations pending. Governor absent from Wellington; directly returns will be advised t urge Imperial Government to remonstrate with France. Meanwhile, you take every possible stop prevent repetition such proceeding. Very strong feeling throughout New Zealand, retaliatory measures being urged as protection. New South Wales and Queensland join remonstrance. See Agents-General. Hall. Wellington, 21st February.

The Pbemieb, Wellington, to the Agent-Genebal, London. Vogel, London. Telegram respecting New Caledonia withdrawn. Suspend action. Explanation by letter next mail. Inform Agents-General. John Hall. Wellington, 21st February.

The Pbemieb, New Zealand, to Sir Heney Paekes, New South Wales. Chief Secretary, Sydney. Wellington, 24th February, 1880. New Caledonian prisoners. Strict inquiry shows that, although the schooner was chartered by Now Caledonian Government, the convicts who came paid their own passages to Auckland, and that they were not, as first stated, paid by Government. The convicts were at liberty to go to France or elsewhere. The Communists had passages provided by Government, and are forbidden to land in French territory. Am instructing Agent-General to suspend action, and to inform your representative. On receipt of your promised letter, will communicate further. John Hall. [A liko message on the same date to Queensland and Victoria.]

The Agent-Geneeal, London, to the Pbemier, Wellington. Premier, New Zealand. Secbetaby of State for Colonies has requested Foreign. Office speedily as possible move French Government discontinue shipment convicts New Zealand. Gravity of matter specially urged. Vogel. London, 24th February.

The Agent-Genebal, London, to the Pbemiee, Wellington. Premier, New Zealand. Have sent copy last telegram re New Caledonia to Colonial Office. Vogel. London, 24th February.

The Mayob of Auckland to the Colonial Secretary. Colonial Secretary, Wellington. Auckland, 25th February, 1880. This Council desires most emphatically to express the strong feeling of indignation which exists among "the citizens of Auckland with reference to the action of the French authorities of New Caledonia in sending a vessel with released convicts to our shores. The Council calls upon the Government to take immediate and decided steps to protect the citizens from a repetition of this obnoxious form of immigration with which they are threatened. Thomas Peacock, Mayor.

The Colonial Secretary to the Mayob of Auckland. His Worship the Mayor, Auckland. Wellington, 2Gth February, 1880. In reply to your Worship's message, expressing indignation at action of French authorities at New Caledonia, in sending a vessel with released convicts to "New Zealand, Mr. Hall directs me to say question is engaging the careful

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attention of Government. If it should be established that the action of the New Caledonian Government has been such as to justify a remonstrance on the part of this Government, the necessary steps will be taken for that purpose. G. S. Cooper.

Its Convicts

Eeport of the Superintendent of Police, Auckland. Sir,— New Zealand Constabulary, District Office, Auckland, 21sti?ebruary, 1880. Referring to my telegram of the 18th instant, I have the honour to forward herewith a list and personal description of the French political prisoners or deportes landed here ex " Griffin," from New Caledonia; also of the convicts per same vessel, including one of the latter who stowed away on board. Those men are at present all doing their utmost to "obtain employment, and six of the latter have gone to Whangarei for that purpose, respecting whom I have instructed the constable there (telegram attached hereto). I beg also to furnish herewith a copy of report re this matter, supplied by me to the Hon. the Attorney-General by his express instructions, together with copy of the enclosures therein. I have, &c, K. C. Shearman, Esq. Superintendent in Charge J. Bei/d Thomson, of North Island Police, Wellington. Superintendent*

Mr. J. B. Thomson to the Hon. F. Whitakeb. Sir, —- Constabulary Department, Superintendent's Office, Auckland, 20th February, 1880. In accordance with your instructions, I have the honour to report that, of the twenty ex-prisoners from New Caledonia per " Griffin," I have officially ascertained that eleven are deportes, or liberated political offenders,..and nine are discharged offenders against the criminal code. I had some of the latter brought before me last evening, and examined their passports ; but none of these documents disclosed the prison career of the bearer, or gave any information about tho sentence he has completed. The men themselves inform me that their respective pardons are unconditional, and that they are at liberty to return to France, or to any other part of tho world they can ; but that no document of formal pardon was over given them, the passport being the only Government document with which they were furnished on leaving New Caledonia. They further inform me that, of their class, men who had endeavoured to retrieve their character were permitted to'leave New Caledonia ; each of the nine, after finishing his sentence, having undergone a probation (under police surveillance) of two years, during which probation they worked in or about Noumea at their respective trades and callings, and were thus enabled to save sufficient to pay their own passages per " Griffin" from Noumea to Auckland, for which passage-money each holds a receipt. The passages of the deportes, or political prisoners, were paid by the Noumea authorities, at the rate of £C> for each man. I beg to forward herewith a report from Sergeant Martin, of.:the Water Police, of the information on this subject furnished to him by the captain and the owner of the schooner " Griffin," and also a copy of a letter sent by the New Caledonian authorities to the French Consul here, D. B. Cruickshank, Esq., who is therein officially notified of the departure from Noumea of tho deportes or political offenders, but has not received any notification re tho nine liberated criminal offenders, the majority of whom appear to have had sentences respectively of five years, and nono of them over seven years, several of them-having been soldiers convicted of insubordination or other offences against tho discipline of the array. These men are at present scattering in all directions in search of work ; but I anticipate being able to obtain by to-morrow a tolerably accurate descriptive return of them, together with their respective sentences. I have, &0., J. Bell Thomson, The Hon. F. Whitaker, Resident Minister, Auckland. Superintendent.

Mr. H. Martin to Mr. J. B. Thomson. Armed Constabulary Station, Auckland, 20th February, 1880. Sergeant Martin bogs respectfully to forward, for the information of the Officer in Charge, the following statements respecting the recent arrival of time-expired convicts, per schooner " Griffin," from the Island of New Caledonia: — John Adam Beswick states: "I am master of the British vessel ' Griffin;' Mr. William Bishop is owner. I recently proceeded from this port to Noumea, New Caledonia. On arrival at that place, I learnt from Mr. Manning, Commission Agent, &c, of that place, that the Government of the island wished to despatch a number of timeexpired convicts to Auckland. Mr. Bishop acted as supercargo on board the vessel, and negotiated with Mr. Manning for the passages of a number. I myself had nothing to do with the matter. I once went to the British Consul to ascertain if we should be acting illegally by conveying these people to a British colony, and was told that I should not. Monsieur Nardin, Superintendent of Police, inspected the passengers, and gave them a clearance on leaving." , William Bishop states :" I am owner of the schooner ' Griffin.' On the 16th January, 1880, I left the port of Noumea, New Caledonia, with that vessel, and took from there twenty-three passengers. We landed on the 17th February, 1880, at the port of Manukau. These passengers, I was informed by my agent at Noumea, Mr. Manning, were time-expired convicts, and were sent away by the Government. I transacted no business respecting their passages myself : that was all done by Mr. Manning. I agreed to convey them to Auckland at the rate of £5 per head. Their passages were to be paid by a Treasury bill, but Mr. Manning agreed to pay over the amount m cash, and retain the Treasury bill himself. I received no documents from the authorities at Noumea, and had only a list of the passengers supplied by Mr. Manning. This list showed eleven political offenders, and nine offenders against the criminal law, two females, and one infant, the latter three being friends of the first-named offenders." Sergeant Martin begs also to forward herewith copy of a letter referring to these people, supplied by Mr. D. B, Cruickshank, the French Consul of this place. J. Bell Thomson, Esq., H. Martin, Superintendent in Charge of District. Sergeant, No. 210.

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List and Description of Criminal Ex-Prisoners per "Griffin," from New Caledonia.

Vll.—New Caledonia.

List and Description of Political Ex-Prisoners per "Griffin," from New Caledonia.

Its Convicts.

Names. Country. j Age. | Height. i Complexion. Eyes. Hair. Build. Appearance. Remarks. i ! ft. in. 5 4 I | I I I Bayer, Francois France .. j 50" Dark Grey Dark hair, tinged with grey Dark-brown .. Medium .. Smart Full moustache ; slight beard and whiskers. Yilleval, Joseph Charles Albiu .. Belgium .. I 32 5 4 ! ! Fair Smart and good-looking Slight moustache ; no whiskers ; and speaks English slightly. Slight grey beard and moustache ; wears spectacles. Full dark moustache ; slight growth of beard. Slight beard and moustache. Moustache ; no beard or whiskers. Slight moustache and beard. Full dark beard and moustache ; shrugs his shoulders when speaking. Moustache and beard. Verspeelt, Bruno Hugueiiiii, Simon Leweident, Henry Louis Plessis, Francois Julien Henry, Nicolas .. Hocquarc, Auguste France >> 54 49 42 49 50 45 5 3 5 10 5 4 5 8 5 3 5 7 Fresh FailDark Fresli Swarthy .. Dark Brown Blue Dark Grey Brown Light-brown .. Grey Grey Brown Stout Medium .. Slight Medium .. Stout Elderly Smart • • >» • • Elderly .. .. j Gentlemanly Dark-brown Lahalle, Hippolyte Celestin Picard, Pierre Caillien, Francois Oetavien 43 44 45 5 10 5 9 5 4 Very dark Swarthy .. Very dark Brown G-rey Dark Black Brown Dark Medium .. Stout Respectable )> • • Gentlemanly Beard, whiskers, and moustache. Police Station, Auckland, 21st February, 1880.

Names. Country. Offence. Sentence. Age. Height. Complexion! Byes. Hair. Build. ■ Appearance. 1 Trade. I 'j Ledue, John .. Prance .. Violent assault on a brother soldier Assaulting a sergeant .. 5 years 38 ft. in. 5 0 Dark .. Grey Light- ! Slight j brown i Brown ] Slim Dark | Medium Ordinary Labourer Full moustache ; slight beard. Large nose ; n6 hair on face; goodlooking. Full moustache; no beard or whiskers. Moustache and beard. Bald; was formerly a priest. Dapremont, Jean Louis.. 5 years 26 5 11 Pair Grey Smart Butcher Leca, PsjuI Felix Pourailly,BernardAdolphe Melin, Pierre .. Graignier, Prospere Parisse, Joseph. >> * • Embezzling army money Indecent assault on girl under 10 years of age Assaulting an officer .. Assaulting the captain of his ship by throwing him overboard Deserting from army .. Larceny 5 years \ 32 5 years 1 39 10 years j 50 5 years j 27 10years! 37 5 years j 42 5 years j 42 20 years 22 5 4 5 10 5 2 5 7 5 5 Dark .. )) • • J) • ' Dark i\ Grey Brown „ .. Stout „ .. Slight „ .. Stout Respectable ,. Ordinary Smart and active Respectable .. Clerk Clerk and schoolmaster Carter Ship's carpenter .. Pockpitted ; beard and moustache. Hair turning grey ; moustache and beard. Moustache and beard. Scar on forehead; moustache and beard turning grey. Was a stowaway ; only served two years of the 20 years' sentence. Benjames, Charles Perrot, Antoine 5 6J 5 7 Fair .. Swarthy Blue Grey Light j Medium! Brown i Stout i Painter Mechanical engineer n •' Peodgno Fr. Creole Robbing with violence .. 5 5 Very dark Blue Light Slight Ill-looking Labourer J - . Police Station, Auckland, 21st February, 1880. fc

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The Militaby Commandek, New Caledonia, to the French Consular Agent, Auckland. Noumea, le 13 Janvier, 1880. Administration Penitentiaire. — Deportation. Monsietjb l'Agent Consulaiee, — J'ai l'honneur de vous addresser la liste des deportes amnities quo j'ai autorises a prendre passage sur goelotte lo " Griffin," pour se rendre h la Nouvelle Zelande le 15 Janvier, 1880. Parmi ces passages se trouvent deux sujets beiges, les noms Villeval et Verspeelt. Quant aux autres, bien que sujets francais, ils ont declare avoir des ressources suffisants pour leur permettre d'attendre d'avoir trauve de l'ouvrage dans le pays. Dans toils les cas, ils ont ete prevenus qu'ils se rendraient iUa Nouvolle Zelande a leur risques et perils, et qu'ils n'avaient nullement a eompter sur l'intervention de notre Consul pour leur procurer soit un engagement, soit du travail. Becevez, Monsieur I'Agent Consulaire, l'assiieftnce de ma consideration la plus distingue'e. Pour le Gouverneur, A Monsieur D. B. Cruickshank, Lb Commandant Miljtaibe. Agent Consulaire a Auckland, Nouvelle Zelande.

Liste des Passagers embarques sur le "Griffin."

VI I.—New !i Caledonia.

Its Convicts,

Arrete la prcsehte liste a quatorze nonis. 0. du Gbory, Le Directeur de r Administration Penitentiaire. Noumea, le 14 Janvier, 1880.

Mr. J. B. Thomson to Constable Hammond. Constable Hammond, Whangarei. Auckland, 21st February, 1880. Six of the liberated prisoners from New Caledonia are reported to me as having sailed per "Argyle" last night for Whangarei, to try and obtain work at the coal-mines or gum-fields, or at their respective trades. Unless they commit some offence against our laws you are not to interfere with them, or in any way prevent them from getting an honest living; but I shall expect you to keep sufficient surveillance over them to be able to inform me at any time when required where any one of them is residing, and what he is doing for a living. I shall further require you to report to me at once when any one of them leaves Whangarei, and where he proceeds to from there. J. Bell Thomson', Superintendent.

Iso. 10. The Colonial Seoeetaby, Queensland, to the Colonial Secbbtaby, Now Zealand. SIK,-r-r Colonial Secretary's Office, Brisbane, 26th February, 1880. Eeferring to your telegrams of the 19th, 21st, and 24th instant respectively, and to mine of the 20th idem, on the subject of the recent arrival at Auckland of a number of liberated convicts from the French colony of New Caledonia, I have the honour to forward, for your information, a copy of a Bill which was introduced by the Government during the last session of our Parliament, and which, you will observe, has been framed specially to provide against the influx of criminals from a foreign State. At the time this measure was submitted, many members were of opinion that the Government were legislating in anticipation, and that many of the provisions of the Bill were arbitrary and of too sweeping a character; but, as recent events now convince us that some such measure is required, the Government will probably reintroduce it in a modified form during the ensuing session. I take this opportunity of enclosing, for your information, copies of circular despatches from the Colonial Office to the Officer Administering the Government of this colony, and of drawing your attention to the Due Decazes's letter to the Foreign Office under date the 13th February, 1877. The action of the Government of New Caledonia in chartering the "Griffin," and thus assisting these ex-criminals to reach your colony, can scarcely be reconciled with the promise of the Duke that every legitimate effort would be made to prevent such persons going to Australia. In deference to the w Tish expressed in your telegram, I have refrained from communicating with our Agent-General, but was on the point of doing so when your last message reached me. I have, &c. C. Habdie Buzacott7~" The Hon. the Colonial Secretary, New Zealand. (for the Colonial Secretary.)

Nonis do Prisonniors. Nationalite. Gracios. Bannis. Observations. Bayer, Francois Villeval, Joseph Charles Albin Hocquart, Auguste Leweident, Henri Louis Verspeelt, Bruno .. Plessis, Francois Julian Lahalle, Hippolyte Gelestin Henry, Nicolas Picard, Pierre Oaillien, Francois Octavien F'ille Caillien (16 ans) Fille Caillien (1 an) Huguenin, Simon Quivogne, Claude Seraphin Francais Beige Franc/ais Beige Francais ;; 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 Sous condition d'oxpulsion de territoire Francais. 1 1

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Enclosure 1. The Secretary of State for the Colonies to the Offices Administering the Govebnmekt of Queensland. •'■ ■■ Sib, — Downing Street, Ist January, 1877. I have the honour to transmit to you, for your information and for that of your Government, a copy of a note which, in obedience to instructions from the Imperial Government, Her Majesty's Ambassador at Paris has addressed the Government of France, drawing attention to the objections entertained by the Australian Colonies to the resort to their territories of pardoned convicts from New Caledonia. The instruction to Lord Lyons to make a further representation to tho French Government on tffi's subject, of which a copy is likewise enclosed, waa based upon a request contained in your-Despatch No. 05, of the 2nd September last. I enclose, for your information, an extract from the JourriqfeOjkiel, giving the notification issued in August last upon this subject, to which allusion is made in Lord Lvgiis's notii to the Duo Decaaes. I have, &c, The Officer Administering the Government of Queensland. Carnarvon,

,- Vll.—New Caledonia.

Its Convicts.

Sub-Enclosures. Lord Lyons to the Due Decaises. M. le Ministbe, — Paris, 13th December, 187G. Your Excellency is well aware that the local colonial authorities strongly object to the arrival in Australia of pardoned convicts from New Caledonia, and, indeed, tho French Government waa so considerate as to insert in tha Journal Officiel of the 29th August last a notice to that effect. Since I had before the honour of addressing your Excellency on the subject, Her Majesty's Government have received from the Governors of Her Majesty's Australian possessions-further despatches pointing out that the feelings of the colonists are strongly opposed to the.reception of persons of this class, and they have accordingly instructed mo onco more to press upon the attention of the French Govern Laent the objections entertained in those colonies to tho resort to their territory of released French prisoners. I have, &c, The Due Decazes. Lyons.

The Earl of Derby to Lord Lyons. My Loed, — Foreign Office, Bth December, 187G. I have to acquaint your Excellency that I caused to be communicated to the Colonial Department tho extract from the Journal Official which accompanied your Excellency's Despatch No. 711, of tho 29th August last, notifying that the French Consul at Sydney had informed tho French Government that the Australian authorities object to the arrival of pardoned convicts from New Caledonia. On the 26th of last October I transmitted to your Excellency, with my Despatch No. 922, an extract of a despatch from the Governor of New South Wales upon this subject. Other despatches have been subsequently received at the Colonial Office from the Governor of Queensland, relating to the resort to the Australian Colonies' of French Communists from New Caledonia. For your Excellency's information, I transmit this correspondence herewith, requesting that it may bo ultimately returned to this department. Although the French Government have already been made aware .by your Excellency's representations of the feeling which exists in Australia upon this subject, Lord Carnarvon has suggested to me that it may be advisable to impress still further upon them the objections which are entertained in those colonies to the resort to their territory of released French prisoners, and I have accordingly to request that your Excellency will take an opportunity onco more of drawing the attention of the French Government to this matter. I have, &c, His Excellency Lord Lyons, G.C.B. &o. Debby.

Exikact from Journal Official. Le Gouvernoment a ete averti par le Consul Francais residant a Sydney* que les autorites australiennes s'opposent a l'arrivee des deportes grades de la Nouvelle Caledonie. II croit devoir porter cette decision a la connaissance du public, afin que les families dos deportes qui auraient eu la pensee d'addrcsser des secours en argent leur doiment une autre destination que celle des colonies australiennes.

Enclosure 2. The Secretary of State for the Colonies to tho Offices Administering the Government of Queensland. Bib,— Downing Street, 2nd March, 1877. With reference to my circular despatch of the Ist of January, I have the honour to transmit to you, for your information and for that of your Government, a copy of a letter from the Foreign Office, enclosing a copy of the reply returned by the Due Decazes to the note in which Her Majesty's Ambassador at Paris drew attention to the objections entertained by tho Australian Colonies to the resort to their territory of pardoned convicts from tho penal settlement of New Caledonia. Her Majesty's Government have received with great satisfaction the assurance of the Due Deeazes that it is the desire and intention of the French Government to endeavour to meet the wishes of the Australian Colonies on a matter of much interest to them. I have, &c, Tho Officer Administering the Government of Queensland. Carnakvon.

Sub-Enclosures. The Fobeish Office to the Colonial Office. Bib,— Foreign Office, 19th February, 1877. With reference to my letter of the 18th of last December, I am directed by the Earl of Derby to transmit to you, for the information of the Earl of Carnarvon, a copy of the reply which has been returned by the Due Decazes to the note in which Lord Lyons pressed upon the French Government the remonstrances of the Australian authorities against the resort to their territory of pardoned convicts from New Caledonia. The Due Decazes states that the French Government will do ail it can to deter these released convicts from going to Australia, but that it has not the power to control their movements by force. I have, &c, The Under-Socretary of State, Colonial Office. Tentebden.

The Due Decazes to Lord Lyons. Monsieur l'Ambassadeub, — Versailles, le 13 Fevrier, 1877. Votrc Excellence m'a fait l'houneur de m'ecrire le 13 Deceinbre dernier, pour appeler I'attention du Gouvernemcnt Francais sur les objections elevees par les autorites et la population de I'Australia oontre l'arrivee dans ce pays d'individus qui, ayant 6t6 dejporfces a la Nouvelle Caledonie, obtiennent lour grace. J'ai fait part de cette cojjirmmicatioii a mon collogue, M. le Ministre de la Marine efc des Colonies, en le priant d'examiner dans quelle 16—A. 4.

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Vll.—New Caledonia.

mesure il lui serait possible de preter son concours aux vues indiquees par votre Excellence. M. l'Amiral Fourichon est dispose a prendro toutes les precautions afm d'evitor, autant qu'il dependra de lui, les fuissomonts dont voua m'avoz ontretenus. D'apres ce qu'il m'a ecrit, il se proposorait do recommander aux autorites de la Nouvelle Caledonie de veiller a ee quo les individus dont il s'agit soient prevenus a l'avance dos dispositions qu'ils sont exposes i\ rencontrer en Australie, de maniero a les detourner de se rendre dans ce pays. II est naturellemont impossible d'user de mesures de coercition pour determiner des persotmes devemies libres do leurs mouvements a prendre une direction autro que celle qui leur convient, mais du moins les autorites coloniares franeaises s'abstiendront Hoigneusement de faoiiitor aux individus vises par votre communication des embarqucmeats qui les conduiraient dans les ports australiens. Agreez, &o. Son Excellence Lord Lyons, &o. Dbcazes.

Its Convicts.

- <^> - Enclosure 3. A Bill to prevent the Influx of Foreign and other Criminals into Queensland. [Recommended by His Excellency the-Governor, 14th May, 1879. Introduced in Committee 20th May, 1879. Mr. Palmeil] * Proamble. Be it enacted by the Queen's Most Excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and oonsent of the Legislative Council and Legislative Assembly of Queensland in Parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, as follows ;— Offenders illegally at large. 1. Tho following persons shall bo deemed to be offenders illegally at large within the meaning of this Act, that is to say:— Any person in Queensland who, having been found guilty of felony by a Court of competent jurisdiction in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland or any British possession other than Queensland, shall have escaped from custody within three years of his arrival in > ;; aensTand : Any person in Queensland having boon found guilty as aforesaid whose sentence shall have expired within three years previous to his arrival in Queensland : Any person in Queensland who, having been transported or imprisoned under tho authority of any foreign State for any crime, shall have escaped from custody : ■• Any person who, having served a sentence of transportation or imprisonment under the authority of any foreign. State, shall come into Queensland within three years after the expiration of such sentence. Offenders -inay be arrested. 2. It shall be lawful for any Justice of the Peace or any constable at any time after tho passing of this Act, having reasonable cause to suspect that any person is an offender illegally at large within tho meaning of this Act, forthwith and without any warrant for such purpose to arrest or cause such suspected person to be apprehended and taken before any two Justices of the Peace, to be dealt With as hereinafter mentioned. It shall be lawful for any Justice to take bail for the appearance of any person charged with being an offender illegally at large, to answer the charge before two such Justices, in such sum and with or without such sureties as such Justice may deem expedient. Punishment of offenders illegally at largo. 3. It shall be lawful for any two Justices of the Peace before whom any person shall be brought .charged with being an offender illegally at large within the moaning of this Act to convict him thereof, and at their discretion cither — (1.) To take bail that such person shall leave tho colony within seven days after his conviction; or (2.) To cause such person to bo delivered up to any person duly authorized by the Government of the country or possession from whence he came, so as to be conveyed in custody to such country ; or (3.) To cause him to be put on board any ship of war belonging to such country, and in the meantime to detain him until he can be so conveyed, delivered up, or put on board a ship of war as aforesaid ; or (4.) To sentence such person, if a male, to be kept to hard labour on the roads or other public works of the colony for any period not exceeding three years ; or, if a female, to be imprisoned with or , without hard labour in any gaol for any jjcriod not exceeding one year. Forfeiture of proporty. i. All property found upon or in tho possession of any person arrested under tho authority of this Act shall, upon his apprehension, be seized and detained, and, in the event of his being convicted, may be forfeited and sold or otherwise disposed of at the discretion of the country Justices. Punishment for offenders remaining alter expiration of sentence. 5. Any person sentenced as aforesaid to hard labour or imprisonment who shall remain in Queensland for three months after the termination of such sentence shall be liable to be again apprehended and sentenced, and so on from time to time as often as he shall so remain. Penalty for harbouring. 6. Any person who shall harbour or conceal any other person whom he shall know or believe to 4>o an offender illegally at large within the meaning of the Act shall be subject to a fine not exceeding one huns" wd pounds, or to bo. imprisoned in any gaol or house of correction in Queensland for any period not exceeding twelve months. Masters of ships liable if offenders introduced. 7. Any master mariner or other person commanding, navigating, or sailing any vessel for the trip or voyage when such vessel shall bring to any port or place in Queensland any such person as is mentioned in the first clause of this Act shall, upon conviction thereof before any two Justices of the Peace, for every such offence be liable to a fine not exceeding one hundred pounds, or to imprisonment for any time not exceeding six months, or to both, at the discretion of the said Justices. Search-warrants. 8. It shall be lawful for any Justice of the Peace, having information on oath that any offender illegally at large is harboured in any house or other place, to grant a general search-warrant to any constable for such person, and it shall be lawful for any such constable, in virtue of such general search-warrant, to break, enter, and search by day or by nk'ht any dwelling-house, tenement, or other place wherein such person may be suspected to be concealed, and to apprehend any person whom such constable shall have reasonable cause for suspecting to have arrived or remained in Queensland contrary to tho provisions hereof, and also to apprehend all persons found in or about such dwelling-house tenement, or other place whom such constable shall have reasonable grounds for suspecting and believing to have' knowingly harboured and concealed such suspected person; and all persons found and apprehended as aforesaid shall be forthwith taken before any Justices of tho Peace to be dealt with as herein provided. Power oi search. 9. It shall be lawful for any Justice of the Peace or constable to enter on board any vessel, and, having reasonable cause to suspect that any such person as is mentioned in the first section is on board such vessel, to search any and every part thereof and apprehend, any such person found therein.

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VI I,—New Caledonia.

Summary jurisdiction, 10. It shall be lawful for any two or more Justices to hear and determine in a summary way all oases arising under this Act; and no complaint, conviction, order for confiscation, punishment, or forfeiture, or other proceeding before or by any Justices under this Act shall bo quashed or set aside or deemed void or insufficient for want of form only, or be removed or removable by certiorari or any other writ or process whatsoever in the Supreme Court. 11. The Justices who shall hear any complaint or information laid under this Act may receive such evidence as may be laid before them, although the same may not be such as in other eases would be legally admissible ; and if it shall be proved before them — (1.) That any person was at any time theretofore in any country lcrto-wn^xlejSnod, or commonly reputed to have been found guilty of any transportable or capital felony in (.:■;. . Kingdom, or any British possession other than Queensland; (2.) Was known or deemed or reputed i" !':■•" .:•.-•!■■ - ■■! oiHbeen serving any sentence of transportation or imprisonment, shall for the purposes of the Act be taken to bo prima fade evidence of such person having been so found guilty, or been sentenced or served such sentence as aforesaid. 12. Any Justices adjudicating under this Act may, for the purpose of assisting their judgment, receive in evidence any paper purporting to be a Government Gazette of any Australian' colony, containing the name of any person charged under this Act, and describing him as a convicted prisoner, or transported felon, or prisoner esca,ped from justice, and, in the case of prisoners from any foreign State, may also inspect any letter written by any Governor or consular authority of such State in which any such person shall be named, described, or referred to as a person escaped from custody; and, if any such person from any foreign State shall allege that the offence for which he has been sentenced or found guilty was of a political nature, the proof thereof shall lie upon him. Appeal. 13. Any person who shall feel himself aggrieved by the judgment of-the Justices adjudicating under this Act may, on entering into such recognizances as are hereinafter mentioned, appeal from their order or adjudication to the next District Court which shall be held nearest to the place where mcli orde* or adjudication shall have been given or made; and the execution of every such order or adjudication so repealed from, and the forfeiture and salo of any property as aforesaid, may at the discretion of such Justices bo suspended. No appeal under the last-preceding section shall be allowed unls&s the person intending to appeal shall, with one or more sufficient surety or sureties, before the Justices hearing the case, enter into a recognizance to Her Majesty, her heirs and successors, in such sum as to such Justices shall seem fit, which recognizance such Justices are hereby authorized to take, conditioned to prosecute such appeal with effect, and to be forthcoming to abide the determination of such District Court, and pay such costs as the said Court shall award, and such Court is hereby authorized finally to hear and determine the matter of such appeal. 14. Nothing in this Act shall be taken or construed to take away or curtail any powers vested in the Governor under any Extradition Act or Extradition Treaty. Duration of Act. . 15. This Act shall continue in force for one year from the passing thereof, and thence to the end of the then next session of the Legislative Council of Queensland. Short Title. 16. This Act may be cited as " The Criminal Expulsion Act of 1879."

Its Convicts.

No. 11. The Pbemieb to the Colonial Seceetaky, Queensland. Sin,— Colonial Secretary's Office, Wellington, New Zealand, 15th April, 1880. I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter No. 80/35, of the 26th of February last, enclosing the copy of a Bill which had been introduced by your Government into the Queensland Parliament during the last session, and which had been framed specially to provide against the influx of criminals from a foreign State. You also enclose copies of two papers presented to Parliament, containing correspondence between the Governments of England and France upon the subject. For the valuable information thus conveyed, I desire to offer you the thanks of this Government. I now beg to forward to you the copy of a Ministerial memorandum addressed to His Excellency Sir Hercules Eobinson on the same subject, which states fully the facts with respect to the liberated criminals and political offenders who were passengers by the " Griffin " from New Caledonia. His Excellency has forwarded a copy of this document to the Secretary of State, and has likewise telegraphed to Sir Michael Hicks Beach, as requested in the memorandum. A reply has been received, to the effect that Her Majesty's Ambassador at Paris has been instructed to urge the French Government to prohibit assistance being given to liberated convicts in emigrating from New Caledonia to the Australasian Colonies. Since the arrival of the " Griffin," another vessel has also reached Auckland, having on board a ■further number of amnestied political and time-expired criminal offenders. With regard to the possibility of a further influx of a similar character, I am addressing you separately in a confidential letter of this day's (late. I have, &c. The Colonial Secretary, Brisbane. J, Hall.

No. 12. The Agent-General to the Premier. Sie, — 7, Westminster Chambers, London, 26th February, 1880. I have the honour to inform you that on the receipt of your telegram (copy herewith) of tfye 21st instant, respecting the arrival at Auckland from New Caledonia of certain persons discharged as conditionally-freed Communists and convicts, I lost no time in placing myself in communication with the Colonial Office; and thereupon Sir Michael Hicks Beach requested the Foreign Office to instruct Lord Lyons, the EngMsh Ambassador at Paris, to make immediate representations to the French Government. On receipt of your telegram (copy herewith) of the 24th instant, I at once sent a copy of the same to the Colonial Office, and received in reply a communication from Mr. Herbert, the Under-

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Secretary for the Colonies, to the effect that a telegram had been sent to Lord Lyons requesting him to intimate to the French Government that any action may be suspended for the present, pending the receipt of further advices from New Zealand. I have, &c. Julius Vogel, The Hon. the Premier, Wellington. Agent-General.

Its Convicts.

;:?/T-@Biffip,AL to the Pbemieb, Sin,—- . : minster Chambers, London, 22nd March, 1880. lief erring to my letter of the 26th February, advising you of the steps I had taken in connection with your telegraphic communications respecting the arrival in the colony of Communists and convicts from New Caledonia, I now have the honour to' forward, for your information, copy of a despatch I have since received on the subject from the Colonial Office. I have, &e. Julius Vogel, The Hon. the Premier, Wellington. Agent-General.

Enclosure. The Ukdeb-Secketauy tor the Colonies to the Agent-General. Sir, — Downing Street, 13th March, 1880. With reference to your letters -of the 23r3 ■ and 24th February, enclosing telegrams from the Premier of New Zealand relative to the influx of convicts from'New Caledonia into that colony, I am directed by the Secretary of State for the Colonies to inform 'you that a telegram, on. the same subject was subsequently received from the Governor of New South Wales, and that Her Majesty's Ambassador at Paris was instructed on the 3rd instant to urge the French Government to take all the measures in their power to prevent assistance being given to time-expired convicts in Now Caledonia in emigrating to any of the Australasian Colonies. 2. I am at the same time to enclose a copy of a telegram, dated the 6th instant, from the Governor of New Zealand, containing a representation on the part of the Government of that colony upon the subject, together with a copy of the reply which has been returned to it. 3. I am to add that a letter has been addressed to the Foreign Office, requesting that this further telegram may be communicated to Lord Lyons, with any additional instructions which may be thought proper. i. Sir Michael Hicks Beach desires me to add that ho will be glad to receive the particulars respecting the recent arrival of convicts in Auckland, to which allusion is made by Sir H. Robinson as having been communicated to you. I have, &c, The Agent-General for In cw Zealand. Robt. G. W. Hebbeet.

Sub-Enclosures. His Excellency the Governor to the Secretary of State for the Colonies. Eight Hon. Sir Michael. Hicks Beach, Bart. Colonial Office. Sixth March. — Ministers request mo to solicit the good -offices of Her Majesty's Government, in remonstrating with the French Government against making New Zealand a receptacle for liberated Communists and convicts from New Caledonia. The recent arrival of a considerable number of such men lias caused much dissatisfaction; and demands that the colony shall legislate, for its own protection, against further additions of this kind, have been made from various quarters. Full particulars respecting recent arrivals in Auckland were forwarded to the Agent-General by the last Frisco mail. Govbrnor, Wellington.

Paraphrase of Teleqhaji from the Secretary of State to the Govebnok of New South Wakes. March 13. for reply to 3'our telegram respecting liberated convicts from New Caledonia,, instructions have been given to Her Majesty's Ambassador at Paris, to urge French Government to take steps to prohibit assistance being given to them in emigrating to Australasian Colonies. Please in-form Sir Hercules Robinson of above.

No. 14. The Colonial Secbetaby to the Agent-General. Sib, — Premier's Office, "Wellington, N.Z., 28th February, 1880. I have the honour to forward herewith copies of telegrams* that have passed between us respecting the arrival in New Zealand of liberated Communists and criminals from New Caledonia. 2. The circumstances which caused my telegrams were these : —On the 18th instant, the Government received information from the Minister resident in Auckland, that the schooner "Griffin," "chartered by the French Government," had arrived in the Manukau Harbour from New Caledonia, bringing " eleven political offenders and nine convicts for criminal offences," all of them having been conditionally released. Subsequently, the Minister made further inquiries, and reported that, so far as he could ascertain, the information first sent was correct. He also transmitted to the Government an extract from a letter written by a British shipping agent in New Caledonia, stating specifically that he had "booked for Auckland" a number of passengers who were waiting for passages by a schooner expected from Hiscock Island, and that, " should favourable news be received here from the passengers per ' Griffin,' there w rill be a number more to go from this place." I hereupon telegraphed to the Governments of New South Wales/Queensland, and Victoria, repeating^fche information before stated, and asking whether those colonies had been similarly treated, and whether they would join New Zealand in urgiag the Imperial Government to remonstrate with France against permitting a repetition, on the part of its representatives in New

* For all enclosures, see those to No. 9.

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Caledonia, of proceedings so likely to prove highly injurious to these colonies. The Chief Secretary of New South Wales replied, " Batches of pardoned convicts from New Caledonia have, on several occasions, arrived here;" while from Queensland I was informed that "on two or three occasions escaped Communists have reached our coasts, but not, as far as we are aware, with the connivance of the French authorities." Both these Governments explained what had been attempted by them in the way of legislating against the landing of foreign convicts, political or criminal: but as to this I need not enter into details. Both also readily agreed to join in a remonstrance«ihrough the Agents-General for the Colonies. From Victoria, no ans", --r vatsja'oceived, owing, doubtless, to the general election which is proceeding there. 3. Upon receiving the replies from New Sq«£lj£W*lcs and Queensland, I forwarded my first telegram to you; and a copy of that incssag^eSffa-s transmitted to each of the three colonies. 4. A very strong feeling of indignation was aroused in Auckland by the landing of the criminals; and the police there, actinglmder the directions of the Government, sought to ascertain the crimes, sentences, and conditions of release of the ;jnen individually. These inquiries showed, that, while it was true that the Government of New Caledonia chartered the " Griffin," and paid for the passages of the liberated Communists, the nine freed criminals paid for their own passages. It was also ascertained that, while the amnestied Communists are not at liberty to enter any French territory, the men convicted of ordinary crimes had served their sentences, and when they left New Caledonia were, so far as the operation of French law is concerned, free to go to any other French colony, or to return to France. A copy of the police report is appended. 5. This information, of course, greatly modified the case. However unfriendly it may have' been on the part of the French authorities to send to New Zealand conditionally-freed political offenders, and, to a certain extent, to facilitate the ofeming hither of freed criminal convicts, the proceeding was shown to be less grave in character than it would have been if those criminal, convicts had been sent here at the cost of the French authorities, while an essential condition of their freedom was that they should not re-enter France or land in French territory. 6. I accordingly despatched to you my second telegram, which was crossed by your answer to my first; and I informed New South Wales, Queensland, and Victoria of the .changed circumstances. 7. I have said that the action of the French authorities is, at the least, a most unfriendly one towards New Zealand. But it would seem that a breach of a distinct promise by the French Government is also involved. I am informed that two or three years since, in reply to a remonstrance from Australia, the Due Decazes, then Minister of the Interior, promised the British Ambassador in Paris (Lord Lyons) that, although the French Government could not forcibly control the movements of free men, they would, as far as they could, divert from the Australian Colonies any pardoned or time-expired convicts, and any Communists liberated from New Caledonia. If the "Griffin" was chartered by the French authorities, as appears to have been the case, tha promise made by the Due Decazes has been broken. 8. Owing to' the absence of Sir Hercules Eobinson from Wellington, I have been unable to communicate with His Excellency, so as to ascertain fully what action he thinks should be taken; and. His Excellency cannot address the Secretary of State for the Colonies on the subject by the present mail. But I have now placed you in possession of what I believe are substantially the facts of the case; and, although I requested you to consider my first telegram and its instructions withdrawn, I now request that—remembering that despatches from the Governor will doubtless be forwarded by the next mail—you will communicate the facts to the AgentsGeneral for New South Wales, Queensland, and Victoria, and will, in conjunction with those gentlemen, take such steps as you may feel are justified by a fair desire to protect New Zealand and Australia from a repetition of the wrong now complained of. You are at liberty to state that a very strong feeling indeed exists in Auckland respecting the arrival of the men in question; that protests against their landing have been received from the Mayor of that city, on behalf of the people ; and that, judging from the newspapers, that which is accepted as the action of the French authorities in New Caledonia, is reprobated by all classes throughout the colony. I have, &c. The Agent-General for New Zealand, London. John Hall.

yii.—n«* Caledonia.

Its Convicts,

SAN FEANCISCO MAIL SEEVICE. No. 1. Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G., to the Eight Hon. the Earl of Kijibeeley. (No. 142.) My Loed, — Government House, Auckland, New Zealand, 23rd October, 1870. At the instance of my [Responsible Advisers, I have the honour to transmit, and to recommend to early and favourable consideration, the accompanying Ministerial memorandum by Mr. Vogel, the Treasurer and Postmaster-General of New Zealand, respecting a proposed contribution from the French colony of New Caledonia towards the postal servico via San Francisco. 2. "When Mr. Vogel first addressed me on this subject, I pointed out to him that while Ljsas the Governor of Queensland I had successfully applied to the Secretary for the Colonies to procure, through the Foreign Office, .a contribution from the Dutch colony of Java and its dependencies towards a projected postal service from Australia to Singapore via Torres Straits ; and that your Lordship's department would again be the proper channel for communication on this occasion. Indeed, it seems probable that it is not only the right, but also the only effectual, channel, for I

VII.-New Caledonia.

Snn Francisco Mail Service.

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VII-.—New Caledonia-.

apprehend that tho Governments of the French colonies generally have less local authority in matters of this kind even than the Governments of the English so-called " Crown colonies; " and that they cannot take action without previous instructions from Paris. 3. A glance at any good map of the Pacific Ocean and of the surrounding countries will show the isolated condition of New Caledonia at present, and the advantage which that colony would derive from participating in the benefits of the postal service via San Francisco,- as is proposed by Mr. Vogel in the enclosed memorandum. I have, -#c. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimberley. - - . J 3- _ G. F. Bowen.,

San Francisco Mail Service.

Enclosure. Memokaiojum for His Excellency. A communication is being addressed to the Governor of New Caledonia, inquiring whether the local Government oSss willing to make arrangements for connecting that settlement with the mail service between Auckland and Europe vid, San Francisco and New Yort. His Excellency is aware that that service has been in operation for some months, and that the Government contemplate to very much improve it, and to make it permanent. It is probable that the local Government of New Caledonia, if able to enter into any arrangement such as that suggested, could only do so temporarily. Therefore, the Postmaster-General desires to move His Excellency to caused through the Colonial Office, inquiries to be made of the French Government, whether they arc prepared to take steps for bringing New Caledonia, permanently into connection with the Califomian mail service. A steamer should leave Auckland for New Caledonia and Fiji, immediately after the arrival of the mail-boat from Ran Francisco ; and should return from Fiji and New Caledonia in time to connect with the steamer which leaves Auckland with the mails for the United States and Europe. The Postmaster-General is of opinion that,, if arrangements for subsidizing a steamer to run between Auckland, New Caledonia, and Fiji wore made, the contribution required for conveying the New Caledonian mails to and from Auckland and San Francisco would be very moderate in amount. The Postmaster-General suggests that the French Government should be asked to state what sum they would give for the through service, leaving it to the New Zealand Government to arrange for the branch service, the balance of the amount paid by the French Government to be regarded as a contribution to the main line. Auckland, 22nd October, 1870. Julius Vogel.

No. 2. The Hon. J. Vogel to His Excellency the Govebnob, New Caledonia. Sm, —■ Offices of the Colonial Government, Auckland, N.Z., 24th October, 1870. The Colonial Government of New Zealand have recently established a mail service between Auckland and San Francisco, with a view to direct communication with Europe, by means of the trans-continental railways to New York. The service has hitherto worked satisfactorily, considering the novelty of the circumstances, and the difficulties attendant upon some of its details. It is now contemplated by the Government to effect greatly improved and permanent arrangements. It appears to mo that New Caledonia would be much benefited by being brought into direct connection with this Californian mail service. What would be needed to secure such connection would be, that a steamer should run between Fiji, New Caledonia, and Auckland, arriving at Auckland before the departure of the boat for San Francisco, and starting again for New Caledonia and Fiji immediately after the arrival of the boat from San Francisco. I think that a large subsidy would not be required to secure the efficient performance of that service; and, if arrangements for such a steamer were made, only a moderate contribution would be asked for the conveyance of the New Caledonia mails to and from San Francisco. I shall be glad to be informed whether you are in a position to entertain the question of assisting to establish such a branch service as I have indicated; and, if so, what arrangements, generally, you would be prepared to make. I have, &c. His Excellency, M. Euillier, Julius Vogel, Governor, New Caledonia. Postmaster-General,

No. 3. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbebley to Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. (No. 14.) Sie, — Downing Street, 27th January, 1871. I have to acknowledge your Despatch No. 142, of 23rd October, enclosing a memorandum from the Postmaster-General of New Zealand relative to a proposed contribution from the French colony of New Caledonia towards the packet service via San Francisco. I caused a copy of your despatch to be forwarded to the Foreign Office ; and I transmit to you, for your information, a copy of a despatch addressed on the subject by Lord Lyons to the French Government, which has been communicated to this department by direction of Earl Granville. I have, &c. Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. Kimbebley. *s ■ ■ ■

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Enclosure. Lord Lyons to M. Favke. M. le Ministbe, — Bordeaux, 19th January, 1871. I have the honour to lay before your Excellency the copy of a momorandum presented by the PostmasterGeneral of Now Zealand to the Governor of that colony. It contains a proposal that the French colony of New Caledonia should make arrangements for contributing to the expense of the mail service between Auckland and Europe by way of San Francisco and New York, and thus secure to jiself a participation in the benefits of that service. I am instructed by Her Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs to recommend this question to your Excellency's attention ; and I shall be very much obliged rf your Excellency will enable me to communicate to his Lordship the views of the French Government. I have, &c. His Excellency, M. Favre. Lyons.

San Francisco Mail Service.

No. 4. ' Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. to the Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbeeley. (No. 35.) My Lobd, — Government House, Wellington, New Zealand, 24th April, 1871. Adverting to your Lordship's Despatch No. 14, of the 27th January ultimo, I am requested by my Eesponsible Advisers to convey their thanks to your Lordship and to Her Majesty's Government for the application made to the French Government relative to a proposed contribution, from the French colony of New Caledonia towards the mail j>acket service via San Francisco. I have, <fec. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbeiiey. G. F. Bowen.

No. 5. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbebley to Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. (No. 28.) Sie,— Downing Street, 13th March, 1871. With reference to your Despatch No. 142, of 23rd October, and to mine of 27th January, No. 14, on the subject of a proposed contribution from New Caledonia to the expense of the mail service between Auckland and Europe via San Francisco, I transmit to you a copy of a note which has been received through the Foreign Office from the French Government, declining, for the present, to entertain the proposal which Lord Lyons was instructed to make to them. I have, &c, Governor Sir G. E. Bowen, G.C.M.G. Kimbeeley.

Enclosure. M. Ghandobdy to Lord Lyons. M. l'Ambassadeuk, — Votre Excellence fait I'honneur do me transmettre, le 19 Janvier dernier, copie d'une note du PostmasterGeneral do la Nouvelle Zelande relative a l'organisation d'une ligne de navigation a vapeur qui reliorait Auckland a l'Europe, par la voie de San Francisco efc de New York, et desservirait au moyen d'un embranchement les;lles Fidji et la Nouvello Caledonie. Le Gouvernement do S.M.B. desirorait savoir si nous serions disposes a contribuer, par une subvention annuelle, a I'etablissernent du nouveau service dorit la Nouvelle Galedoiiie so trouvorait appelee a benefioier. Je me suis empresse de soumettre la question aM. lc Ministre de la Marine et des Colonies. Dans sa reponse, M. l'Amiral Pothnan me fait observer que certaines difficulty s'opposent -i ce quo la proposition dont il s'agit puisse etre aoouillie, des moins quant a present. D'une part, en effet, le Gouverneur do la Nouvelle Oaledonie vient de mettro en adjudication Ten terprise d'un service do ■ paqticbots a vapeur entre Noumea et Sydney, se rattaehant a la ligne d'Australie on Europe par Suez, de sorte que le but de la combinaison suggeree par le Postmaster de la Nouvelle Zelande se trouverait deja atteint en ee qui nous conoerne. D'un autre cote, n'ayant pu reussir jusquVi present a conclure une Convention postale avec les Efcats Unis, nous ne sauvions emprunter le paroours du Chemin de Fer de San Francisco a New York pour lo transit de nos depeches, et nous ne beneficerons pas des lois du service postal clirige par cette voie. Toutefois, M. le Ministre de la Marine et des Colonies se reserve do roprendre Pexamen de cctte question des que les circonstances les permettront. Agreez, &c. Votre Excellence le Lord Lyons, G.C.B, Chandobdy.

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VIII. NEW HEBEIDES. .■iff

VIII.-New Hebrides,

■ No. 1. The Eight Hon. Sir M. E. Hicks Beach to Governor the Most Hon. the Marquis of Nobmanby. (Circular.) My Loed,— Downing Street, 28th February, 1878. I have the honour to transmit to you, for your information arid for that of your Government, a copy of a letter from the Foreign Office, enclosing a communication which has been received from the French Ambassador at this Court, with reference to the intentions of Her Majesty's Government in respect of the New Hebrides group, together with a copy of the reply which I caused to be addressed to the Foreign Office. I have, &c. M. E. Hicks Beach. Governor tho Most Hon. tho Marquis of vNormanby, G.O.M.G. Ac.

Enclosure 1. The Fobbign Office tc tho Colonial- Office. Sib,— Foreign Office, Ist February. 1878. I am directed by tho Earl of Derby to transmit to you, herewith, to be laid before Her Majesty's Secretary of State for the Colonies, a copy of a communication received from the French Ambassador at this Court, calling attention to certain articles which have recently appeared in tho Australian newspapers, advocating the annexation of tho Islands of the New Hebrides to the British Crown, and stating that, although the French Government do not attach any great importance to this movement in favour of annexation, still, as they themselves have no intentions with regard to this group, they would be glad to receive an assurance to this effect from Her Majesty's Government. I am now to state that Lord Derby proposes, with the concurrence of Her Majesty's Secretary of State for the Colonies, to inform tho French Ambassador, in reply to His Excellency's communication, that Her Majesty's Government have no intention of proposing any measures to Parliament with a view of changing the condition of independence which the. New Hebrides now enjoy. I have, &c. The Under-Secretary of State, Colonial Office. " T. V. Listee.

Sub-Enclosure. The Marquis d'Habcoubt to the Earl of Dbbby, M. le Comte, — Ambassade de France, le 18 Janvier, 1878. II s'est etabli entro File de la Nouvelle Caledonie et le groupa des JSTouvelles Hebrides des rapports d'ordre commercial qui se sont rapidement developpes, en raison de leur voisinage, ot qui presentent pour la prosperity de notro etablissement colonial une importance considerable. Mon Gouvernement, qai attache beaucoup do prix a qui ces relations continuant sur le meme pied, se preoccupe dans une eertaine mesure d'un mouvement d'opinion qui so ser'ait produit en Australio dans ce dernier temps. Les journaux de ce pays auraient denoue l'instention qu'ils attribuent a, la France de reunion des Nouvelles Hebrides a ses possessions, ot demandcraient, qu'afhi de provenir cctte eventualite, l'a'rcliipel dont il s'agit fiit place sous la souverainete do la Couronne d'Angleterre. Sans attachcr a ee mouvement do i'opinion une trfe-grande importance, mon Gouvornement tient toutofois a declarer que pour ee qui le coucerne il n'a pas le projet de porter attcinte a I'independance dos Nouvelles Hebrides, et il serait heuroux de savoir quo-do son cote lo Gouvernemenfc de Sa Majeste eat egalemont dispose a en respecter. Vouillez, &c. S. E. le Comte do Derby, &o. D'Haboouf.t.

Enclosure 2. The Colonial Office to the Foreign Office. Sie, — Downing Street, 20th February, 1878. In reply to your letter of the Ist instant, I am directed by the Secretary of State for the Colonies to acquaint you that he concurs in the terms of the reply which tho Earl of Derby proposes to give to the inquiry of the French Ambassador at this Court, with reference to the intentions of Her Majesty's Governmont in respect of the New Hebrides Group. I have, &o. The Urjder-Secretary of State, Foreign Office. W. B. Malcolm.

No. 2. Governor the Most Hon. the Marquis of Noemanby to the Eight Hon. Sir M. B. Hicks Beach_ (No. 21.) Sik, — Government House, Wellington, New Zealand, 22nd June, 1878. In reply to your circular despatch of the 20th February, 1878, transmfEtmg a letter from the Foreign Office,"Enclosing a communication from the French Ambassador on the subject of the New Hebrides group, I have now the honour to enclose copy of "a memorandum which I have received from my Government, and which I have bsen requested by Sir George Grey to forward for your consideration. I have, &c. The Eight Hon. Sir M. E. Hicks Beach: Nobjianby,

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Enclosure. Memorandum for His Excellency. Snt George Grey presents his respectful compliments to the Marquis of Normanby, and acknowledges the receipt of the Secretary of State's despatch of 20th February last, informing this Government that Her Majesty's Advisers have assured the Government of Franco that Her Majesty's Government have no intention of proposing to Parliament any measure having for its object to affect the independence which the Now Hebrides Islands now enjoy. 2. Sir George Grey ventures to point out that, as ha believes, the New Hebrides Islands aro now a^ossession of the British Crown. Reference to a Commission issued to Sir Geoj'g;: Orey,.as.-<3o.vernor of New Zealand, in 1845 or 1840, will, ho thinks, show that this is the case. 3. Ecspeeting New Caledonia, Sir George Grey would ohs tc thi\i, by the Commission just mentioned, ho was, in fact, appointed Governor of those islands as a dependency of New Zealand; that he proceeded in a small brig to visit the group as Governor of it, and that he found that the French had, a few days before his arrival, taken possession. The question of right was, by agreement between Sir George Grey and the French Commodore, referred to their respective Governments, and New Caledonia was subsequently relinquished to the Government of France. 4. Sir George Grey respectfully submits these remark's for the consideration of Her Majesty's Government, and requests that the Marquis of Normanby will forward them to the Secretary of State for the Colonies ; and that His Excellency will also forward the enclosed memorandum by the Attorney-General of New Zealand, upon the subject of the impolicy of the British Government refusing to extend the protection of England to the New Hebrides group. Wellington, 14th June, 1878. G. Grey.

VIII. -New Hebrides.

Sub-Enclosuro. Memorandum re, New Hebrides Group. Is my opinion, it is much to bo regretted that the Imperial Government should have refused to extend the protection of England to this group. Ido not see how the French < :> v:i>;'P,t. could interfere. The colonization of New Caledonia has not been very successful, and, wore it not for the aid given to the colony by the French Government, it would not, I believe, exist long under its present management. No doubt, if the annexation of the New Hebrides group threatened in any way the existence of New Caledonia, or interfered with its commercial relations, something might be said against the Imperial Government interfering. The Marquis d'Harcourt's letter only states that commercial relations have been established, raid that these are rapidly developing ; but the trade relations between New South Wales and New Caledonia aro far more extensive, and the mere fact of New South Wales being an English colony has not disturbed those relations, nor is it likely to do so. I think this Government should urge the Imperial Government to reconsider its dctcrminatior. 22nd May, 1878. Robert Stout.

No. 3. The Eight Hon. Sir M. E. Hicks Beach to Governor the Most Hon. the Marquis of Nobmanby. (No. 48.) My Lobd, — Downing Street, 10th October, 1878. I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your Despatch No. 21, of the 22nd of June last, enclosing a memorandum from Kir George Grey, and also one from the Attorney-General of the colony, with regard to the maintenance of the independence of the New Hebrides Islands. As regards the opinion expressed by Sir George Grey that the New Hebrides Islands are already a possession of the British Crown, as indicated by his Commission of Governor of New Zealand, I have to observe that by the Act 26 and 27 Viet., c. 23, passed in 1863, the boundaries of New Zealand are declared to be the 162° east longitude, the 173° west longitude, and the 33° and 53° south latitude. The New Hebrides, therefore, are no longer within the limits of New Zealand; and, as this country has for many years exercised no rights or functions of ownership within the group, and moreover as, by the Western Pacific Order in Council of 1877, Her Majesty has given to the natives of those islands protection from the misdeeds of British subjects, and has provided British subjects with Courts of Justice having civil and criminal jurisdiction, Her Majesty's Government, as at present advised, have no intention of proceeding further in the direction of a political protectorate. . I have, &c. M. E. Hicks Beach. Governor the Most Hon. the Marquis of Nomianby, G.C.M.G. &c.

No. 4. The Administeatob of the Government to the Eight Hon. Sir M. E. Hicks Beach, Bart. (No. IG.) Sib,— Government House, Wellington, 20th March, 1879. In reference to your Despatch to the Marquis of Normanby, dated the 10th October, 1878, and numbered 48, I have now the honour, at the request of Ministers, to forward to you six printed copies of a memorandum by Sir George Grey, and also a copy of a memorandum by the AttorneyGeneral of New Zealand. I have, &c. The Eight Hon. Sir Michael Hicks Beach. Jakes Pkendebgast.

Enclosure 1. Memorandum for His Excellency. In reply to tlie Secretary of State's Despatch No. 48, of the 10th October, 1878, on the subject of the Now Hebrides, T"' venture to remark as follows :—■ 2. I understand it to bo admitted tli^t the New Hebrides Islands were a possession of the British Crown, as indicated by Commissions to several Governors of New Zealand ; but that, the limits of the Colony of New Zealand having been altered, those islands no longer form a portion cf the colony. This fact, however, does not affect the status of the islands as being'a possession of the Crown, which they may still remain, although they have ceased to be a part of this colony. It appears that Her Majesty's Government have given to the natives of those islands, as well as of other islands in the Western Faeifie Ocean, protection from the misdeeds of British subjects, and have 17—A, 4.

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provided British subjects with Courts of Justice having civil and criminal jurisdiction ; and that, having proceeded so far, it has no intention oJ! doing more in the direction of a political protectorate. 3. I think that what has been done is not sufficient to meet the actual requirements of British subjects in Australia and New Zealand. What their interests require is, that there should exist in the Pacific Islands forms of government which can insure protection of life and property, and Customhouse officers who can protect trade and prevent smuggling. 4. I base my views in this respect, in as far as New Zealand is concerned, upon the following facts and considerations :— 5. The New Zealand Islands lie in a great ocean, a;: ,-arated by long distances from any continent, and indeed from any land except those islands of the Pacific wliich lie in their vicinity. They arc thus peculiarly safe from invasion, and from any chance of being o> ■ 'j i hostile army. 6. New Zealand has been endowed by Nature with coal-fields of vast extent, which are very rich in workable strata. It also possesses water-power, in almost every portion of its islands, capable of being used in manufacturing processes. In addition to the precious metals, it contains iron in abundance, as well as copper.. It further produces wool in great quantities ; whilst the islands which lie nearest to it are capable of producing large crops of cotton, at A, very moderate price. The same islands yieH, in addition to most other tropical products, various materials from which oils of the most valuable nature may bo extracted. All these circumstances combine to poiiit*out Now Zealand as one of the great future centres of manufacturing industry ; whilst, from the productive character of its soil, it yields food in the greatest abundance:, and is therefore able to sustain a very largo manufacturing population. 7. These great advantages can be only utilized by its commercial resources being developed in a degree proportionate to the increase of its manufactured goods, and by its having markets in which it may readily dispose of its commodities. 8. From the geographical situation of Now Zealand, its commerce can only succeed by its possessing a population trained to the sea and composed in part of skilful sailors. A population of this nature is daily growing into existence. The coasts of New Zealand abound in harbours and deep ocean inlets, the shores of which are inhabited by an industrious people delighting in the sea, and carrying an. already their intercolonial pursuits in fleets of small vessels built in the vicinity of the spots inhabited by t'~ rs7 Thus, not only is a hardy population of seamen being raised here, but, the forests of the country affording tlio finest timber in the world for constructing vessels, shipbuilding has become one of the main features of the industry of the North of New Zealand, and many vessels of a most superior class are annually built in the colony. 9. Many circumstances thus combine to raise hero a nautical population, and to secure a large mercantilevfieet, fitted in every respect to carry on our commerce. It is worthy of remark that this state of things has long existed in New Zealand, showing that it springs from the natural resources and conformation of the country, which combine to develop human energy in the directions indicated ; for, long before we occupied these Islands, the aboriginal inhabitants were a race of seamen, possessing large and admirably^constructed canoes, in which they navigated every portion of the coasts of these Islands, and trained up their youth to be experienced sailors, so much that, in many vessels trading in this part of the world, their services proved of the utmost value. They became most skilful whalers ; and they are, I believe, unsurpassed as seamen by any other race of men. 10. Any attempt to confine the Anglo-Saxon race within the limits of the New Zealand Islands must prove a failure. It might as well be attempted to confine 'the birds of the ocean within the same limits. The disposition, natural instincts, and wants of that race will compel them to navigate the Pacific in every direction, and to cultivate relations of commerce with the inhabitants of the Pacific Islands, which relations will be more or less profitable, and more or less satisfactory, as regards their humanity and in all other respects, in exactly the degree in which life and property are allowed by good regulations to be made secure 'in the islands to which they trade, and in which their partners or agents must reside. 11. The same remark applies with greater cogency to the aborigines of New Zealand. They already, in some instances, visit Earotonga, delighting to traverse, in small vessels which are their own property, the calm waters which lie to the north of New Zealand. This pursuit opens to them a field for their energies and love of adventure—■ a field of a most useful nature ; and to attempt to shut those energies and this love of adventure within the limits of the Nativo districts in those Islands, will be to insure future disturbances between the two populations. I believe that the best way to avoid this is to afford to the Natives full scope for the exorcise of that love of action which is inherent in their youth, and which must find an outlet in some direction. In the Pacific Islands, advantageous openings could be found for the employment of many Natives of Now Zealand, amongst races who speak languages nearly identical with their own. 12. These circumstances all point to the necessity of establishing a central Government in each group of islands. But, in speaking of the establishment of such systems of government, it should be remembered that another important question is touched upon, for the islands arc nearly all now greatly under-populated. 13. Mr. Des Vceux, in a message to the Legislative Council of Fiji, on the 29th January last, gives an estisnate of the area of the Fiji Islands. In doing this he shows that one of those islands alone is as large as Jamaica, and much larger than Cyprus ; that another of them would contain Mauritius three times, and Barbadoes ten times; and that the aggregate area of all the Fiji Islands is greater than that of all the British West India Islands (Jamaica, Trinidad, and the Windward and Leeward Islands). In short, he shows that the Fijis, with their soil and climate, have an area which would enable them to sustain p« suitable population of from 1,000,000 to 1,500,000 souls. 14. Yet the Fiji Inlands have at present a population of little more than 100,000 Natives, and a small European population. The same state of things prevails in other groups of islands in the Pacific, varying in proportion to their respective areas. 15. Now, if it is worth the while of Great Britain to go to a great expense to render life and property secure in Cyprus, and to establish good government there, surely it is much more worth the while of Austr ,lia and New Zealand to take care that life and property are secure in the most fertile of the islands in the Pacific—where there are many Cypruses—and that good Governments are established in them. Indeed, their future safety from war, and troublesome disputes with other Powers, depends upon this being done; for the population of those islands will bo displaced in' various ways, and the gaps thus left will bo filled by miscellaneous populations being poured into them, composed of elements difficult of assimilation, not readily susceptible of control, and whose entry into the islands should be carefully watched and provided for. This heterogeneous population will most probably be composed of some of the aborigines of each island, of inhabitants of other islands, of Malays, Chinese, runaway sailors of various nationalities, escaped convicts from the French penal settlements; and it is almost certain that the various persons making up the mass of those populations will contain amongst their number some of the most indifferent characters of the classes which they represent. Thus those islands will either be sources of wealth and commerce, and the abode of contentment and good order, or sources of wild" disorder, and the cause of long-continued and desolating strife. 16. Should Great Britain, however, determine to refrain from occupying the Pacific Islands, and to prevent its own subjects also from occupying those islands, whilst foreign Powers are to be permitted to take possession of them, then I think such a lino of policy will be, in effect, to say to the inhabitants of New Zealand —" We think it necessary to take care that the frontiers of the Indian Empire are not too nearly approached by any foreign Power ; and to attain this object, and. other ends in which you have^ho direct interest, wo may often become involved in war. Whenever this happens, it will be your duty, as good subject;-, c 1 eerfully to make great sacrifices, by being prepared to bear the expense of fortifying your harbours and protecting your outlying settlements, to provide against descents being made upon you by the onemtss with whom we are at war, and to prevent your commerce from being interrupted, nay, possibly, paralysed. We now think it right further to intimate to you, that it is our intention not to permit you to occupy the various islands of the Pacific which lie in your vicinity, but to allow foreign Powers to do so, and thus enable them, if they think proper, to shut you out from a commerce upon which your future prosperity must greatly depend. We also shall thus allow them an opportunity of forming, dose to you, arsenals from which, at the very moment a war brea"ks out, expeditions can issue to interrupt your commerce and to assail your coasts. It will, therefore, be necessary for you at all times to maintain a considerable standing military force and some naval

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VIII.-New Hebrides.

force, and to incur a great and continued cost in so doing, in order to protect yourselves from any sudden dangers that 3nay ariso from these causes ; for, as wo conduct negotiations without consulting you, and determine whether a war shall or shall not take place without your having any voice in the matter, or being certain of having time afforded you to make preparations to meet the exigencies that may arise from such a war, it will bo necessary for you to be prepared at any moment to meet a contingency which you can neither delay nor control in any manner whatever. You must also remember that our policy relating to our dependencies is a variable policy. At one time, a Government is in power which is determined to hold the Empire together. After a short interval, another Government may come into power which may consider it wise to rid itself of all dependencies, as valueless and embarrassing to the Mother-country. Thus at any time your connection with us may suddenly cease. You shcftlld, therefore, be prepared to meet this event, and. to be in such a position as to be ablo to djsfend yourselves, if necessary, against the foreign Powers we have assisted, by our policy, to occupy islands in your immediate vicinity and to establish, arsenals there." 17. It should also be remembered that tho products Gfcihji Pacific Islands are amongst the most valued necessaries of life to the inhabitants of New '/ i : whilst, on the other hand, their products are articles most highly prized by tho islanders. To incur any risk of closing a commerce so beneficial and lucrative to the two races would, therefore, appear to be unwise—nay, disastrous. 18. I think that a calm review should be taken of all these circumstances. A consideration of the misery and great expenditure which may be brought upon the British colonies in this part of the world by following one line * of policy, whilst a vast commerce, wealth, and enterprise will be gradually called, into existence by pursuing another course, must, I believe, afford convincing reasons in favour of the wisdom and justice of allowing the colonies either to annex to any colony by agreement, or to occupy; with tho consent of the inhabitants, islands in the Pacific Ocean, the cost of governing and maintaining which it may be willing to undertake. 19. I confidently think that a generous policy of this nature will raise feelings of gratitude in tho minds of the colonists to tho Mother-country, and will bind the Empire in stronger bonds of union, producing results equally advantageous to the trade and commerce of tho colonies and of the Mother-country; and that to follow the opposite" course of refusing to allow the colonies to assume the government of the Pacific Islands, and yet to permit foreign nations to do so, will ultimately resuit in unpleasant feelings towards Great Britain, and in a series of disasters, as years roll by, which can now be ea:-.;iv provided against. Surely, it is better for Great ■Britain to allow great, wealthy, and prosperous communities to develop themselves in this portion of the world, spreading the Christian faith, British laws, the English language and literature—this series of events proceeding quietly and regularly in a natural order—than to -stint and impoverish communities capable of such a beneficial" extension, thereby creating discontent in the minds of a people who, from sympathy and natural feeling, now cling so closely to the Mother-country, and readily undergo many inconveniences and incur much expenditure to promote and sustain the greatness of the nation from which they have sprung, and in the might and beneficence of which they feel the greatest pride. 6th March, 1879. . G. Gbey.

Enclosure 2. I thisk it is to be regretted that the Imperial Government has come to the conclusion mentioned in this Despatch (No. 48). Might not the Secretary of State for the Colonies be asked if the Government would permit New Zealand to obtain and have the management of tho New Hebrides ? 15th January, 1879. Eobekt- Stout.

No. 5. The Eight Hon. Sir M. E. Hicks Beach to Governor Sir Heecules Eobinson. (No. 38.) Sib,—- Downing Street, 31st July, 1879. I have the honour to transmit to you, for communication to your Government, the accompanying copy of a Despatch from Her Majesty's Consul in New Caledonia, stating that vessels sailing from that port, as well as from Sydney and from Queensland, to the New Hebrides, carry with them large quantities of dynamite for trading purposes, and with the object of procuring fish. I think it right to communicate these papers to you, in case your Government should think it desirable that steps should be taken with a view to check so dangerous a practice, if it should equally prevail in the case of any vessels sailing from the ports of the colony under your government, I have, &c. Governor Sir Hercules Eobinson, G.C.M.G. &c. M. E. Hicks Beach.

Enclosure. My Lobd, — British Consulate, Soumea, 21st April, 1879. I hope I shall not bo exceeding my jurisdiction by informing your Lordship that I have certain information that most of the vessels sailing from Sydney, Queensland, and this port to the New Hebrides, carry with them, for tho purpose of trading with the natives, and also for procuring fish for themselves, large quantities of dynamite. I am told that on some islands the first thing the natives ask for is tliis dangerous explosive. No secret is made of it. 2. I need hardly point out to your Lordship how a small charge of this substance thrown into a boat, or even down the hatch of a small vessel, would blow out the bottom of the craft, and leave the survivors to the mercy of the crafty and treacherous savage who planned the scheme. E. G. Layabd, Tho Marquis of Salisbury, K.Gr, &c. H.B.M. Consul.

No. 6. Governor Sir Hebcudes Eobinson, G.C.M.G. to the Eight Hon. Sir M. B. Hicks Beach. (No. 74.) SlB, — Government House, Wellington, New Zealand, 3rd December, 1879. I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your Despatch No. 38, of the 31st July last, transmitting a copy of a Despatch from Her Majesty's Consul in New Caledonia, with reference to the conveyance of large quantities of dynamite in vessels trading to the New Hebrides, in case this Government should think it desirable to check so dangerous a practice if it should prevail in.the case of vessels sailing from this colony. 2. In reply, I have the honour to forward a copy of a memorandum from the Chief Inspector of Customs, to ■whom your Despatch was referred by the Premier, and also a- copy of an Order in Council which has been issued, prohibiting the exportation of dynamite from New Zealand to any of the South Sea Islands. I have, &c, The Eight Hon. Sir Michael Hicks Beach. Hebcules Eobinson.

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Vlll.-X'ew Hebrides.

Enclosure 1. Memobandum from the Chief Inspectob of Customs to the Hon. tho Commissioner of Customs. Dynamite, I find, is beginning to bo exported from New Zealand to some of tho South Sea Islands. During last quarter, 1121b. wore shipped to the Navigators, and 3001b. to Cook Islands. It is used, I understand, for fishing purposes ; but so dangerous a substance is not fit to be trusted in the hands of ignorant natives. In addition to the danger to the traders themselves, which might result from the use of it by treacherous savages, as pointed out by Mr. Consul Layard, it is quite possible to imagine that it might be usod by unscrupulous Europeans with devastating effect against the lives of natives, if quarrels should arise with, them, when crowding round a'Vcssel in their canoes. I submit, therefore, that- it is worthy of consideration wheliirv this cfengorous explosive should not be prohibited from being exported to tho islands. This could be done by Proclamation or Order in Council, under the 123rd section of " The Customs Regulation Act, 1858." 2nd October, 1879. W. Seed.

Enclosure 2. Exportation of Dynamite £p. South Sea Islands prohibited, Heboules Robinson, Governor. ORDER IN COUNCIL. At the Government House, at Wellington, this twenty-fifth day of November, 1879. Present: — His Excellency the Govebjtob in Council. Whekeas by " The Customs Regulation Act, 1858," it is, amongst otliar things, enacted that any goods.whatever may, by Proclamation or Order of the Governor in Council, revocable from time to time, be prohibited to be exported, and, if any goods shall be exported tarn the colony contrary to any such prohibition, or be waterborno' to be so exported or carried, they shall bo forfeited, and any person offending against the provisions of any such Proclamation or order shall for every such offence forfeit and ]).'■■ ihe surn^pf five hundred pounds : And whereas it is advisable to prohibit the exportation of dynamite to the South Sea Islands : Now, therefore, His Excellency the Governor'of the Colony of New Zealand, by and with the advice of the Executive Council of the said colony, doth,-in pursuance of the hereinbefore-rocited provisions of the said Act, by this present order, absolutely prohibit the exportation of dynamite from New Zealand to any of the South Sea islands. FOBSTEK GOBING, Clerk of the Executive Council.

No. 7. .The Eight Hon. Sir M. E. Hicks Beach to Governor Sir Hercules Kobinson. Sir,— Downing Street, 29th January, 1830. I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your Despatch No. 74, of the 3rd December. I have learned with satisfaction that an Order in Council has been issued, prohibiting the exportation of dynamite from New Zealand to any of the South Sea Islands. I have, &c. Governor Sir Hercules Robinson. M. E. Hicks Beach.

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IX.--Navigator Islands.

No. 1. Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. to the Eight Hon. tho Earl of Kimbebley. (No. 112.) My Lord, — Government House, Wellington, Now Zealand, 24th November, 1871. At the request of my Eesponsible Advisers, I have the honour to transmit herewith a Ministerial memorandum, and also a copy of a resolution adopted by the Legislative Council of New Zealand, respecting the Navigator Islands. I have, &c. The Eight. Hon. the Earl of Kimberley. G. F. Bowen.

Enclosure. MitfttOBANDUM for His Excellexci*. Misistebs have the honour to forward to His Excellency copy of a resolution adopted by the Legislative Council with respect to the Navigator Islands. Ministers also forward an extract relating to the -same subject from a report by the Hon. Mr. Vogel, on his return from England. His Excellency is urgently advised to draw the attention of Her Majesty's Government to the great importance of deciding, without delay,' what is to be done as to tho islands of the Navigator group. It is intended by the contractors for the Californian mail service-to make one of the islands a coaling-station for their boats ; and it is probable that, in course of time, besides the steamer to New Zealand, steamers will be run from such station to Queensland, to tho southern ports of Australia, to Tahiti, to Fiji, and New Caledonia. One of tho islands possesses a most excellent harbour, approachable at any hour of the day or night. It may be assumed that that island will be chosen for tho coaling-station ; but the position of the group as a whole, relatively to the western shores of North America, to Australia and Now Zealand, and to the islands of tho Pacific generally, makes the islands admirable calling-places for mail services, as well as for d6pot purposes in connection with tho islands trade. In short, they are probably destined toJoecome places of great importance. It is, therefore, very desirable that assistance should be rendered to the rulers of the group to enable them to maintain law and order, and to do justice to the European interests which are likely to grow up there. Ministers submit that it is desirable the islands should be, in some form, under the protection or guidance of Great Britain or a British colony, following the precedent of the protectorates maintained by the Cape Colony. The recent movement in the Fiji group —the result of which has been the constitution of a form of nominallyindependent government, so weak in itself that the first foreign Power which chooses to interfere will assuredly bo oagerly welcomed—is calculated to create very great anxiety as to the possibility of further complications. At the present moment, the Government have before them a request from tho British Consul at tho Eijis, that the postal authorities in New Zealand will disregard tho postal arrangements which have been made by the Government of tho islands, under apparently perfectly regular circumstances. Her Majesty's Ministers cannot, surely, desire that the colony should act as an arbiter between tho representative of Great Britain and a quasi-foreign Government. If a similar movement should take place in the Navigator group, with a similar result, Ministers believe that Now Zealand interests would be very much prejudiced. In the event of war, a foreign Power might, under pretence of a protectorate, take possession of the group, and, with a small fleet at command, might inflict great injury upon tho Australasian Colonies. In any case, a Government nominally independent, but so intrinsically weak as such a Government as that of Fiji must be for a long period, can have little power for useful purposes, whilst it is liable to bo converted to purposes the reverse of favourable to the large interests which Great Britain has in the South Pacific. Ministers desire very earnestly to add that, if Great Britain really intends to stop the frightful system of slavery which, under the pretence of voluntary labour, is now being carried on and extended amongst the islands of the Pacific, some hold must be obtained upon a group such as the Navigators; and a feeling must be created that tho inhabitants of any of tho scattered islands can depend that Great Britain will not only refuse to countenance tho iniquities which are now driving the islanders to desperation, but will afford- protection against slavery in any form or shape. New Zealand is so much interested in the Californian service, one of tho most important stations of which will before long be at tho Navigators, that Ministers may confidently request His Excellency to assure Her Majesty's Government that anything within reason which it may bo desired the colony should do, to aid Great Britain in establishing for tho group some form of protectorate, will receive from the Assembly the utmost consideration : Ministers propose to despatch to the Navigator Islands a person qualified to report upon them. Meanwhile, they would suggest that His Excellency should seek from Her Majesty's Government authority to appoint a Consular Representative, with large magisterial powers, and with instructions to inquire, and report to His Excellency, for the information of Her Majesty's Government, what steps, if any, it would bo desirable to take, with the concurrence of the native rulers, for the purpose of extending British protection to the islands of tho group. Wellington, 24th November, 1871. William Fox.

Sub-Enclosure 1. " On motion of the Honourable Colonel Whitmore, Resolved —Tliat it is desirable that the Government should take the earliest practicable steps for the establishment of British authority in the Navigator Islands; and that a Committee be appointed to prepare an Address to Her Majesty to give effect to this Resolution, and for the purpose of the annexation of those islands to New Zealand ; such Committee to consist of the Honourable Mr. Pharazyn, the Honourable Mr. H. B. Russell, the Honourable Mr. Waterhouse, the Honourable Mr. Miller, the Honourable Mr. Mantcll, the Honourable Mr. Scotland, and the Mover." Addbess. Most Gracious Sovereign,— We, your Majesty's loyal and subjects, members of the Legislative Council of New Zealand, in Parliament assembled, desire to submit for your Majesty's consideration : That, with a view to the better prevention of the iniquitous traffic in Polynesian labour, and to tho bettor protection of British commerce in tho Pacific, and especially the postal and commercial connection with Great Britain, through tho United States of America, which this colony has made great sacrifices to create, it is of the greatest importance that your Majesty's authority should, as speedily as possible, be established in the Navigator Islands.

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IX. Navigator Islanc s.

That, in tho event of the annexation or assumption of a protectorate over those islands by a foreign Power—a contingency which, from reliable information, appears to bo imminent—British interests in tho Australian Colonies would, in time of war, become seriously endangered. That, as these islands appear to be well suited for settlement, and the population desirous of being more closely connected with your Majesty's Empire, it is highly desirable that the group should be attached as a dependency to such one of the Australian Colonies as your Majesty may select. And we humbly pray that your Majesty will be pleased to create a naval station as early as possible in the group, which we believe to possess an excellent harbour, and to bo otherwise well suited for the purpose.

Sub-Enclosure 2. "■Before leaving the subject of the mail service, I desire briefly to draw the attention of the Government to tho Navigator Islands. The contract permits galling at one of those islands; and lam informed, that the contractors intend to avail themselves of that privilege. lam told that, in climate and fertility, the Navigators are not inferior to othors of the Pacific groups. Their geographical position gives them much importance; for they are centrally situated in respect to the principal Pacific Islands, so that, sooner or later, they aro likely to become more or less important commercial centres. " I deem it of importance that the islands of tho Navigator group should not bo left without the pale of enforcement of law and order. In a posthumously published work, by Lieutenant the Hon. H. Meade, R.N.,* it is stated that the people of the Navigator group desire to place themselves under British protection. Notwithstanding the tenor of a despatch which was recently published in Australia, wherein the Colonial Office expressly refuses either to take possession of the Fiji group, or to place those islands under a British protectorate, I have'reason to think that the Fijian question will be subjected to further consideration, with a view of devising means by which ono or more of tho Australian Colonies, or Now Zealand, may, if so desired, take the islands under their protection.. Such a proceeding would not bo altogether without precedent. The Government of Capo Colony, lam informed, has been exercising protectorate powers towards one of the South African Republics. " It appears to me that, so far as tho islands o.E the Navigator group are concerned, New Zealand should take steps to secure that such an amount of protection shall be afforded to the group as the present rulers desire, and at their expense. I think that the colony should co-operate with those rulers to prevent the islands becoming the scene of lawlessness such as prevails in the Fijis, and especially that tho colsny. should aid in arresting any disposition to kidnap natives of the group into slavery, under the pretence of hiring them as free labourers. " Her Majesty's Government are very anxious to repress the growing disposition to kidnap natives of the Soutli Sea Islands, and would no doubt warmly co-operate in any efforts in that direction which might bo made by New Zealand."

No. 2. Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. to the Bight Hon. the Earl of Kimbj^kley. (No. 4.) My Loud,—t Government House, Wellington, New Zealand, sth January, 1872. Adverting to my Despatch No. 112, of the 24th November ultimo, and to its enclosures, respecting the Navigator (or Samoa) Islands, I have now the honour to transmit herewith another Ministerial memorandum, intimating that it is the intention of the Colonial Government to send Mr. Seed, the Secretary and Inspector of Customs in New Zealand, to several of the South Sea Islands and to New Caledonia, with the object of acquiring information respecting the trade that is springing up between those places and this country. 2. In compliance with the request of my Eesponsible Advisers, I have furnished Mr. Seed with a letter of introduction to the Governor of New Caledonia. 3. I may be permitted to take this opportunity of mentioning that Mr. Webb, of New York, the owner of the steamers now carrying the mail between Australasia and San Francisco, has lately visited Wellington, and states that tho excellent harbour of Pango-Pango, in Tutuila (one of the Navigator Islands), would be the most convenient coaling-place for those vessels. 4. I may also here observe that a good account of the above-mentioned harbour, and of the Navigator Islands generally, will be found in Chapter VII. of the Journals of the late Lieutenant the Hon. Herbert Meade, E.N. recently published by his brother. I have, &c. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimberley. G. F. Bowen.

Enclosure. Memobandcm for His Excellency. With reference to the memorandum addressed to His Excellency on the 24th ultimo, relative to the Navigator Islands, Ministers have now the honour to state that they have instructed Mr. W. Seed, Secretary and Inspector of Customs, to proceed to those islands for the purpose of reporting on them. If circumstances should bo favourable for his doing so, Mr. Seed will also visit tho Fijis and Now Caledonia, to acquire information in connection with the trade that is springing up between those places and New Zealand. Ministers would therefore feel obliged to His Excellency if he would bo good enough to favour Mr. Seed with a letter of introduction to the Governor of New Caledonia. Wellington, 23rd December, 1871. Julius Vogel.

No. 3. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbebley to Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. (No. 10.) Sie, — Downing Street, 23rd February, 1872. Her Majesty's Government have under their consideration your Despatch Noril2, of 24th November, transmitting^a memorandum by your Advisors, with a copy of a resolution adopted by the Legislative Council of New Zealand, on the subject of the Navigator Islands.

:* "A Hide through the Disturbed Districts of Now Zealand, together with some Account of tho South Sea Islands; being Selections from the Journals au(i letters of Lieutenant the Hon. Horbgrt Meade, H,N, Sdited by hia Brother." Socoud Edition, London; John Murray, 1871.

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Her Majesty's Government are not insensible to the fact that the increase of commerce in the Pacific, and the constant advance of European settlement in those regions, must render the South Sea Islands of far greater interest than formerly. They are not, however, prepared to advise Her Majesty to take upon herself further direct responsibilities, such as would be entailed upon her by the assumption of sovereignty or of a protectorate over the Navigator Islands. I have, &c. « Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. Kimbeeley.

IX.—NavigatoP Islands.,

No. 4. Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. to the Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbeeley. (No. 56.) My Lord, — Government House, Auckland, New Zealand, 26th June, 1872. At the request of my Responsible Advisers, I have the honour to transmit herewith the enclosed Ministerial memorandum from the Postmaster-General of New Zealand (Mr. Vogel, C.M.G.), respecting certain questions connected with the Navigator Islands. 2. I have no means here of procuring any information on this subject, in addition to that furnished by Mr. Vogel in the accompanying papers. 3. I have already communicated to my Ministers your Lordship's Despatch No. 10, of the 23rd February ultimo, stating the views of Her Majesty's Government with regard to the Navigator Islands. I have, &c. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimberley. G. F. Bowen.

Enclosure. Memosandum for His Excellency. The Postmaster-General has the honour to communicate to His Excellency the appended letters, which have been received from Mr. W. H. Webb, in order that they may be forwarded to the Secretary of State for the Colonies should His Excellency consider such a course desirable. It is possible that, through Her Majesty's Consul at the Navigator Islands, some information respecting the subject of the letters may have reached the Foreign Office. Still, the information, given by Mr. Webb may bo considered useful; because, supposing it to be accurate, it seems to the Postmaster-General that a treaty has been made by the United States Government which is not only unusual in its character, but which may prove very detrimental to the Australasian Colonies generally, and to New Zealand in particular. Supposing that a kingdom of the Samoan group should hereafter be recognized by Great Britain, as has been the case with the Hawaiian group, the anomaly would be presented, that the United States, in case of war with Great Britain, would have the right to use, for belligerent purposes, a neutral harbour, from the use of which British vessels would be excluded. The Postmaster-General is not able to form an opinion whether such a treaty is opposed to the law of nations; but it seems to him to be so, because of the very great advantage it would give to one belligerent Power over another. The whole question is of importance. The leading chiefs or kings of the principal of the Polynesian groups are in the habit of communicating with each other. Kamehamoha, of the Hawaiian group, for instance, has taken very great interest in the proceedings of Cakobau in Fiji, and has sent congratulations to him. The Postmaster-General was recently informed, in Australia, upon very good authority, that negotiations had been opened between chiefs of the Navigator Islands and King Cakobau, with the view of bringing the Samoan group under the Government of Fiji. Maafu, the most powerful chief, next to Cakobau, in the Fijian group, and who will most probably succeed that King if the Fijian Government remains intact, is next heir to the sovereignty of the Tongan group. In short, it is possible that the Fijian, Samoan, and Tongan groups may, at no very distant date, be formed into one powerful kingdom. It need scarcely be pointed out how very serious a matter it would be for the Australasian Colonies if, with such a kingdom as has been indicated, it were permitted to foreign countries to make treaties similar to that described to Mr. Webb by the commander of Che " Narragansett." The Postmaster-General has reason to think that, supposing the treaty to be of an unusual nature, it is so rather as a result of accident than of design. He has been informed that the object of the United States was only to secure a convenient port in which facilities could bo afforded to American shipping, and that the action taken was certainly not dictated or influenced by unfriendly feeling towards the Australasian Colonies. The Postmaster-General thinks, therefore, that, if representations were made to the United States Government, Great Britain would be allowed to participate in the treat} 7 under consideration, so that Pago-Pago would not be made a harbour available only for use by American shipping. As to the second letter from Mr. Webb, the captain of the German war ship " Nymphe," informed the PostmasterGeneral, in Sydney, that there was no truth in the rumours prevalent there, during the vessel's stay in that port, that the German Government intended to take possession of the Fijian or the Samoan group. The PostmasterGeneral repeated the information to Mr. Webb ; but that gentleman seems, by his letter, to be of opinion that there was some truth in the rumours current in Sydney. The Postmaster-General has lately been told, upon good authority, that the German Consul at Pago-Pago protested strongly against the treaty which was being made by the chiefs with the commander of the " Narragansett." If His Excellency should see fit to forward to the Secretary of State for the Colonies this memorandum and its enclosures, it is respectfully requested that he will at the same time explain that, in bringing under notice this treaty question, the Postmaster-General has not been actuated by a desire to interfere in a matter with which he has officially no concern, but that he considered it to bo his duty to place the information in the possession of His Excellency, leaving him to make such use of it as ho might consider desirable. The Postmaster-General also appends hereto, for tho information of His Excellency, and for transmission to the Secretary of State for the Colonies, should His Excellency see fit, a copy of tho report of Mr. William Seed, the Secretary of Customs, respecting the visit made by him a few months since to the Navigator Islands. Wellington, sth June, 1872. Julius Voqel.

Sje page 150.

Sub-Enclosures. Sin, — Steamer " Nebraska," at Sea, 4th,April, 1872. Having had tlie good fortune to,meet the steamer " Nevada," on my trip homeward from Auckland, on the night of the 29th March, 1 boarded her, and, among the letters for me then obtained, I found one from Commander Eichard W. Meade, commanding the United States steamer " Narragaiisett," dated at Pago-Pago, Tutuila, 10th March, 1872, communicating the official intelligence " that, on the 17th February, the chief of Pago-Pago, ' Maunga,' signed a treaty or agreement with me, granting the exclusive right to the United States Government to use this harbour as a coaling and naval station, for your line and our ships of war, and binding himself not to grant a like privilege to any other Power than the United States,"

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IX. —Navigator Islands.

Commander Meado says, further, " All the chiefs of the eastern division on Tutuila have, in my presence, signed articles of confederation, and have recognized the flag hoisted by Maunga on the 2nd March, which I saluted with fifteen guns ; .... and have solemnly agreed to keep the port regulations of Pago-Pago." He also says, "We have made a careful survey of the bay, placed buoys on the rocks, and in every way made the harbour ready for your lino of steamships." On the evening of the 31st March, I entered the harbour of Pago-Pago with the " Nebraska," with the view of selecting and arranging for a suitable coaling-station, detaining the steamer a few hours only-: I h&ve, &o. The Hon. J. Vogel, Commissioner of Customs, Wellington. W. H. Webb. Dear Sir, — Notwithstanding the remark made to yon by the commander of the Prussian man-of-war "Nymphe," while lying in the harbour of Sydney, win a ques tinned as to the reported intentions of his Government in regard to the Samoan group, I am now more satisfied than before his late visit to the group that those reports were well founded, and that the Prussian Government had instructed him to secure the control of Pago-Pago Harbour, and perhaps the whole group. He presented claims against tho chief of Pago-Pago, and has actually levied fines on him and other chieSs in the Island of Upola, reported at several thousands of dollars, to bo paid very soon. He arrived, however, too late—Commander Meade had made and completed his treaty. I have, &c. The Hon. J. Vogcl, Wellington. W. H. Webb.

No. 5. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kiubebley to Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. (No. 78.) Sie,— Downing Street, 18th December, 1872. I have to acknowledge your Despatch No. 56, of 2Gth June, forwarding a Ministerial memorandum on questions relating to the Navigator Islands. I enclose, for your information, a copy of a correspondence which has passed on the subject between this office and the Foreign Office. I have, &c. Governor Sir G. F. Bowon, G.C.M.G. Kimbebley.

Enclosures. Mr. Holland to the Undeb-Secbetary, Foreign Office. Sir,— Downing Street, 11th September, 1872. With reference to your letter of 22nd Juno, and to previous correspondence, I am directed by the Earl of Kimberley to transmit to you, to be laid before Earl Granville", the copy of a despatch from the Governor of Now Zealand, enclosing a. Ministerial memorandum from the Postmaster-General of the colony respecting certain questions connected with the Navigator Islands. I have, &c. The Under-Secrotary of State, Foreign Office. H. T. Holland.

The Right Hon. E. Hammond to the Undeb-Secketaey, Colonial Office. Sib,— Foreign Office, 20th September, 1572. I am directed by Earl Granville to transmit to yon, to be laid before the Earl of Kimberley, the accompanying copy of a despatch from Her Majesty's Minister at Washington, in. regard to the annexation of Samoa to the United States. I have, &c. The Under-Secretary of State, Colonial Office. E. Hammond.

Sir E. Thobnton to Earl Geanville. My Loud, — Washington, 18th July, 1872. On the receipt of your Lordship's Despatch No. 277, of the 22nd ultimo, I inquired of Mr. Hale, Acting Secretary of State, what was the decision of the United States Government with regard to a petition said to have been addressed to the President by the chiefs of Samoa, for the annexation of that island to the United States. Mr. Hale replied that he was under the impression that no such petition had been received, and referred to an answer given some time ago to an inquiry made by the House of Representatives, in which Mr. Fish stated that no "neh request had been received. I suggested that it might have arrived since that time, and Mr. Halo promised to in xuire into the matter. . On Mr. Fish's arrival here, on the 15th instant, I made the same inquiry of him upon the subject, and, after having looked into the papers, he this morning informed me that no document of the nature I described had reached the President. He, however, told me that Captain Meade, of the United States steamer " Narragansett," had come to an arrangement with the chief of the Island of Tutuila, relative to the port of Pago-Pago. Captain Meade had made this agreement without any previouE) instructions or powers ; but, on its arrival hero, the President had deemed it expedient to transmit it to the Senate for its sanction. This body had, however, closed its session without having taken any action on this convention or agreement. Mr. Fish said he would have been glad to have shown me this document, hut he had found upon inquiry that a copy of it had not been retained either at the State or Navy Department, and that the original, being now locked up in the Senate, was not accessible. As far as he remembered, however, its principal stipulation was that the United States should have an exclusive right to the harbour of Pago-Pago as a naval station and a coaling depot. This would not, however, interfere with any other vessels which might frequent the port, nor with commercial transactions. I alluded to a telegraphic report, published in to-day's newspapers, that Captain Meade had proclaimed the protectorate of the Island of Tutuila by the United States. Mr. Fish, in reply, said that the Government had received no information of such an act, and that, if it had taken place, it had been done without any instructions) I have the honour to enclose three printed copies of some documents relating to the Island of Tjiiuila, which were forwarded to the Navy Department by Captain Meade, and subsequently submitted to the House of Representatives. They include some commercial regulations for the harbour of Pago-Pago, signed by the chief of Tutuila, which Captain Meade forwards " with his approval," and a somewhat grandiloquent address which he makes to the chiefs and people of that island. I have, &c. The Right Hon. the Earl Granville, K.G. Edward Thornton.

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Mr. Holland to the Undee-Secretary, Foreign Office. ' Sir,— Downing Street, 27th September, 1872. I am directed by the Earl of Kimberley to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 20th instant, enclosing a copy of a despatch from Her Majesty's Minister at Washington, respecting the Navigator group of islands, in the South Pacific Ocean. With reference to the observations reported to have been made by Mr. Fish to Sir E. Thornton, upon the agreement made between the chief of the Island of Tutuila and Captain Meade, relative to the port of Pago-Pago, Lord Kimberley does not understand how, if the United States are to '„' have an exclusive right to thatiiarbour as a naval station and a coaling dep6t," this is not to "interfere with any othervxissois^vhich might frequent the port, nor with commercial transactions." This statement seems to his Lordship to require some explanation. I have, &c. The Under-Secretary of State, Foreign Office. H. T. Holland.

IX.-Navigator Islands.

The Right Hon. E. Hammond to the Undeb-Secbetary, Colonial Office. Sie,— Foreign Office, 9th December, 1872. With reference to your letter of the 27th of September lasfj I am directed by Earl Granville to transmit to you, to be laid before the Earl of Kimberley, a copy of a despatch from Her Majesty's Minister at Washington, reporting a conversation with Mr. Fish respecting the establishment by the United States of a naval station at Pago-Pago. I have, &c. The Under-Secretary of State, Colonial Office. E. Hammond.

Sir E. Thornton to Earl Granville. My Lohd, — Washington, 18th November, 1872. On receipt of your Lordship's Despatch No. 378, of the 30th ultimo, I again referred, in conversation with Mr. Pish, to the agreement which had been made between the United States naval officer and the chiefs of the Navigator Islands, for giving to the United States an exclusive rijpSk to establish a naval station and coaling depot in the Island of Pago-Pago, and I inquired whether the exercise of this right would interfere with other vessels which might frequent the port, or with commercial transactions. Mr. Pish replied that he had not, since ho last spoke to me upon the subject, had access to the document granting the right in question, which had been hurriedly sent to the Senate, at the close of its session, without a copy of it having been kept, and that he could not be able to see it again till the meeting of Congress. His impression from memory, however, was that, although an exclusive right was granted to the United States to establish a naval station and coaling depot at Pago-Pago, this would only prevent other Governments from doing the same, but would not interfere with other vessels frequenting the port, nor with their trading there, nor with any commercial transactions, neither would it prevent private coaling depots from being established there. Mr. Pish added that, since the above-mentioned agreement had been made, a communication had been received, signed by all the chiefs of the group of islands, asking the United States to establish a protectorate over the whole *of them. As yet the receipt of this communication had merely been acknowledged, and he believed that very little attention would be paid to it. I have, &c. The Earl Granville, E.G. Edward Thornton.

No. 6. Governor Sir James Fekgusson to the Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbebley. (No. 65.) My Lord, — Government House, Wellington, Ist August, 1873. I am requested by my Advisers to inform you that they have had under consideration your Lordship's Despatch No. 78, of the 18th December, 1872, covering certain correspondence between the Foreign Office and the Colonial Office on the subject of the agreement between the United States naval officer and the chief of the Navigator Islands, for giving to the United States an exclusive right to establish a naval station and coaling depot in the harbour of Pango-Pango. 2. It appears probable to my Advisers that, as Mr. "Webb's line of steamers has been discontinued, the attention of the United States Government may be temporarily diverted from the Navigator group, for Mr. Webb's grant of water-frontage to the harbour was made, it is believed, to depend on his continuing the line of steamers. 3. Captain Meade's agreement was made to depend on its ratification by the Government of the United States, and, although highly recommended by the Government, it does not appear that the Senate has yet taken action. A Special Commissioner, accredited by the United States Government, has lately visited Honolulu, and it is stated in a paper published in that city, that he was to proceed to the Navigator Islands and to Fiji. 4. My Advisers have specially called my attention to the reference made by Captain Meade to the agreement, in these terms —" that on the 17th February the chief of Pango-Pango, Maunga, signed a treaty or agreement with me, granting the exclusive right to the United States Government to use this harbour as a coaling and naval station for your line and our ships of war, and binding himself not to grant a like privilege to any other Power than the United States," as stated in a letter from Mr. Webb to the Hon. Mr. Vogel. 5. In these circumstances, my Advisers are very desirous that the Imperial Government should at once take steps to prevent the Navigator Islands falling into foreign hands, or should allow the New Zealand Government to make such arrangements with the chiefs of the islands as will proteet New Zealand interests. The group is too near Naw Zealand to make it desirable that the islands should be subject to such an arrangement as Captain Meade clearly contemplated, or that they should be annexed by any foreign Power. I am therefore moved to represent that immediate action in the nlatter is extremely desirable. 6. There is, I am informed, reason to believe that the German Government contemplated annexing these islands, and would have done so but for Captain Meado's action ; and there is reason^to fear that, in the event of the United States Government not desiring to carry out its agreement with the chiefs, action by that Government may yet be taken. 7. In communicating the views of my Advisers to your Lordship, they desire that I will request Her Majesty's Government to grant to this colony the right to negotiate directly with the chiefs of the Navigator group, in the event of Her Majesty's Government deciding not to take action themselves. 18—A. 4.

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IX.—Navigator Islands.

8. My predecessor, in his Despatch No. 56,1872, transmitted to your1 Lordship, as an enclosure from the Colonial Postmaster-General, a report by an officer of this Government, who had been sent on a mission to the Samoan group, of the extraordinary capabilities of the harbour of PangoPango. In spite of the unfavourable replies which they have already received to their former representations on this subject, they would earnestly solicit the aid of Her Majesty's Government to prevent this colony, whose trade and external transactions bid fair, at no remote period, to be extensively developed, from being deprived of thes'e advaMtages which by timely action may be secured to them. It would occasion a profound disappointment to the people of this colony, were the present opportunity to be lost, and, in spite of the preference manifested in our favour by the inhabitants, were a port of great commercial, and possibly of great political, importance, which so greatly concerns their interests, to fall into the hands of a foreign Power. I have, &c. James Fergusson, The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimberley. Governor."

No. 7. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbeeley to Governor Sir James Febgusson. (No. 79.) Sib,—; Downing Street, 18fch November, 1873. I have been in communication with, the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs on the subject of your Despatch No. 65, of the Ist of August, communicating the wish of your Ministers that the Imperial Government should at once take steps to prevent the Navigator Islands from falling into foreign hands, or should 'allow the New Zealand Government to make such arrangements with the chiefs of the islands as will protect New Zealand interests. As the nature of the arrangements which the New Zealand Government desires to make with the chiefs of the Navigator Islands is not stated, Her Majesty's Government are unable to form an opinion upon this application. They would not, however, be disposed to sanction any steps which would lay this Government under obligations to interfere in ths affairs of those islands. I have, &e. Governor the Eight Hon. Sir James Fergusson, Bart. Kimbeeley.

No. 8. Governor Sir James Fbegusson to the Bight Hon. the Earl of Kimbbeley. (No. 82.) My Lord, — Government House, Auckland, New Zealand, 22nd October, 1873. On the eve of my departure from Wellington, on a short visit to this province, the Premier, the Hon. Mr. Vogel, called upon me, and placed in my hands a Ministerial memorandum on the subject of the Navigator Islands, in which your Lordship is well aware a considerable interest has for some years past been felt in this colony, and with reference to which, at the request of my Advisers, I addressed you in my Despatch No. 65, 1873, upon the Ist August. I think it right, on this occasion, to transmit the Ministerial memorandum. 2. Your Lordship will doubtless expect that in so doing I shall make some observations upon its subject-matter, and I trust that I shall not thereby appear to obtrude an opinion upon a question which does not naturally fall within the sphere of my duty. It is unnecessary to say I should in no case engage in, still less encourage, an agitation among the inhabitants of a colony under my government, having for its object to influence or hamper the policy of Her Majesty's Government in any particular. 8. But the future regulation or government of the Pacific has for many years past engaged the lively interest of the Australasian Colonies, and the difficulties which have lately increased in relation to the Fiji group, combined with the rumours of the interference of other Powers in the affairs of other groups, have aroused anxiety, if not impatience, as to the future bearing of their condition upon the interests of our growing communities. 4. The concern of those communities in the future of the Pacific is founded both on general and special grounds. The former they share with a large portion of the British nation, but in an increased degree, on account of their closer and personal interest, and of the part which they have themselves taken in the extension of the British sovereignty. Having themselves added important branches to the British Empire, they wish to see the valuable territory in their own neighbourhood brought under the government of the Crown ; and they feel dissatisfaction, if not disgust, that lawless actions, disgraceful to their nation, should be committed, for the most part by their fellowsubjects, for want of the extension of that authority which they think should follow them wherever they go. 5. They regard, too, with aversion the acquisition by foreign nations, whom in modern times we have preceded and far outstripped in this hemisphere, of islands and groups of islands whose trade is already valuable and is capable of great expansion, and whose people have evinced a preference for our government or a desire for our protection. They know how generally commerce has followed the flag ; and, looking to the future, they con template with discontent the loss of that advantage which might have been expected to follow the extension of British government, and the"eonsequent investment of British cagital, throughout the Southern Pacific. 6. But there is also an apprehension of the danger to their interests by the possession, by any great Power other than England, of the great natural harbours which might be made naval stations in case of the interruption of the peace of Europe—a danger which arises out of that connection with England which they are so desirous to maintain.

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7. My Advisers feel that none of the Australasian Colonies are more concerned in these matters than New Zealand, whose nearer position to the Fiji, Samoan, and Friendly groups renders them more valuable to her trade, and more dangerous to her should they fall into the hands of a foreign and possibly an unfriendly Power. 8. In view of the disinclination hitherto manifested by Her Majesty's Government to undertake responsibility with regard to them, they have sought permission to enter into arrangements with the native chiefs, which may tend to secure their good-will and prevent the alienation of their land. This has been proposed rather as an expedient than as an equivalent-for the far more effectual influence at the disposal of the Imperial Government. 9. The imminent risk of a collision between a portion of the European settlers in. Fiji and the do facto Government, which is only averted by the anomalous interference of Her Majesty's ships, renders it probable to my Advisers that Her Majesty's Government will not be able much longer to abstain from a more decided step, amounting to government in some form; and they are very anxious that the opportunity should not be absolutely lost of taking advantage of the desire for European protection which has for some years been expressed by the chiefs of the Samoan group*. Mr. Williams, Her Majesty's Consul at Apia, has lately visited Auckland, on his way to Sydney on ■account of a very serious bodily affliction, and ho has reported that the chiefs, disappointed by the non-acceptance of their overtures to ourselves, have contracted some sort of engagement with ■an American Commissioner, involving exclusive concessions, and understood to contemplate the establishment of a naval station by the United States in the magnificent harbour of Pango-Pango-. Considering, however, that the Government of the United States, while securing the advantages of influence over certain of the Pacific Island groups, have hitherto abstained from assuming sovereignty or responsibilities, and that the Senate has shown itself aVßrse to the acquisition of distant territories, my Advisers think that should that Government delay to propose, or Congress hesitate to agree to, such an undertaking as is stated to be in contemplation, it may be possible to transfer once more the overtures of the chiefs to ourselves. They have, therefore, moved me to solicit from Her Majesty's Government immediate permission to send a Commission there, and to avail themselves of such opportunity as may present itself either to preserve for New Zealand, as a British possession, ■equal rights and advantages with the United States, or to gain a more considerable footing in the event of the Government of the United States not following up their present advantage. 10. It would be desirable at the same time to establish friendly relations with the chiefs of the Friendly or Tonga group; but, as it is understood that the native Government is better organized and averse to foreign control, no question of sovereignty with regard to them now presents itself. It would, however, be intended, by maintaining friendly relations with them, to secure, if possible, their possession, should internal dissensions or decay render them available to foreign acquisition. 11. My Advisers, in their present memorandum, claim for the Government of New Zealand a special aptitude for dealing with a native population; and it must be remembered that the inhabitants of the Samoan group are of the same type, and indeed are believed to be the very stock of the Maori population of New Zealand. I am aware that this assertion of my Advisers is one that may be controverted, but I believe that it must be admitted that, whatever mistakes have been committed, the intention of the Government of New Zealand towards the Natives, from its first establishment, has been more just and equitable than that of any European settlers who have secured dominion over a coloured race, if that of the English, and perhaps the French, in India, be set aside. 12. My Advisers do not attempt at this moment to define the details of a plan which must depend upon so many previous contingencies ; but they notice, as possible alternatives, government or rather control by officers upon a footing, as I understand it, similar to that of the Eesidents at Native Courts in India, or as provinces as an extension of the New Zealand General Government. I may be permitted to say that, looking at the geographical circumstances, that of the Mysore Commissioner would appear to me a more suitable type than the former, and that great difficulties would arise from the reception into a parliamentary union of provinces, themselves having responsible government, in one or more of which, from the nature of the case, representative institutions appear to be utterly impossible. If those imply equal representation irrespective of race, the white settlers would decline them, as they do in Fiji; if they do not, they would be a sham and an injustice. Moreover, in this respect, New Zealand offers no true analogy, inasmuch as, owing to her temperate climate, the white race soon outnumbered the coloured; whereas in the Pacific, white labour being impossible, the great preponderance of the coloured races must be kept up by importation, should it fail from natural causes. 13. That some good government through colonial agency is possible, I do not doubt, and that it would be greatly preferred to the present anarchy and its attendant evils and contingent dangers by all the British colonies of the South, whether prepared themselves to undertake it or not, your Lordship is already informed; but at the present day, and with the heavy cost of their own development, any one of them could undertake it at great disadvantage, and, as it seems to me, with infinitely inferior prospects of benefit to the subject race, than would accrue were the Imperial Government to do so with a due recognition of the magnitude of the task and with corresponding grasp. 14. At the same time, my Advisers are prepared to propose to the General Assembly the measures necessary to give effect to the decision of Her Majesty's Government, should it be to empower this colony to undertake the government, in any form or degree that might be selected, of such of the islands as migh| be now or from time to time submitted to us by their chiefs or populations. It may be expected that such arrangements, whether with Her Majesty's Government or with one of her possessions, would become more numerous according to the success and advantage to the native communities which might attend the first experiments,

IX.-Naviffator Islands.

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IX.—Navigator Islands.

15. Since writing the foregoing, my attention has been called to the statements in Sydney newspapers that, at the instance of his Advisers, Sir Hercules Robinson has informed your Lordship, by telegraph, of the desire of the Colony of New South Wales that Her Majesty's Government should interfere to prevent the consequences of the present anarchy in Fiji. My Advisers desire that I should express as their view, that the state of affairs in Fiji imperatively requires the control of Her Majesty's Government, and that, in the event of their preferring to empower a colonial Government to undertake that control rather than do so...themselves, New Zealand is that colony which has the most natural affinity to Fiji and tho adjacent groups, both in regard to its comparative proximity and to the greater facilities of intercourse afforded by the prevailing winds. I have, &c. James Fekgusson, The Right Hon. the Earl of Kimberley. Governor. * ..

Enclosure. Memorandum for His Excellency. Refebbing to a Memorandum (23, 1873*) on the subject of the Navigator Islands, Ministers desire to further call His Excellency's attention to the very grave considerations connected with the Polynesian Islands. It need scarcely be urged, as an excuse for Ministers touching upon the subject, that Now Zealand, through its geograjmical position and its trade, is very much concerned in all that concerns the islands of the South Pacific. Ministers moved His Excellency, a few days since, to despatch a telegram to the Secretary of State on the subject of the Navigator group of islands, urging immediate action. .Important as it is that the case of the Navigator group should receive immediate attention, it no less urgently requires recognition that more or less immediate action should bo taken in respect to a very large number of the Pacific Islands. It is stated, on apparently competent authority, that the Imperial Government at length entertain the idea of annexing the Fiji group : but the Fiji group comprises islands similar to which there are numbers yet uncounted in the Pacific ; and it is desirable, in regard to them, not to allow the same delay that has made the treatment of the Fiji group so difficult. It is respectfully submitted that a policy or line of conduct should bo decided on, not alone in connection with one or two clusters of Islands, but applicable to all Polynesia. In the absence of all machinery for governing, or controlling, or punishing for crime- the white race, lawless communities will grow up in these islands. Then, when the necessity for control becomes imperative, it will be found, as in the case of Fiji, that the delay has made it difficult to do that which, at an earlier stage, might with ease have been effected. Again, if Great Britain means to extend her dominion in Polynesia, it will be better, for abundantly evident reasons, for her to do so comprehensively, than to allow herself to be forced into it, the choicest islands being, in the meanwhile, appropriated by foreign Powers. Unless she agree with foreign Powers—say, with Germany and the United States, and perhaps France and Holland —to jointly protect all Polynesia, and in that case it is to be presumed Australasia would have to be included, she would find it easier to deal with the whole of the unappropriated islands herself, rather than submit to taking the leavings of other Powers, and to run the risk of having to deal with complicated international questions. It is respectfully urged that, if the traditions of the nation may bo employed as an argument, it could be shown that they point to the glad prosecution by Great Britain of the work of reducing to civilization the fertile islands of the Pacific ; and, moreover, it could be shown that, with the modern appliances which science has placed at the command of civilization, and with the enormous wealth and immense naval power Great Britain is possessed of, the work is easy now, which in the past, with like reasons, would have been heroically carried out, whatever the sacrifice it entailed. But if Great Britain decide upon colonizing or civilizing Polynesia, there is much to be said in favour of her leaving to the already-established colonies a considerable amount of the work and of the control. In the House of Commons, Mr. Gladstone referred to the " experience of New Zealand " as somewhat discouraging the annexation of Fiji. Though this experience was not spoken of in disparaging terms, the surroundings left it open to such an interpretation. Ministers venture to urge that Great Britain, whatever the pecuniary cost it has entailed, may with justice be proud of having reproduced herself in the " Great Britain of the South," as New Zealand has been aptly called. Surely, a pecuniary sacrifice is not to be set against the fact that the islands of New Zealand are open to the enterprise of all British subjects, and that they are already settled and colonized by British subjects wh'o, whilst they preserve the best characteristics of their race, are free, as a community, from wide-spread pauperism, and find in the iiome of their adoption the moans of educating their children and of offering still further relief to their burdened countrymen in the thickly-populated United Kingdom. But there is a lesson which New Zealand teaches, and that is that local efforts to maintain peaceful relations with an uncivilized race are far more successful than those directed by a distant Power. It may.bo worth consideration whether, if Polynesia is not to be abandoned to foreign nations, it would not he well to intrust to New Zealand, which possesses so much experience in dealing with the government of a mixed race, the task of aiding in extending the British sway to the islands of the Pacific. Of the terms under which this should be done—whether by moans of legal machinery applicable only to the white inhabitants; by Resident Governors, or Magistrates, who would continue to recognize the right of the dark race to self-government; or by uniting the islands into provinces, controlled under similar conditions—it is not necessary now to decide. Indeed, Ministers could not accept the responsibility of submitting details, without a reference to the Assembly. But when Ministers remember the enterprise of the colonists —their desire to extend their commerce to all parts of the Pacific —the maritime advantages the colony enjoys, not only in its extensive seaboard and hardy population, but in its facilities for ship-building—they cannot but come to the conclusion that the Parliament of New Zealand would cordially entertain proposals which had for their object to give to the colony the opportunity of assisting Great Britain in the great national work of extending the British dominion throughout the unappropriated islands of the South Pacific. Wellington, 17th October, 1873. Julius Vogel.

No. 9. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbekley to Governor Sir James Febgusson. (No. 12.) Sib, — Downing Street, 10th February, 1874. I have to acknowledge the receipt of your Despatch No. 82, of the 22nd October,.enclosing a memorandum from your Ministers, suggesting whether, if Polynesia is not to be abandoned to foreign nations, it would not be well to intrust to New Zealand the task of aiding in extending British sway to the unappropriated islands of the Pacific, and stating that they have come to the conclusion that the Parliament of New Zealand would cordially entertain proposals which had for

* Substantially reproduced in Despatch No. G5, printed as No. 0, of this series.

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their object to give to the colony the opportunity of assisting Great Britain in this great national work. 2. Her Majesty's Government had considered your despatch and the memorandum with the attention due to yourself and your 'Ministers, and had prepared an answer to it, but in present circumstances they think it better to postpone sending it. 3. With reference, however, to the passage in the memorandum, "it is stated on jupparently competent authority that the Imperial Government at length, entertain the idea of annexing the Fiji group," I have to observe that Her Majesty's Govern; nunt havo given no authority to any one to intimate, on their behalf, any intention to annex those islands. 4. Upon the question of the protection of New Zealand interests in the Navigator Islands, I have to refer you to my despatch of the 18th of November, No. 79. I have, &c. Governor the Eight Hon. Sir James Fergusson, Bart. Kimbebley.

IX. -Navigator Islands.

See No. 7.

No. 10. Governor Sir James Febgusson to the Eight lion, the Earl of Cabnabvon. (No. 37.) My Loed, — Government House, Wellington, New Zealand, 24th June, 1874. I have to transmit to your Lordship a copy of a memorandum which has been addressed to me by the Premier on behalf of the Ministry, explanatory of the proposal made to Her Majesty's Government in my Despatch No. 65, of Ist August, 1873, that, in the event of Her Majesty's Government not being prepared to undertake any direct responsibilities with respect to the Navigator Islands, the Government of New Zealand should be permitted to make such arrangements with the chiefs of those islands as would protect New Zealand interests : which proposal the Earl of Kimberley considered to be too undefined to enable Her Majesty's Government to form an opinion thereupon. 2. I have so fully described what I believe to be the sentiments of the Government and of the public of New Zealand upon this subject, and upon the largo questions connected with it, that I do not think your Lordship will expect me to make any remarks upon the present communication, I have, &c. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Carnarvon. James Febgusson.

Enclosure. Memorandum for His Excellency. The Premier has the honour to call His Excellency's attention to a despatch from Lord Kimberley (No. 79, 18th November, 1873), in answer to one from His Excellency (No. 65, Ist August, 1873), communicating, as stated by Lord Kimberley, the wish of Ministers " that the Imperial Government should at once take steps to prevent the Navigator Islands from falling into foreign hands, or should allow the Now Zealand Government to make such arrangements with the chiefs of the islands as will protect Now Zealand interests." Lord Kimberley adds, "As the nature of arrangements which the Now Zealand Government desires to make with the chiefs of the Navigator Islands is not stated, Her Majesty's Government are unable to form an opinion upon this application; " but he concludes by stating, " They would not, however, be disposed to sanction any steps which would lay this country under obligations to interfere in the affairs of these islands." 2. The conclusion arrived at by Lord Kimberley appeared "so definite that it was not at tho time considered necessary to enter into explanations as to tho arrangements tho New Zealand Government desired to make with the chiefs of the Navigator Islands. It has, however, been pointed out to the Premier that silence on this point might cause tho correspondence to appear broken ; and, since the question of the future of the South Sea Islands has been taken up in another form, it is well that the point referred to by -his Lordship should not be lost sight of. 3. Tho arrangements which the New Zealand Government desired to make with the chiefs depended upon the countenance which the Imperial Government were prepared to give, or the extent of liberty they were disposed to allow. 4. It would answer no purpose to state tho details of tho contemplated arrangements, nor, indeed, would it bo possible to do so. But, generally, it may be said that the New Zealand Government desired to prevent tho United States of America obtaining an actual ascendancy in the Navigator Islands. There can be no question that very powerful efforts were made to induce the United States to- enter into arrangements which would virtually havo amounted to a protectorate of the group. Those efforts have not been so much pushed since the vessels of the San Francisco service havo gone by way of Kandavau; but there is no reason to suppose that tho matter will be dropped. 5. The Government of New Zealand were anxious, as the Premier has stated, to prevent the United States obtaining an ascendancy. Tho Government were also anxious to make such arrangements with the chiefs as would induce theni, in the event of Great Britain declining the protectorate of the islands, not to offer their allegiance to another nation. It is well known that the German residents in the group have pressed their Government to take possession of tho islands ; and it is equally well known that the French have recently shown a desire to extend their dominions in Polynesia. 0. The value of the Navigator Islands, on account of their resources and their geographical position, as well as, from the fact that they are supposed to be outside the ordinary hurricane track of the South Pacific, is very great; and it would be very little short of disastrous to the future of New Zealand if a foreign Power should obtain sway in the Navigator group. 7. The Premier expresses most strongly the opinion of Ministers, that it is desirable His Excellency should ur^e-, Her Majesty's Government to reconsider their decision, and to arrange for the annexation of these islands. 8. If Her Majesty's Government should be not willing to do so, Ministers—while recognizing the very great difficulty of New Zealand making any arrangement with the chiefs in the absence of tho power which the Imperial" Government possess—still consider it desirable that liberty to make arrangements should bo given to the colony, if only with a view of staving off for a l'e\^ years the entrance of a foreign Power into the group. During the interval, Her Majesty's Government might, as in the case of Fiji, see reason to recall their first refusal.] _9. The arrangements which the New Zealand Government might make would be in the direction of shipping facilities, arrangements concerning Customs duties, use of ports, and perhaps the admission of chiefs' sons to Native schools in New Zealand. 10. Some of these points may be more fully stated, as follows :— (a.) To make arrangements for securing to shipping from New Zealand the free use of all the ports in tho islands,

See Nos. 7 and 6.

A.—4.

142

and the same facilities for obtaining supplies, and carrying on trade therein, as have already been, or may hereafter be, granted to the ships of other countries. (b.) For securing the admission of goods from New Zealand on the same teims, as to duties or imports of any kind, as shall at tho same time be applicable to similar goods from other countries. (c.) For tho location of an sgent at any port in the group for the purpose of facilitating commercial intercourse with tho group, and also, if found necessary, for protecting the Customs revenue of New Zealand from illicit trade with it being carried on from the islands. Wellington, 22nd June, 1874. Julius Voqel.

IX.—Navigator Islands.

MWUHJHUIIIIIHIIIMIIIIM rillllll'h»«A^Jt>|IWWII11lllllllll ■lIIIIIIIIH ■ No. 11. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Gaenaevon to the Officee Administebing the Goveenment of New Zealakd. (No. 59.) Sin, — Downing Street, 11th November, 1874. I have received and had under my consideration Sir James Ecrgusson's Despatch No. 37, of the 24th of June, enclosing a memorandum by Mr. Vogel on behalf of the Ministers, in explanation of their previous proposal that, in the event of Her Majesty's Government not being prepared toundertake any direct responsibilities with respect to the Navigator Islands, the Government of New Zealand should be permitted to make such arrangements with the chiefs of those islands, as would protect New Zealand interests. I have deferred replying to this despatch until some definitive decision should have been arrived at by Her Majesty's Government with regard to the annexation'of the Fiji Islands. That step has now been taken, and your Ministers will at once perceive that, with the increased facilities for considering the requirements and interests of New Zealand and the Australian Colonies in particular, and the British Empire generally, in the Pacific, which the establishment of a separate colonial Government in these islands will now afford, it is obviously undesirable for the present to give a decision either in favour of or against any particular schemes on so important a subject. The work on which Her Majesty's Government are thus engaged, and in which the interests of New Zealand and the Australian Colonies are so largely concerned, is one requiring so much care and attention, that its success, as I feel sure your Ministers will agree with me, ought not to be in any degree jeopardized by the introduction into it of other measures and considerations, however important, lay which it might be complicated. I have, &c. The Officer Administering the Government of New Zealand. Cabnaevon.

Navi gator Islands: Native Labourer;..

NATIVE LABOURERS IN THE NAVIGATOR ISLANDS (ALLEGED CBUELTIES TO).

No. 1. The Eight Hon. Sir M. E. Hicks Beach to Governor the Most Hon. the Marquis of Noemanby. My Loed, — Downing Street, 18th October, 1878. I have the honour to transmit to your Lordship a copy of a Despatch, with its enclosures, addressed by the Acting Deputy Commissioner .in Samoa to the High Commissioner for the Western Pacific, reporting the result of an inquiry which he had instituted into certain alleged cruelties to Polynesian labourers on the estate of an English proprietor in the Navigator Islands. As Mr. Maudslay's report shows that the estate -on which these cruelties have been practised is worked by an agent of Messrs. McAxthur and Co. of Auckland, I request that you will bring the subject under the serious consideration of that firm, in order that the necessary steps may be taken with a view of putting an end to the abuses which have been shown to exist on their plantation. I have, &c. Governor the Most Hon. the Marquis of Normanbv, M. E. Hicks Beach. G.C.M.G. &c.

Enclosure 1. Mr. Maudslay to the Eight Hon. the Secbetaby of State. Sill,— British Consulate, Apia, Samoa, 14th May, 1878. On the 23rcl April I held an inquiry at Mr. Cornwall's plantation, at Lata, into the condition of the Tapitenca labourers working on that estate, and investigated certain charges made against the manager, an American citizen named Moors. 2. The plantation of Lata is situated on the south-west coast of the. Island of Savaii, between the native villages of Taga and Saleailua, and is about fifty miles distant from Apia. I have attached a sketch-map of the coast, showing the position of the plantation. Black lava cliffs extend almost the whole length of the south coast of Savaii, against which the surf is always beating with great violence, and navigation in small boats is always dangerous, and often impossible. At Satupaitea and Saleailua some protection is afforded by short stretches of coral reef, but between these two places, for a distance of twenty miles, there are only the small boat-passages at the villages of Tufu and Taga, which are only practicable in very fine weather. There are only two paths along the coast, both passing o-yer level land, but owing to the rocky nature of the ground they certainly rank amongst the worst native tracks I have ever walked over. The plantation is thus irfSa very isolated position. The clearing commences about half a mile from the coast, and runs inland. There is a dense forest all round, and the nearest native village is distant about five miles. 3. Mr. Cornwall claims to be the owner of a large tract of land in the neighbourhood of Lata, amounting to something like twelve or thirteen square miles. The land, however, has not yet been surveyed, and it is impossible to give the extent of the claim with accuracy. The natives have acquainted me with their intention of disputing the validity of the sale of a great" portion of this land.

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4. A small break in the lava clifr just opposite the plantation affords sufficient shelter for boats to be loaded in fine weather, but the work must always be attended with som3 risk, and since the date of my visit Mr. Cornwall's small cutter, the "Bertha," has been struck by a squall and totally wrecked whilst lying alongside the cliff. 5. I had walked through Lata on my way from Satupaitea to Saleailua, and had held some conversation with the labourers, many of whom speak Fijian'. They appeared to be discontented with their lot, and complained of want of food and too much work. 6. The surface of the ground at the plantation is covered with loose black volcanic rock, and the only cultivation at the present time is an inferior crop of maizo. I should say about eighty to one hundred acres of lan"d had been cleared. ' ,J?: - 7. I enclose a copy of Mr. Hunt's letter, which you gave ma bafora I loft Fiji. I believe this letter to have been written from motives of personal animosity to Mr. Cornwall, and the charges are consequently somewhat exaggerated. I am not aware that there is any dispute about that part of the estate which is now under cultivation; and the murder of the labourer, which Mr. Hunt refers to, as shCwmg tha opposition of the natives to the occupation of the land, took place when the Tapitenca labourers were gathering coeoanuts, two and a half miles distant from the plantation. 8. I enclose a copy o£ a statement, sworn to before me by Joano, the native ordained minister of the London Missionary Society, resident at Saleailua, and copies of the statements made to me by Mr. Cornwall, Mr. Moors, and others, when under examination at Lata. I also attach a copy of a letter I have since written to Mr. Cornwall, stating the opinion I had formed from the inquiry, and directing certain changes and improvements to be made in the treatment of the labourers. 9. The labourers employed, on the plantation were brought from the Lino Islands in the " Flirt." I have not yet been able to obtain the information I wish for with regard to the " Flirt's" voyage. Mr. Cornwall, for whom the labourers were engaged, was Acting-Consul at the time of their arrival, aud I am informed that he boarded the vessel in Apia before she had dropped anchor, and went off in her to Magia, his plantation on the north coast of Upolu. I am, therefore, not able to obtain much independent information as to the condition of the labourers and their families on their arrival in Samoa, but there is little doubt that in their own homes the Line Islanders had been suffering much from want of food owing to bad seasons. 10. No list of labourers was recorded in the Consulate, and the list given me by Mr. Cornwall at Lata, which was made out some weeks after their arrival, is imperfect, and Mr. Moors had either kept no account of the deaths, or purposely misinformed me on the subject. It was not until I had' examined several of the labourers that I could be sure of the accuracy of the list I now enclose. 11. I had all the labourers and their families brought up before me, and, with the exception of ten, they appeared to be in good health. I was not able to take down any regular statement from those whom I questioned, owing to tho fragmentary nature of their evidence, and the frequent reference from one to the other (in their own language) before any answer was given. In fact,'it was only when inspecting the houses-^-when I could get some of them apart—that they became communicative. I was guided, however, by the information they gave me when questioning Mr. Moors and Mr. Cornwall. 12. I believe the large number of deaths to have boon principally owing to the inferior wa,ter-supply and tho change from food to which they had been accustomed. It appears as if those who arrived in fair health have been able to stand this change of food and climate, and no longer suffer from it, but that the weaker ones have all succumbed. The mortality has been greatest amongst the women and children. 13. Corn is no d.oubt supplied to the labourers in abundance. It is grown on Mr. Cornwall's plantation at Magia, and can cost him btit very little; and there should bo a fair supply of cocoanuts on tho estate, and some bread-fruit when in season; but even after an occupation of over five months tliero are no yams, taro, or bananas on the plantation, and Mr: Moors failed to convince me that he had made proper efforts to purchase any. As there is no reef along the coast, and the labourers have no canoes, they are not able to supply themselves with fish. 14. The object Mr. Cornwall had in view was no doubt to establish a plantation at the smallest possible cost, and the well-being of the labourers has been overlooked in the attempt to keep down expenses. Had he kept the weaker labourers and the women and children under his own charge at Magia until they had recovered their health, and sent only a working party of men to Lata to put up houses and plant food, I have no doubt that the rate of mortality would have been very much lower. 15. With regard to Mr. Moors, I think that his own statement is quite enough to show that he is not a proper person to be left in entire charge of a large number of labourers and their families. 16. I very much regret that the Pacific Islanders Protection Act, which deals so fully with the recruiting and shipping of labourers, gives no power to Consuls or Commissioners to enforce regulations for their proper treatment when employed on the estates of British subjects. I have, &c. Alfbed P. Maudslay.

. FIX.-- Navigator ; Islands. Native Labourers.

Joaite (native ordained minister), sworn : — When the labourers came here in November they arrived in a cutter from Tasitootai. I was instructed by Mr. Pratt to visit the labourers, as many of them were members of our Church. Several of the labourers had already been to me with complaints of not getting enough food, and of being severely flogged. One of these men was named Lepaitlau. I then wrote a letter to Mr. Moors, the overseer, telling of the complaints made, and saying that if they were better fed they would work better. I received no answer; but Tu, a Tahitian, living at Gajamali, who trades for Mr. Cornwall, said he heard from Moors, and was instructed to tell me that I was to write no more letters, as I was not master of Lata. When I visited them about six weeks after thoir arrival, I found the labourers living in the bush near the beach. The houses in which they are now living were not finished; only the framework was up. The labourers themselves often told me that they were living in the bush ; there were many women and children amongst them. It was on Sunday that I first went to see them. Very few attended my preaching, as most were at work building houses. Tu, the Tahiti man, had told me that I should be allowed to preach on Sunday if I did not take the people away from their work on Sunday, or preach that it was wrong to work on Sunday ; and he also said that I was not to bring any one with me when I came to preach. Moors had written this to Tu. I have had continued complaints from all the Tapitenca who came here. It was only on Sunday that the men had time to build their houses. About two months ago, a Tapitenca wroman, Kiiokilo, ran away from Lata to the house of Vola, a Samoan of this town, and she came on to my house the same day. Some Tapitenea men came down to fetch her. She was there throe days. A week afterwards she ran away again, and came to my house, and said her child, a boy about five years old, had died in the bush on her way to my house. Three days afterwards the Samoan found the body in the bush. It had been partly eaten by dogs. I buried the body. The woman said she had run away because she had too much work and too little food. She was at my house three nights. (Statement corrected: It was the first time that she^ came here that her child died.) She was very ill at the time. Some Tapitenca came for her and tied her to a pole like a pig, and in that way carried her back to Lata. Before starting she said that she wished I would write a letter to Mr. Moors, and ask him to cut her head off and carry that back, and leave her body to be buried by me, as that would be better than going back there alive. It was Saturday she was carried back to Lata. On Sunday I went there to preach, and she was very ill indeed. On Monday she died. A man whose name Ido not know was brought to this house about three months ago in a dying state. He had been picked up in a taro patch between my house and Lata by some Samoans, and told them by signs that he had been lying there four days. He was not able to speak when he arrived; six or seven hours afterwards ho died. It was my people who found the man. They said ho was dead. I sent to Tu, and asked him what I should do. Ho asked me to look after him, so I brought him to my house. Moors made no inquiries about the people from me, but he offered six dollars to me through Tu for burying them. I refused the money. Lata, 23rd April, 1878.

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144

Mr. P. Cornwall states: — Tho labourers arrived at Lata on tlie 27th November. They were brought down in two trips by the cutter " Bertha." The second load was brought down about a month after the first. That is the entire list of labourers now given in.* The list was taken on the 14th to 16th of January. I came down with tho labourers on the first trip of the "Bertha." There were women and children amongst those taken down on the first trip. The people were landed on tho beach.f There was no house ready for them. We brought materials to build one. Seventy people came down on the first trip. The "Bertha "is 15 tons register. I stopped here four days. The people were engaged immediately landing cargo and- wearing ground, and about twenty in putting up a house. We had one house completely finished by three o'clock in the afternoon of the day we landed. Wo continued to put up houses en tho next day. I left Mr. Moors in charge, and myself left Lata fourdays after arrival. Before leaving I arranged to form a settlement higher up, and not on the coast. Tho Samoans made no opposition with regard to the landing of the people. I brought maize, rice, beans, and bcei-ier tho use of the labourers. No one died before I left. One man was apparently sick ; I believe he was shamming. 'There were bananas, bread-fruit, and coeoanuts on the ground when the people arrived. I was down here again about the 16th of January, 1878, for four days. I found that the station had been moved to a spot I had chosen, and two large houses were built. There were about one hundred and thirteen labourers. Twelve acres were cleared. Mr. Moors reported that tho labourers were very sickly, and some*of them had died. Ido not know how many. Mr. Moors was about to remove the station again, as ho had found a better position, and because the ground was too rocky. There was a large watorholc and a large lagoon close to the station. The weather was very rainy, and many of the people were sick. I brought down with me plenty of rice, maize, and beef. I had on the plantation since the commencement 112 lb. salts, a bottle of Dover's powders for dysentery, eyewater, nitric acid, acetic acid, mercurial powder, and quinine ;no chlorodyne. A native Judge named Mana came down with me to take possession of the land, and there was no difficulty whatever with the natives. Mr. Moors continually reported to me, and said that the labourers were sickly. 1 left the punishment of the labourers entirely to Mr. Moors, but I told him that there was to be no flogging on account of failure to do work. I did not say anything about the women. When I came down Mr. Moors told mo that he had flogged some of the men. Mr. H. J. Moons states :— I arrived in the " Bertha "on the 27th.November, . Seventy labourers came with me. I brought 60 bags of corn weighing 240 lb. each, 45 bags of rice weighing 561b. each, 25 bags beans, and 1,2001b. beef. The rations are rice or beans four times a week, sometimes five timss, Jib. each: man, woman, and child get the same. Tho workmen have corn in any quantity they, require, and one cocoanut each per day. Cocoanut, molasses, and salt is cooked with tho corn. Water is taken to the labourers in the field at nine, one, and half-past two o'clock. They go to work half an hour after daylight, and continue until ten o'clock. No food is served out in the morning, but there is enough remaining from the night before to give a slight repast. From ten to tivolvo the peoplo rest and get their food, and then resume work until three-quarters of an hour before sunset. A second ration is then served out. They arc allowed what bread-fruit and bananas- can be found on the plantation. I have planted none. No water is carried to the labourers' houses —they have to do that themselves. There is no work doiio on Sunda,y, except as punishment. Ido not supply fish, but distributed a number of fish-hooks among the people. One day a week is fixed for building houses, but only one family is released from work at a time. Two houses, capable of holding all tho labourers, had previously been built. \ Six large buckets of water are brought to tho labourers in the field each time Water is served out. Ido not know how many people I have flogged. I gave two persons a regular flogging. I have hit others with my hand or with a stick. The two to whom I> gave a regular flogging had committed the offence of running away. Ido not remember that they assigned any reason for doing so. Thirteen deaths have occurred on tho plantation—3 men, 9 women, and 1 child : — Men : 1, dysentery ; 1, throat disease and asthma ; 1, cause not known. Women :5, dysentery (of whom one never did a day's work); 3, general debility (died within two weeks of arrival); 1, fever. Children : 1, dysentery. No one is compelled to work on Sunday. At first I allowed the peoplo to go to church on Sunday, but afterwards, as I had trouble with the Samoans, I stopped the practice. Kilokilo ran away to Saleailua, taking her child with her. Charlie Tu told me of it. I sent a boy to tell her to come back. She said it was better to be at Charlie's house, as there was plenty to eat and no work, and she desired the boy to stay too. Next day I went for her myself. I brought her back with tho help of two Samoans. When within two hundred yards of tho plantation I tied her to a stick and carried her in, in order that the people might think that I had carried her thus a long distance, and be frightened to run away. The same night I called all the people together and gave her a flogging with a whip. I put medicine on her back to heal tho wounds. The only work she did on her return was making thatch. No watch was kept over her. Her child was sick. She neglected her child. I have often heard the child, crying at a distance from the house, while she herself was eating her dinner or supper. I have on these occasions given her a smart blow with my hand, and sent her for her child. She stopped here about three weeks: then she ran away again. When I sent for her a message was brought back that she was sick. I sent two men to carry her! They made a chair and brought her back quite comfortably. I doctored her for dysentery for two or three weeks without any hope of her recovery. She ran away the third time, taking her child with her ;it was very sick. I looked for her in the bush, as I did not suppose she had strength to reach Saleailua. However, I sent there, and had her brought back in a chair.- Her child did net return with her, and I discovered afterward that the Samoans had found it in the bush. She returned on Saturday, and died on the following Sunday. Every care was taken of her. The woman gave many reasons for running away. All of them I do not remember. One was that she wanted taro. I offered the Samoans $5 as a reward for any runaway labourers they might catch. Taukaro, the man spoken of by the native minister, was so ill that I did not think it possible that ho could go away without help. He had not worked for several weeks. I thought he had been enticed away by tho Samoans for the sake of the reward. I did not go to see the man when he was at Saleailua. The mentgoing to church on Sunday saw him in the taro patch, but told me that he was in tho missionary's house, as they did not wish to bring him back. Next day I heard of his death. I sent for the body the same day, but he was already buried. The next day I received a bill from the teacher, asking payment for tapa cloth, &c, amounting to two or three dollars. 1 told Charlie Tu to pay tho bill, and believe ho did so. I invited the teacher (minister) to come up and see the food, &c. He did so, and went apparently satisfied. There have always been enough houses to accommodate the labourers. The sick people from Magia were sent here suffering from rheumatism, fever, &c. About four or five of them came. One of them died about three daj's after her arrival. All the labourers were in a debilitated condition when they arrived. The supercargo had protested against tho captain bringing such people. I have kept the mothers from work in order to look after tho sick children. I have cured all tumours. One man and one boy are continually employed carrying coeoanuts to tho people. I have offered prizes for the completion-of the houses. Beef of good quality has been served out once or twice a week. I have made the taskwork the same as that given by tho Germans. When doing taskwork the men have often finished by 2.30 p.m. The reason I'could not go to see the labourers whorran away to Saleailua was because the people from Saja robbed the plantation; so I dare not leave. The houses wefe completed two days after arrival; the weather was fine. I have bought taro enough to give one taro each to all tho people nearly every Sunday. Broad-fruit irJ*good condition was not to be got. On Sunday the labourers have permission to cut as many coeoanuts as they please. The men often suffer from fits. I have bought bananas for the labourers, but as tho Samoans gave mo trouble I would not buy any more from them.

IX.—Navigator Island?.

Native Labourers,

* This list was very imxierfect, —A, B. M. I Beach: Lava cliff. —A. P, __. I Previous to the removal to the present site.—H. J. M.

A.—4.

145

CSAfiErE Trr states:— The first time Kilokilo and her child ran away she went to a Samoan's house. Next day I brought her to my house. She stopped there two nights. She asked for food, and I gave her four biscuits. I gave her some bread-fruit ; the next morning, and she wanted to stay. I said, "No; go back." She said she got nothing to eat. I have bought 200 taro for Mr. Moors at one time, and another time I bought 210 bread-fruit. Mr. Moors wanted me to buy taro at $1 the 100. The natives wanted fl for 40. He then wrote to me to buy I,ooolb. of yams. I bought aDout 4001b. to 5001b. I could not buy any more taro at the price offered. Kilokilo was very sick when I saw her irMhe teacher's house the second time she ran away. Joane states, " When the woman Ivilokilo left my house she walked away, but she was tied to a stick in the bush, and carried. Naia was one of the men WrroOarried Kilokilo thus." ■"". * Mr. Gibbon,* supercargo of the "Active," states : — I saw the labourers when they arrived. They w,B*e in a most wretched condition. I complained to the captain on Mr. Cornwall's behalf. He said he could not help it. The strong men would not come without their families. Many of the natives, when questioned, stated, "We get rice once a week; beans every four days. There are very few broad-fruit. We get no fish. We have to work on Sunday ; most of the houses were built on Sundays."

IX.—NavigatOIslands.

Native Labourers

Enclosure 2. Mr. Alfbed P. Maudslay. to Mr. F. Cobnwall. ■ Sib, — British Consulate, Apia, 9th May, 1878. I have given careful consideration to the statements made at the inquiry held at Lata, on the 23rd April, regarding the condition of the Tapitenca labourers employed by you on that plantation, and I now wish to communicate to you fully the conclusions I have arrived at from what I then saw and heard, and to repeat the directions I gave you before leaving Saleailua. 2. Before considering the general condition of the labourers, Swill deal with the direct charges made against the manager of the estate. 3. That the first charge made in Mr. Hunt's letter which was read to you at Lata is one of brutal cruelty to a woman : as this is said to have occurred on your estate at Magia, it must be left uninvestigated for the present. 4. With regard to the woman Kilokilo, the inquiry shows that she ran away from Lata three times, complaining of want of proper food, and that on one occasion her child was found dead in the bush, it having died whilst the woman was on her way from Lata to Saleailua ; that, on her running away a second time, Mr. Moors had the woman lashed to a pole, and carried in that manner from the Saleailua road through the plantation, and then gave her a severe flogging in the presence of all the other labourers; that she ran away a third time, and died a few days after she was brought back. The explanation given by Mr. Moors that the woman was out of her mind does not satisfy me, and I consider his treatment of her brutal. 5. With regard to the man who, after several days' exposure in the bush, died in the house of Joane, the Samoan ♦minister at Saleailua, Mr. Moors does not satisfactorily explain how it happened that, knowing the bad state of the man's health, he did not make a greater effort to find out where ho had got to. The excuse that he thought the Samoans had enticed him away is not sufficient; and the fact of f 5 reward being offered for all runaway labourers tends to show that the practice of running away must have been a common one. Yet the Tapitenca and Samoans are not on such friendly terms that a Tapitenca labourer would ,go to a Samoan village very willingly. 6. I will now notice the general treatment and condition of the labourers on the plantation. To begin with, you yourself state that seventy persons (in addition to yourself, Mr. Moors, and crew) were brought from Tasitootai to Lata in the cutter " Bertha," of 15 tons register. I consider this an unjustifiable case of overcrowding. 7. These seventy men, women, and children were landed at a place on the coast where no preparation had been made to receive them, and, although you state sufficient food was brought in the cutter, and that a temporary house was erected for their shelter before dark, I cannot consider that it was a proper proceeding to land a number of women and children, many of whom are stated to have been in bad health, at a place totally unprepared for them. 8. I have now to notice the second trip of the "Bertha," when, again overcrowded, she brought sixty-five more persons to Lata. These, according to your statement, were the weaker labourers and their families who had been kept for three weeks at Magia to recover their strength, and, according to Mr. Moors's statement, they were supplemented by the sick people from the Magia estate. Why the latter should have been removed from a plantation already in working order, and where a certain amount of food has already been planted, I am at a loss to understand. 9. With regard to the supply of food, I have no doubt that a considerable supply of -provisions was forwarded by you to Lata, but I am by no moans sure that these provisions were used with proper liberality by Mr. Moors, nor do I think that they were of a nature altogether suited to the large number of persons stated to be in a sickly condition. The labourers all admit that they receive plenty of corn ; but all complained to me of want of otherfood. There are certainly a few bread-fruit trees on the land, but the labourers state that they have been able to gather very little fruit from them, and the only bananas' I "could see were a few young shoots of sa, which have sprung up since the ground has been cleared. 10. The account of the rations served out to them, as given by the labourers, is very different from that given by Mr. Moors, the former stating that they get beans every four days, and rice once a week. The letters from Mr. Moors to Tu, the Tahitian, show that the amount of yams and taro bought for the labourers was inconsiderable. 11. The water-supply I consider both insufficient and of an inferior quality, consisting as it does of—(1.) Some small pools in the forest left from the last rain, and only a few inches deep. These pools are half a mile from the houses, and would become exhausted or dry up after a few weeks' dry weather. (2.) Two small holes about four feet wide and two and a half or three feet deep, which contain a little muddy rain-water, and would dry up very quickly. (3.) A mile and a half distant from the houses, a deep pool about forty foot across, completely overhung with trees, containing water with an unpleasant taste, and. in which I am informed the Samoan natives frequently bathe, and which, as far as I can see, is the only bathing-place for the labourers themselves. I am convinced that this pool, a mile and a half distant from the houses, would be the only water-supply which could be relied on after a few months' dry weather. 12. With regard to the mortality, twenty-one persons out of one hundred and thirty-one died during five months. You state that the people were in bad health when they arrived. I can only point out to you that, if that was the case, Lata was not the proper place to send them to, when no preparation had been made for their reception. Mr. Moors stated to me that the deaths only numbered thirteen. This must either have been a wilful misrepresentation, or it shows the most culpable carelessness of the well-being of the labourers committed to his charge. In either caso it shows Mr. Moors to be a person unfitted to hold such a position of responsibility and trust. 13. It now only remains for me to repeat to you what I said before leaving Lata : (1.) That I do not consider Mr. Moors a proper person to be left in charge of the labourers. (2.) That some steps must be taken to improve the watersupply. (3.) That no woman is to be flogged, and that, whenever it is found necessary to flog a man, a full report of the case be forwarded to the Consulate., (4.) That there must be no compulsory labour on Sunday. (5.) Thata. ration of fresh food, such as bread-fruit, taro, yams, and bananas, be served out to the labourers at once a week. (6.) That all deaths bo reported to me in writing at the earliest opportunity. And I must further point out to you the propriety of removing the sick people to Misgia, whore there is, I believe, a gpod water-supply, and where there can be no difficulty in procuring any food which may be necessary for them during their illness. I have, &o. Alfred P. Maudslay, Acting-Consul and Deputy Commissioner.

*Mr. Gibbon is McArthur and Co. of Auckland, for whom Mr. Cornwall works.

employed by 19—A. 4.

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List of Tapitenca immigrants who have died between 27th November, 1877, and 23rd April, 1878, on the Lata plantation, obtained from the labourers themselves: —Four men : Sekoke, Sawaahc, Supuuapa or Suvanaoa. Two boys: Naao, Kalarahe. Eleven women: Tenama, Kikora, Katico, Sawari, Teraaono, Sinegi, Terrahena, Makaura, Peopco or Veoveo, Kco or Kceau, Kobua. Five girls: Teritaga, Teroca or Teronca, Tapai-ina, Waleke, Tcharara. Total, twepty-two. Now living on the estate : Fifty-one men, sixty-two women and children ; out of this number ten are in bad health.

IX.—Navigator Islands. Native Labourers

House of Samua, of Samoa, Bth April, 1878. Thebe was held on this day an investigation with the people of Faleula regarding the complaint of Mr. Cornwall anent the killing of two of his cows. All the chiefs of Faleula appeared, and were sworn. Said investigation commenced at 9 a.n Then I fresh examined certain boys, who had been stealing cocoanuts and bread-fruit from Mr. Cornwall's land. There were three of them, and their names were Joe, Manu, and Paie. Then I asked Paie: —■ Judge Firrai.] Did you steal these things ? Answer of Paie.] I desire that any one who caught mo stealing shall stand forth and prove it. Judge Firrai.] Atmosa, are there any witnesses ? Answer of Atmosa.] There is a witness whose name is Timoteo. Judge Firrai.] Give your evidence. Answer of Timoteo.] A Tongan teacher was going along the road, when there came down to us three boys who had been stealing bread-fruit and cocoanuts ; then the wife of the foreigner chased them and caught them in the road, and said to them, Why had they stolen these things off their land ? This is my statement, which is quite true. Judge Firrai.] What is your opinion of that evidence ? Answer of Paie.] It is quite true. Judge Firrai.] Your opinion, Joe ? Answer of Joe.] It is quite true. Judge Firrai.] Your opinion, Manu ? Answer of Manu.] It is quite true. Judge Firrai.] Has stealing nuts been forbidden by law ? Answer.] It has been indeed forbidden. Judge Firrai.] Have the chiefs and rulers of your town never had any meeting to forbid you all from stealing ? Answer.] Many meetings have been held, and stealing strictly prohibited. Then I forgave that offence. Then I attended to the investigation regarding the cows.. Judge Firrai, to the Chiefs of Faleula.] Do any of you know who killed that cow ? Answer of Chiefs.] We have no idea who did it. Judge Firrai.] Is there no one who has heard any report about it, or who can give any evidence on the subject ? . Answer of Chiefs.] There are none. Judge Firrai.] Very well; if any one confesses afterwards when you are put upon your oath, I pity that individual, for ho will be very severely punished. It is better to confess now, before you are put on your oath. Judge Firrai.) Have you any evidence on the subject? Answer.] The following is the evidence of Tupai, which he repeated to me, viz.: That he saw Tamaeliu chasing the cows into the bush. Then the wife of Atmosa went back with Tupai, and drove back the cows near the seaside; then the cow was led to the house, and it was extremely weak, and blood was flowing from its mouth and nostrils. Judge Firrai.] Did you not strike the animal, or stone it ? Tamaeliu.] Not at all; only chased it gently, Judge Firrai.] Are you sure you did not stone it ? Answer.] It is true I did stone it. Judge Firrai.] It was probably you who caused the death of the animal. Answer.] I am sure I do not know. Judge Firrai, to the Faleula Chiefs.] What is your opinion on this matter ? I think the animal died through the doings of Tamaeliu. Then all the chiefs of Faleula replied : It is our opinion that it was on account of what Tamaeliu did that the animal died. Judge Firrai, to Tamaeliu.] It appears indeed to have been you who caused the death of the animal. Answer.] Quite true ;it was probably what I did that caused its death. The following are the names of the chiefs of Faleula who were present: In Mr. Cornwall's employ, Atmosa, Timoteo, Loan, Saialu, Mala, Vae, and twenty-seven others.

No. 2. The Administbatoe of the Government to the Eight Hon. Sir M. E. Hicks Beach. (No. 9.) Sie, — Government House, Wellington, New Zealand, Ist March, 1879. In reply to your Despatch No. 50, of the 18th October last, I have the honour to inform you that my Government will, in compliance with the request therein contained, forward as soon as possible to Messrs. McArthur and Co. of Auckland, a copy of that Despatch and its enclosures. 2. I enclose also printed copies of a memorandum by Sir George Grey, which I have the honour to transmit to you at the request of my Government. 3. I have not thought it necessary to make any observations on the matters referred to in this memorandum, other than to remark that some immediate action is expedient, with a view to giving jurisdiction to the Courts of this colony over British subjects committing grave offences in the Pacific Islands beyond the jurisdiction of this colony. I have, &c. The Eight Hon. Sir Michael Hicks Beach. James Pbendekgast.

Enclosure. Memorandum for His Excellency. Sib Geobge Grey presents Ix3 compliments to the Marquis of Normanby, and respectfully advises His Excellency to forward to the Secretary of State for the Colonies the memorandum of which copies are enclosed, upon Sir Michael Hicks Beach's Despatch No. 50, of 18th October, 1878, covering reports respecting alleged cruelties to Polynesian labourers in the Navigator Islands. Wellington, 15th February, 1879. G. Geey.

147

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Sub-Enclosure. 1. It has been reported to Her Majesty's Government that Mr. F. Cornwall, who was British Acting-Consul in Samoa on the 27th November, 1877, had in view the establishment of a plantation, at the smallest possible cost, at Lata, where he claimed to be the owner of about 8,000 acres of land. The natives denied the validity of the sale of a great part of this land ; but it has not yet been shown that he is not owner of that portion of the estate which he was putting under cultivation. 2. Mr. Cornwall proposed to carry on the works on this estate by means of coloured labour brought from the Line Islands, in the Pacific. It is stated that the well-being of these labourers was overlooked in the attempt to keep down expenses. ■ fg 3. In pursuance of his plans, Mr. Cornwall brought, on the 27th November, 1877, in the cutter " Bertha," 15 tons register, seventy coloured labourers*—men, women, and children—who were landed on the beach at Lata. There was no shelter ready for them. 4. About the 27th December, a second load of sixty coloured labourers—men, women, and children—were brought in the " Bertha " to Lata. These are said to have consisted of the weaker labourers and their families, who had been kept for three weeks on an estate in Samoa called Magia, to recover their strength. According to the statement of the manager, Mr. Moors, this batch of labourers was supplemented by the sick people from the Magia estate. Mr. Moors, who is an American subject, was loft by Mr. Cornwall at Lata, in charge of the plantation as manager. 5. No list of these labourers was recorded in the Consulate, and the list given by Mr. Cornwall at Lata was made out some time after the arrival of the people, and was imperfect. Mr. Moors had either kept no account of deaths, or he purposely misinformed Mr. Maudslay, the Deputy-Commissioner, who inquired into the subject. 6. The labourers had been brought, in the first instance, from the Line Islands to Samoa, in the " Flirt," for Mr. Cornwall; but it has not yet been possible to obtain the information wished for regarding the " Firt's " voyage. The treatment of these labourers in Samoa was, in some respects, so shocking, that it is singular the Acting-Consul cannot furnish the information required regarding the voyage of the " Flirt," upon the circumstances connected with which suspicion must rest. 7. From the time of the arrival of the labourers at Lata, their food was insufficient and unsuitable. The water supplied to them was insufficient, disgusting, and deleterious in quality. They were brutally treated: the manager could not tell how many ho had flogged. One sick woman was, as a punishment and example, carried on a pole, to which she was tied hanging by the hands and feet like a dead pig, and the same night she was publicly flogged, so cruelly that the wounds in her back required to be dressed. She died some weeks afterwards: her wretched child had died in an attempt the persecuted mother made to escape, before the one for which she was so brutally treated. So many persons died under this system, that the manager either made false statements to conceal the number, or could not remember how many had sunk. Generally, it may be said that 130 coloured labourers were kept for five months on the estate of an Acting-Consul, upon miserably bad and insufficient food—that the water also was insufficient in quantity and filthy in quality—that men and women were alike cruelly flogged at the caprice of the manager—that no account can be given of the number so flogged. They were not allowed to go to church on Sunday : indeed, the survivors state that they were compelled to work on that day; and that the average of daily labour was within a few minutes of ten hours.t Under this system, in five months, twenty-one of these labourers out of the 130 died. 8. It is impossible to read, without being deeply moved by them, the sad statements of cruelty made in these papers. And this feeling is increased upon general grounds, as from these revelations it is almost certain that similar transactions must be daily taking place in many parts of the Pacific, whilst in this particular case indignation is increased by the knowledge that (if I am right in assuming that Mr. Cornwall was the British Acting-Consul) these transactions took place, as it were, under the British flag. 9. In despatches written thirty-one years ago, especially in one written on the 14th March, 1841, I pointed out to Her Majesty's Government that transactions such as are now under consideration would occur. I especially called attention to the species of trade in the inhabitants of the Pacific Islands which was certain to spring up ; and I suggested that a remedy should be at once applied, by the acquisition of the islands which did not then belong to Great Britain. With the view of facilitating this object, if it was approved, I made arrangements for the cession of the Fiji Islands. I argued that we should certainly be compelled ultimately to accept the cession of those islands. I showed that we might at that time do so unembarrassed by the land claims which in a few years would spring up, and free from many difficult questions which would have come into existence during the few years at the end of which I predicted we should be compelled to accept the cession. 10. When I made these recommendations, a compliance with them would have entailed but a trifling expense on Great Britain during a short period, for the Customs duties of each island would have paid the cost of the modest Government which it would have been necessary to establish. 11. As a part of this plan, hospitals were provided in New Zealand at which sick persons from the Pacific Islands could be cared for, and placed under skilful medical treatment. Schools were established in several parts of New Zealand at which, under special provisions for the purpose, which were intended to supplement primary education in the Islands, the children of Pacific Islanders could receive an excellent education; and numbers of such children were brought to Now Zealand and educated here. The endowments for these establishments are still in existence. But my recommendations were overruled. A stop was put to the arrangements which had been made alike as to the Fiji Islands and the Friendly group; and I stopped negotiations I had entered upon with regard to the cession of the Samoan Islands. All the difficulties I foretold grew into existence, and Great Britain has had to take the Fiji Islands and to face those difficulties. If, however, those plans had been sedulously followed out during the last thirty years, the Pacific would now have been studded with rising communities: a considerable and constantly-increasing commerce, very valuable at the present moment to Great Britain, would have been in existence ; the city of Auckland would have been a great emporium for the Pacific trade; and such shocking scenes as are disclosed in the papers under consideration could not have taken place. 12. I still remain of the opinion I so long ago expressed ; and I think now that, if Great Britain will not accept the cession of those islands in the Pacific which do not belong to her, she should allow her colonies in this part of the world to do so. Their future interests and welfare are to the highest extent involved in this question: in fact, the whole future advancement and civilization of this part of the world depend upon it. On it hangs the question whether a common language, common laws, common civilization, and a similar form of government, shall prevail throughout the Pacific. 13. If other Powers come in and occupy the Pacific Islands, they will establish arsenals close to these colonies, which will not only imperil tho future safety of the colonies, but will force a large and constant military expenditure upon them. The Powers who take such islands may also establish in them convict colonies, which may ultimately *A lj-ton registered vessel would bo of about the following dimensions: Length, 42 feet; beam, 14 feet; depth of hold, 5 feet 6 inches; an;] would have a cubic capacity of V>00 feet, exclusive ot space 1'ol* ciew. She would require about 5 tons of ballast. The dock space in superficial measurement would bo about 440 feet; deducting one-third lor permanent incmubranoe, such as hatches, masts, boats, &■:., would leave about 300 superficial feet available s ace ioi: passengers. The 5 tons of ballast would reduce tho depth of hold to about 4 feet, and tiie capacity to 1,000 cubic loot. Tho cubic spauo usually allowed to each yassenger in coasting vessels is 72 feet: 1,000 divided by this figure would give tho number in hold 14. Tiie paaeengei s in the hold would not bo able to stand upright. Each deck passenger would require a space of 3 foot by 3 feet, equal to 9 ffeet superficial; 300 foot divided by U would give iio as the number that could bo carded on deck, an I this could only be done for short distances and in line weather, as small vessels of this kind have very low bulwarks and no other protection. The above computation would give the number of passengers that a 15-ton vessel could carry as 47 in all, anl with that number I consider that she would be much crowded*?: Vessel ought to be fitted with proper skylights and hatches. — B. Johnson, Marino Department, Wellington, 3Jth January, 1879. Secretary. t Mr. Moors states that tho labourers commenced work half an hour after daylight, and ceased three-quarters of an hour before sunset; a rest for two hours, fron* 10 o'clock until noon, being allowed, them. Tho sunrise and sunset is almost exactly at 6 (within a few minutes) at all times of the year. Daylight, as there is little twijight, would begin at 5.30 am., and end at 6.30 p.m.

IX.—Navigator Islands.

Native Labourers

A.—4.

148

flood the British settlements with most undesirable persons ; or they may set up communities with peculiar forms of civilization, in some cases establishing what might almost be kinds of slavery. 14. It is certain, also, if the Pacific Islands are held by foreign Powers, that, in the future, disputes will ariso between the British communities and such foreign Powers, and that the Pacific may become the scone of constant wars, instead of being one vast area of peace and commerce of the most valuable kind, from tho great variety of commodities which the islands can produce. 15. It is difficult to understand why Great Britain should encourage foreign nations to gain a footing in the Pacific, and yet refuse this privilege to her own offspring ; and it is still moro difficult to understand why, in tho case of those islands which are actually British possessions, she should jillow, as she has done,loreign nations to take possession of them, yet refuse to permit her own children to no so. ? » 16. By allowing tho British colonies in these soas to Occtlpy such of the islands in the Pacific as they are willing to undertake the administration and cost of, the Empire yould spread in the most natural and effectual way, at no cost whatever to the Mother-country. British commerce would rapidly extend and be fostered under the most favourable conditions, whilst the inhabitants of any colony that willingly assumed responsibilities of this kind would have their energies developed, and have a field of enterprise and statesmanship opened to them which would do much to form the character of a youthful nation, and to raise up a people which would reflect credit upon the great country from which they have sprung. It is probable that the British race cannot permanently be shut out from a great destiny in the Pacific and Eastern countries f that it must become the ruling power in those par* ef tho world; and that the interest and welfare of the countries I allude to, and of many millions of people in territories lying to the north and west of tho Pacific, are involved in this question. At a time when British statesmen admit that British commerce is declining, and they are proposing to restore it by the doubtful plan of establishing a great commerce with Africa, it is difficult to understand why they should deliberately cast away a lucrative commerce, which would rapidly grow, and which here lies ready to their hand. 17. Experience appears to show that it is impossible for an Empire to neglect the duties it owes to tho races on its frontier, without entailing on itself serious evils, which, penetrating beyond its mere frontier, spread into the population of its outlying possessions. 18. Thus, the habits and disorders which arc allowed to grow in the Pacific Islands call into existence a class of men who, believing that large fortunes may be <■..■■.'.■■ 6 h cm speculative purchases of lands from uncivilized races, engage in this pursuit, some of whom are careless l>y wKat means or arts they acquire a specious title to tracts of land. The proceedings of such persona re-act upon the inhabitants of British territories where there are mixed populations, who are encouraged by the nSpibers who l'!\<;-i,<*o in this pursuit and by the success of some. Hence great embarrassments are often created, and tho most vital and important interests of the entire community are sacrificed to promote the undue acquisition of wealth By a few persons. 19. The coloured-labour traffic, again, calls into existence a lawless set of reckless men, whose acts exercise a pernicious influence, and create a lawless sentiment, more wide-spread than would at first be thought. A bad feeling arises in the minds of many Europeans towards native races, whilst these people, finding themselves despised—perhaps looked down upon with contempt—in their turn conceive a distrust of, perhaps a dislike to, the European race. Prom such a mutual feeling of dislike and distrust, disasters are too likely to arise. 20. A striking instance of this feeling of lawlessness to which I have adverted, appeared in a case recently brought before tho Court at A.uckland, regarding a shocking murder of one British subject by another on the island of Boutaritari, on the 7th October last. Documents appended give details of the transaction; and of the failure, for tho present at least, of any constituted authority to hold tho offender responsible for his offence. 21. I beg to be permitted to add the following further remarks. It appears that Mr. P. Cornwall, at the time he was Acting-Consul, was extensively engaged in a coloured-laboirr traffic, importing such labourers as were specially engaged for him. The Acting-Consul was also agent for a firm at Auckland. 22. I recommend that a stop should be put to such a system, and that no person holding permanently or temporarily the position of Consul or Acting-Consul should bo allowed to be in any way,' directly or indirectly, connected with such a traffic. I think it becomes a great nation rigidly to enforce tho rule I recommend for adoption, even if some additional charge is thereby entailed on it. 23. With regard to Mr. Cornwall being tho agent of an Auckland firm, I think, looking to the distance of Samoa from New Zealand, they might well have thought that the fact of their agent being Acting-Consul was a sufficient guarantee for their being able to place reliance on the propriety of his proceedings. 24. As already stated, no list of labourers was recorded in the Consulate at Samoa. The list given by Mr. Cornwall, the Acting-Consul at Lata, was made out some time after their arrival there, and was imperfect; and Mr. Moors (Mr. Cornwall's manager) had either kept no account of the deaths of tho labourers, or purposely misinformed Mr. Maudslay, the Deputy-Commissioner, on the subject. 25. On this point, I would recommend that stops should be taken forthwith to prevent the possible recurrence of such a state of things in future. 26. I also concur in the judicious suggestion made by Mr. Maudslay that, if possible, some power should bo given, under tho Pacific Islanders Protection Act, to establish regulations for the proper treatment of coloured labourers when employed on the estates of British subjects. Wellington, 3rd February, 1879. G. Gbey.

IX.—Navigator Islands. Native Labourers

No. 3. The Colonial Seceetaey to Messrs. McAethue and Co. Gentlemen, —■ Colonial Secretary's Office, Wellington, 13th June, 1879. I have the honour to forward herewith three copies of a despatch, and enclosures, received by His Excellency the Governor from Her Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for the Colonies, relative to alleged cruelties to Polynesian labourers at the Navigator Islands. This despatch is transmitted for your serious consideration, as it appears that the estate-on which these cruelties have been practised is worked by an agent of your firm. I have, &c. Messrs. W. McArthur and Co., Auckland. G. S. Whitmoee.

No. 4. Messrs. McAethuk and Co. to the Colonial Secbetaby. Deae Sie, — Queen Street, Auckland, 20th June, 1879. I have the honour to acknowledge the letter No. 850, and its enclosures, consisting of a despatch from Sir Michael Hicks Beach relative to outrages in Samoa on the estate of one "C*6rnwall, and perpetrated by Moors, as it1 would appear. As the enclosed copy of 6a letter to His Excellency Sir Hercules Robinson will show you, we have given it our serious consideration about a year since; but that the despatch of Sir Michael Hicks Beach is founded in error in regard to our relations in business towards Mr. Cornwall, the letter of mine will show.

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149

IX.—Navlgatoi* Islands.

I am sending copies of my letters to His Excellency and to yourself, by the next mail, for the perusal of Alderman McArthur, M.P. the senior partner in our Auckland firm. Trusting this will satisfy your wishes, I have, &c. Eebdk. Laekins, Eesident partner of W. McArthur and Co. Auckland. The Hon. G. S. Whitmore, Wellington.

Native Labourers

No. 5. Governor Sir Hercules Eobinson, G.C.M.G. to the Eight Hon. Sir M. E. Hicks Beach. (No. 36.) Sie, — • Government House, Auckland, New Zealand, 26th June, 1879. Upon the receipt of your Despatch No. 50, of the 18th October last, Lord Normanby laid it with its enclosures before his Ministers for their information, and it was not until the papers were returned to me a few days since, that I ascertained that the matter referred to in them had not been brought under the consideration of-Messrs. McArthur and Co., of Auckland, as desired by you. I accordingly requested the Colonial Secretary to transmit a printed copy of your despatch to the firm, which was done; and, on my arrival here last week, I received a letter from Mr. Larkins, the resident partner in the firm, a copy of which I now enclose. 2. I gave Mr. Larkins the interview he asked for, when he satisfied me that the plantation on Samoa, on which the cruelties to Polynesian labourers referred to in your Despatch took place, is not the property of his firm; and that Mr. Cornwall, who-works the estate, is not an agent of Messrs. McArthur and Co. but merely a customer, purchasing goods from the firm, and paying for them either in money or produce. 3. Mr. Larkins at the same time informed me that, although he has no control whatever over Mr. Cornwall, he intends to intimate to him that, if there should be any repetition of the cruelties complained of upon plantations worked by him, Messrs. McArthur and Co. will decline to transact business with him. I have, &c. The Eight Hon. Sir M. E. Hicks Beach. Hercules Eobinson.

Enclosure. To His Excellency Sir Hercules Robensos, Governor of New Zealand, G.C.M.G-. May it please youk Excellency,— The accompanying despatch, &c. reached me to-day, being myself resident partner in tho firm of William McArthur and Co. of tho city of Auckland. May I ask your Excellency for an early interview, relating to the despatch of Sir Michael Hicks Beach, which is founded on an error or misapprehension in regard to our firm. My object will be to show to your Excellency that — First. Mr. Cornwall, on whose estato tho outrages on natives occurred, is not, and never was, an agent of ours. Secondly. That we have not, and never had, any power or authority over Mr. Cornwall, but that he is a trader living in Samoa, to whom we supply goods, and from whom we only receive money or produce in payment. Thirdly. That we have not, and never had, any partnership connection with Mr. Cornwall, so as to be in any way or degree responsible for his doings, or for the acts of his servants. Fourthly. That the words in the despatch of Sir M. Hicks Beach (note first page of enclosed document), " the estate on which these cruelties have been practised is worked by an agent of Messrs. McArthur and Co. of Auckland," is an error in every respect. Fifthly. I have the honour to inform your Excellency that the outrages referred to came to our ears soon after their occurrence. That wo wrote thus to Mr. Cornwall, on the 11th of February, 1878 :—" Be treatment of ' labour' (viz. natives). It is reported to us that your overseer does not treat the natives well. One instance is given of real cruelty. Wo hope it is not true, for your sake." Sixthly. Mr. Cornwall dismissed the of ender, ono Mr. Moors ; and our belief was that Mr. Maudslay knew tho whole case. Seventhly. We cannot think how or why ho came to he described as our agent, since Mr. Cornwall is only a customer of ours. Awaiting your Excellency's summons in regard to this painful matter, I have, &c. Fbedk. Larkins, Resident partner of W. McArthur and Co. Auckland.

No. 6. The Eight Hon. Sir M. E. Hicks Beach to Governor Sir Hbecules Eobinson. (No. 39.) Sie, — Downing Street, 31st July, 1879. I duly received the Despatch of the Officer Administering the Government of New Zealand (No. 9, of the Ist of March), transmitting printed copies of a memorandum drawn up by Sir George Grey respecting the alleged cruelties to Polynesian labourers on Mr. Cornwall's plantation in Samoa. I caused the attention of the Marquis of Salisbury to be drawn to the suggestion contained in the twenty-second paragraph of that memorandum, to the effect that persons permanently or temporarily holding the position of Consul or Acting-Consul should not be allowed to be connected with the labour traffic; and I have the honour to acquaint you that his Lordship has! expressed concurrence in that view, and that an instruction has accordingly been addressed to Her Majesty's Consuls in the Pacific. % I have, &c. Governor Sir Hercules Eobinson, G.C.M.G. &c. M. E. Hicks Beach.

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IX.—Navigator Is'.ands. Mr. Seed's Visit, i

ME. SEED'S VISIT TO THE GROUP. Sib, — Customhouse, Wellington, 13th February, 1872. I have the honour to state that, in obedience to your instructions, I left Auckland on the evening of the 30th December last, by the mail steamer " Nevada," for the Navigator Islands, and reached that group at three a.m. on the 6th ultimo. The steamer, without anchoring, stopped off the eastern end of Tutuila, and sent a boat on shore to land me at Pango-Pango Harbour. It was dark when we left the steamer, but daylight dawned just as the boat approached the shore at the native settlement at the head of the harbour. The natives, on hearing us, turned out in considerable numbers, and rushed into the water to drag the boat on shore and to assist us in landing. Very soon afterwards the sun rose, and revealed to us the full beauties of the tropical scenery by which we were surrounded. Cocoanut palms, bread-fruit, bananas, oranges, limes, native chestnuts, and other trees covered the small flat on which the native village stood, and extended close down to the beach. Dotted about here and there in the shade of these trees were the natives' house's, and a little distance in rear of the village the ground rose rather abruptly towards the high, bush-covered hills that surrounded the harbour. I had been led to believe that the language of the natives was very similar to that of the New Zealanders; and I was disappointed at finding that, though a dialect of the same Polynesian language, it was so different that I was unable to carry on conversation with them. This was the more perplexing, as the resident missionary, the Eev. Mr. Powell, to whom I had letters of introduction, was absent, and had been so for several months. _ Fortunately one or two of the natives spoke a little English, and came to my assistance. They conveyed me to the house of the chief, Maunga, who welcomed me most courteously, and requested me to take up my quarters with him. I at once accepted his offer, hoping that I should soon find some European settler who would be able to assist me in getting about the islands. My anxiety on this head was soon relieved by the arrival in the course of the morning of a white settler of the name of Hunkin, who, it appears, had boarded the " Nevada " outside, and had been urged by Captain Blethen to communicate with me as soon as possible, with a view of facilitating my movements. Mr. Hunkin offered to assist me in any way he could, and I gladly availed myself of his services. lie informed me that he had been a settler on the Navigators for the last thirty-five years, and had acted as British Vice-Consul for a considerable part of that time. I am indebted to him for much of the information I acquired, especially respecting the natives, with whose customs and traditions he is acknowledged to be better acquainted than any other European in the group. In the afternoon I accompanied him to his place at Tafuna, a few miles to the westward of Pango-Pango, where I stayed for the night, and on the following day started for Leone, the principal town of Tutuila, where I was detained for a week waiting for a fair wind to Upolu, the next island to the westward, on which there is the port of Apia, where most of the European settlers reside. Early on the 15th January I left Tutuila by a whaleboat, and reached Apia on the following morning. The distance from Tutuila to the eastern end of Upolu is thirty-six miles, thence to Apia is about twenty miles farther. The British, American, and German Consuls reside at Apia, as it is the centre of trade, and altogether the most important place at present in the whole group. Immediately after my arrival I placed myself in communication with Mr. Williams, the British Consul, who showed me every attention in his power, and supplied me with much valuable information. I called on the American Consul and on the German Consul, both of whom courteously furnished me with every information on various points. Mr. Weber, the German Consul, is the representative of the large mercantile firm of Messrs. Goddefroy and Sons, of Hamburg, who for many years past have had in their hands almost the whole trade of the group. I was unable to procure exact returns of this trade, but that it must be very large is shown conclusively by the fact that from ten to twelve large ships are despatched each year from Apia with full cargoes. These cargoes, however, are not composed exclusively of local produce. Messrs. Goddefroy have trading stations in other parts of the Pacific, and employ small vessels to bring the produce to Apia for shipment. Some of the large vessels occasionally leave Apia and fill up for Europe at ports in the adjacent groups. They have always, throughout the year, one or two large vessels loading for home, and have four brigs trading to Sydney, and five or six small vessels of from 40 to 140 tons trading regularly between Apia and the Solomon Islands, Friendly Islands, Savage Islands, Peru Island, and other islands in the Pacific, where their agents are stationed. The produce brought by these vessels is beche-de-mer, cocoanut oil, and cobra, which is shipped direct to Hamburg. Whilst I was at Apia they had five or six square-rigged vessels lying in port. I expected to have been able to return from Upolu by one of the small trading schooners, but found that there was no probability of one going to Tutuila for a considerable time. I therefore ■determined to return by the whaleboat by which I came, and accordingly left Apia on the evening ■of the 19th January, reached Ulotongea (at the eastern end of Upolu) by daylight next morning, .and about 11 o'clock started for Tutuila with a light leading wind, which died away before we were half-way across, and caused us to make a long and tedious passage. We landed at a harbour called Masefau, on the northern side of Tutuila, and the following day proceeded to the small island of Aunu'u, where, by arrangement with Captain Blethen, I was to wait for the steamer. As I was detained at Aunu'u nine days, I took the opportunity of paying a second visit to Pango-Pango Ilarbour, and had the pleasure of meeting the Eev. Mr. Powell, who had returned to his station a ■few days previously. He treated me with great kindness, and supplied me with much'interesting information. The " Nevada " arrived off Aunu'u on the night of the 30th January, and I returned by her to New Zealand, reaching Auckland on the 17th instant. Having referred to the various localities I visited, I now proceed to give a general description of the whole group, and to remark upon such points as appear to me to be specially interesting.

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Samoa is the native name of the Navigators Islands. The group is situated in the Pacific Ocean, between the meridians of 169° 24' and 172° 50' west longitude, and between the parallels of 13° 30' and 14° 30' south latitude. There are ten inhabited islands extending from Ta'u, the easternmost, to Savaii, the most western island—viz., Ta'u, Olosenga, Of'u, Aunu'u, Tutuila, Nuutele, Upolu, Manono, and Savaii. The native population is from 33,000 to 34,000. The islands were surveyed by the United States exploring expedition in 1839. Commodore^Wilkes, in his narrative of that expedition, states that they contain 1,650 square miles, divided as follows, viz. : — Savaii ... ... ... 700 | Apolima ... ... ... 7 Upolu ... ... ... 560 j Manu'a ... ... ... 100 Tutuila ... ... ... 240 Olosenga ... ... ... 24 Manono ... ... ... 9 Of'u ... ... ... 10 The principal islands, it will be seen, are Savaii, Upolu, and Tutuila. Savaii, which I was unable to visit, is the largest island. The following description of it is quoted from the work mentioned above :— " Savaii is the most western island of the Samoan group, and is also the largest, being forty miles in length and twenty in breadth. It is not, however, as populous or as important as several of the others. It 'differs from any of the others in its appearance, for its shore is low, and the ascent thence to the centre is gradual, except where the cones of a few extinct craters are seen. In the middle of the island a peak rises, which is almost continually enveloped in the clouds, and is the highest land in the group. On account of these clouds angles could not be taken for determining its height accurately, but it certainly exceeds 4,000 feet. . . . " . . . Another marked difference between Savaii and the other large islands is the want of any permanent streams, a circumstance which may be explained, notwithstanding the frequency of rain, by the porous nature of the rock (vesicular lava) of which it is chiefly composed. Water, however, gushes out near the shore in copious springs; and, when heavy and continued rains have occurred, streams are formed in the ravines, but these soon disappear after the rains have ceased. " The coral reef attached to this island is interrupted to the south and west, where the surf beats full upon the rocky shore. There are, in consequence, but few places where boats can land, ■and only one harbour for ships, that of Mataatua : even this is unsafe from November to February, when the north-westerly gales prevail. "The soil is fertile, and was composed, in every part of the island that was visited, of decomposed volcanic rock and vegetable mould." Upolu is ten miles to the eastward of Savaii, and is next "in size. It is about forty miles long and thirteen miles broad. It has a main ridge extending from east to west, broken here and there into sharp peaks and hummocks. From this main ridge a number of smaller ridges and broad gradual slopes run down to a low shore, which is encircled by a coral reef, interrupted here and there by channels which form the entrances to safe and convenient anchorages for small vessels. At Apia the reef extends across a good-sized bay, and forms a safe and commodious harbour for large ships, which is entered through a deep and clear channel formed by a break in the reef. Between Savaii and Upolu are two small islands. At the south-east end of Tutuila there is the small island of Aunu'u, and sixty miles to the east of this lies Manu'a. The following description of these islands is taken from an account of the Samoan group, published in 1868, by the Eev. Mr. Powell, in the Chronicle of the London Missionary Society : — "The first island that comes in sight of voyagers arriving from the eastward is Ta'u (Ta-'oo), the largest of the three islands that constitute the group which the natives call Manu'a (Ma-noo-a). It is about six miles long, four and a half broad, and sixteen in circumference, and contains 100 square miles. " About six miles west of Ta'u is the island of Olosenga (O-la-say-nga). This is a very rocky island, three miles long, 500 yards wide, and about 1,500 feet high. It contains twenty-four square miles. It is precipitous on every side - least so on the north-east, most on the north and southwest. On the latter side, about 200 feet from the shore, rises up a mural precipice 1,200 feet high. The principal village is situated, in times of peace, on the "strip of land in front of this precipice. In times of war the people live on the mountain. " About two miles and a half off the eastern point of the island a volcanic eruption burst out from the deep ocean in September, 1866. " Of'u (O-foo), the smallest of the three islands included in the Manu'an group, is neither so high nor so precipitous as Olosenga. It is separated from the latter by only a narrow, shallow strait, about a fourth of a mile wide. A double-pointed crag off its eastern extremity, together with the precipitous, craggy nature of Olosenga, give to the neighbourhood a remarkably romantic appearance. "The population of the Manu'an group is about 1,500. "Aunu'u: Sixty miles west of Of'u is the island of Tutuila (Too-too-ee-la). A mile from Tutuila, off its south-east point, is the little island of Aunu'u (Au-noo'oo). This island is about five miles in circumference. Population, 200. " Manono : Two miles from the western point of Upolu, and encircled by its reef, is the island of Manono (Ma-no-no). It is nearly of triangular shape, and less than five miles in circumference. It contains nine square miles. It has a mountain a few hundred feet high, from whose summit can be obtained a splendid view cfi Upolu and Savaii. It is itself ' one entire garden, in looking at which the eye can scarcely tire.' It has a population of about 1,000. This island held a very extensive political supremacy over Upolu till the war of 1847-54, in which she lost supremacy, and was obliged to take her place on a level with those over whom she formerly exercised much despotic power.

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" Apolima (A-po-lee-ma) is about two miles from Manono. It is a crater somewhat resembling a horseshoe, while its depth may well suggest the idea of the hand with the fingers contracted, • which is the meaning of the name. Its highest part is 472 feet above the sea. The population is about 200." Tutuila, the easternmost and smallest of the three principal islands, is thirty-six miles distant from Upolu. It is seventeen miles long, and its greatest width is five milas. The total native population of Tutuila is about 4,000. The land is-jg&ngrally mountainous, with steep, sharp-edged ridges, rising here and there into lofty peaks, the"'highest of which (that of Matafae) is 2,327 feet above the sea, and forms a prominent landmark for the excellent harbour of Pango-Pango. As the existence of this harbour so greatly enchances the importance of the Navigators Islands, and as a description of it by a nautical man will be more valuable than any account of it I could give, I quote the following from a report by Captain Wakeman, an experienced master mariner, who was recently deputed by Mr. Webb to visit Tutuila and ascertain whether this harbour would be a suitabje place for a coaling-station for his steamers :— " At daylight I found myself in the most perfectly land-locked harbour that exists in the Pacific Ocean. In approaching this harbour from the south, either by night or day, the mariner has unmistakable landmarks to conduct him into port: one on the port hand, a high, peaked, conical mountain, 2,327 feet high, and on the starboard hand a flat-topped mountain, 1,470 feet in height, which keep sentinel on either hand. These landmarks can never be mistaken "by the mariner. The entrance to the harbour is three-quarters of a mile in width, between Tower Bock, on the port side, and Breaker Point, on the starboard hand, with soundings of 36 fathoms. A little more than one mile from Breaker Point, on the starboard hand, to Goat Island, on the port hand, wo open out the inner harbour, which extends one mile west, at a breadth of 3,000 feet abreast of Goat Island, to 1,100 feet at the head of the bay, carrying soundings from 18 fathoms to 6 fathcms at the head of the bay. The reefs which skirt the shore are from 200 feet to 300 feet wide, almost awash at low sea. They have, at their edge, from 4 fathoms to 5, 6, and 8 fathoms, and deeper in the middle of the harbour. The hills rise abruptly around this bay from 800 to 1,000 feet in height. . . . There is nothing to prevent a steamer, night or day, from proceeding to her wharf. About half-way from Breaker Point to Goat Island, and near mid-channel, is Whale Eock, with 8 feet of water over it at low sea. It has a circumference of about 50 feet, and breaks frequently. A buoy renders this danger harmless. The services of a pilot can never be required by any one who has visited this port before, as the trade-winds from E.S.E. carry a vessel from near Breaker Point with a free sheet in a N.N.W. course into the harbour. It follows that vessels under canvas will have to work out, which in the ebb tide, with the trades, will generally be accomplished in a few tacks. The trouble is that a ship close into the reefs goes in stays, and frequently the whirlwinds off the high land baffle her a few points and prevent her tacking properly aback, whence a boat is kept ahead ready to tow her round upon the right tack. Mr. Powell, a missionary, has been a resident of this place twenty-two years, and says that he never knew of a longer detention than nine days to any ships in that time, and of but one gale, which came from the eastward, and unroofed a wing of his kitchen. Even the trades themselves are frequently liable to haul from E.S.E. to E.N.E., giving a ship a chance to get out with a leading wind. At the different quarters of the moon the tide rises 4| feet. . . . On the top of the little island of Aunu'u, to the east of Tutuila, at an elevation of 600 feet, a site for a lighthouse has been secured, as it can be seen alike from the north or south, and is right in a line with the ship's course in passing. Being only seven miles from the entrance to Pango-Pango Bay or Harbour, the ships could pick up the port lights, and go in immediately to the wharf, in the darkest night. There are several fine harbours for schooners on both sides of Tutuila." Savaii and Opolu contain the largest extent of flat land—fully two-thirds of their area, about 500,000 acres, are fit for cultivation. Tutuila is more mountainous than Savaii and Upolu: probably not more than one-third of its area, or about 50,000 acres, would be fit for cultivation ; but it has a great advantage over the neighbouring islands in the possession of the excellent harbour of Pango-Pango, described above. The whole group is of volcanic origin. Craters of extinct volcanoes are seen at various points. Some of the small islands of the group are composed of a single large crater rising abruptly from the sea. The soil on all the islands is exceedingly rich, and is everywhere covered with dense vegetation, from the water's edge up to the tops of the mouuntains. The high mountain-ridges, extending through the middle of the larger islands, attract the passing clouds, which furnish a copious and never-failing supply of moisture, and feed the numerous streams of beautiful clear water that abound in every direction. The climate is mild and agreeable; the temperature generally ranges between 70° and 80°, but the heat is greatly subdued by the breezes that are constantly blowing. Mr. Williams, the British Consul, kept a meteorological register, for the Board of Trade, from 1860 to 1865, from which I made an abstract of the mean recorded temperature in every month in the year 1864. (Copy of this abstract is appended hereto.) The south-east trades blow steadily from April to October, being strongest in June and July. From November to March westerly winds frequently blow, but not for any length of time together. A strong gale may generally be looked for some time in January, but frequently an entire year will pass without a severe gale. February, as a rule, is fine, with variable winds. March is usually the worst and most boisterous month in the year, the winds being still variable, and gales occurring from north to north-west. Copious rains fall from the beginning of December to March. June and July are the coolest, and September and October the hottest months, although~it will be seen, from the abstract above referred to, that there is very little variation in the temperature throughout the year. Hence the growth of vegetation goes on without check all the year round. Cotton and Indian corn yield three crops a year. I saw some of the latter gathered in the middle of January, which had been sown at the beginning of last October: thus it was planted and the crop gathered within four months. The taro also comes

IX.—Navigator Islands.

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to maturity in four months, and is planted continuously all the year round. When the natives take up the taro they cut off the top, make a hole in the ground -with a stick, into which the top is thrust without the ground being dug over or in any way prepared. A short time after it is planted they clean the ground, and mulch between the plants with grass and leaves to keep down the seeds. Bananas yield ripe fruit nine months after planting ; some of the introduced varieties come to maturity in six months. This fruit attains a great size, especially the indigenous varieties, some of which I measured, and found to be 8 inches long and 9 inches in circumference. Samoa is very rarely visited by the destructive hurricanes that so frequently sweep across most of the other groups in the Pacific. In December, 1840, there was a severe gale, but scarcely what could be called a hurricane. In April, 1850, a hurricane occurred, when two ships and a schooner were wrecked at Apia. For twenty years after this —that is, up to 1870—the islands were entirely free from hurricanes; but four or five heavy gales occurred during that period. These hurricanes, when they occur, are often very local: sometimes they visit one island, leaving the others untouched; for instance, in January, 1870, a cyclone swept over Tutuila, but did not reach the other islands. The following are the principal productions of the group: Cocoanuts, cotton, native chestnut (Inocarpus edulis), candlenuts, bananas, mountain plantains, oranges, lemons, limes, citrons, shaddocks, pineapples, mangoes, guavas, Malay apples, rose-apples, custard-apples, pawpaws, tamarinds, bread-fruit, yams, taro, pumpkins, melons, sweet potatoes, arrowroot, ginger, wild nutmeg, sugarcane, mandioc or sweet cassava, indigo, coffee, Indian corn, tobacco, chilis, vi (Spondias dulcis), medicinal plants, several trees with very fragrant blossoms that might be used for the preparation of scents, some that exude aromatic,gum, and others that furnish very handsome and durable wood, suitable for cabinet-ware and furniture. There are two cotton plantations on Upolu, of from 200 to 300 acres each, belonging to Messrs. Goddefroy, and several smaller ones, belonging to other Europeans. Both the Sea Island and kidney cotton grow most luxuriantly, and bear well. When planted in March the first crop is rsady for picking in July. The first year of planting there are two crops, one in July and one in September or October ; in succeeding years three crops may be picked. The chief article of export is cobra, which is the kernel of the cocoanut cut into small pieces and dried in the sun. The preparation of cocoanut oil has been almost entirely given up by the natives, as they find that they can get a more rapid and certain return for their labour by the simple process of preparing cobra. The oil is now expressed from the cobra on its reaching Europe. The trade mostly in request by the natives is white and printed calicoes (which are known by the general name of " cloth," and are used by both sexes as lava-lavas or waist-cloths), gay-coloured cotton handkerchiefs, butchers' knives, and American axes. The knives most approved of are large heavy ones of about 14 or 16 inches in length, which the natives use for all purposes. Soap, sewing cotton, and small fish-hooks come next. Double-barrel guns, powder, lead, and shot are also in great demand just at present. It is alleged that since the introduction of fire-arms the loss of life in the native wars is much less than it used to be formerly, when they fought only with clubs and spears at close quarters, as the combatants observe great caution in approaching each other, from fear of the guns, and both sides commence firing a long way out of range. The British Consul puts down the European population as under: — British subjects ... ... ... ... ... ... 250 Subjects of the United States of America ... ... ... 45 Germans, Spaniards, Portuguese, and others ... • ... ... 150 445 This must include the half-castes, for I am satisfied, from inquiries I made from old residents and others best able to give information on this point, that the foreign residents do not reach the number here given. I believe there are altogether about 250 Europeans on the group, most of whom are English. The following statistics of imports, exports, and shipping, for the last five years, were supplied to me by the British Consul: — Imports. Exports. Year. Value. Value. 1867 ... £36,600 ... £40,598 1868 ... 37,200 ... 38,020 1869 ... 35,992 ... 32,500 1870 ... 42,800 ... 25,600 1871 ... 25,000 ... 45,000 The imports in 1871 were less than in previous years on account of the large stocks that were on hand; the increase in exports was caused by the natives pouring in all the produce they could gather for the purpose of purchasing arms and ammunition for a war that was going on between . two of the tribes. The arrivals of shipping were as under: — No. of Ships. Tonnage. 1867.—British ... 26 ... 5,951 Foreign ... 31 ... 3,800 9,791 1868.—British ... 34 ... 8,038 United Stages of America 5 ... 3,072 German ... 24 ... 3,875 Tahitian ... 2 ... 159 15,144 - 20—A. 4.

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Mr. Seed's Visit.

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iX.—Navigator Islands.

No. of Ships. Toiinage. 1869.— British ... 29 ... 4,402 United States of America 3 ... 3,690 German ... 22 ... 4,230 Tahitian ... 2 ... 150 12,472 1870.—British ... 32 ... 4,940 United States of America 6 ?...... 3,791 German ... 28 ... 7,004 Tahitian ... 4 ~. 650 16,385 1871.—British ... 26 ... 4,856 United States of America 3 ... 500 German ... 36 ... 8,696 Tahitian ... 2 ... 230 14,282 In 1871 four ships of war visited Apia, namely, one British, one American, one French, and one Bussian. Eeferring to the trade of Samoa, Mr. "Williams, in his last consular report to the British Government, states that "The imports are from the Australian Colonies and Hamburg: the greater part, however, are of British manufacture. About one-third of the exports are shipped to the colonies, and go thence to England; two thirds to Hamburg direct, being shipped by the representative of the German firm, Messrs. Goddefroy and Sons. " In 1858 the business of these islands was in the hands of two British merchants, one German house, and one American. In 1870 six British merchants and traders were established in Apia, besides a number of small agencies; one German house, with several out-stations and agencies; and three American houses, with their agencies." Large tracts of land are being sold by the natives to the foreign residents. Upwards of 70,000 acres have already been so disposed of, principally on Upolu. The price paid has been from 4s. to £1 per acre; but where the land is near the sea-shore, and covered with bread-fruit and cocoanuts, it has fetched as much as £2 and £3 an acre. Whilst enumerating the advantages possessed by the Navigators group, it is only right to point out that these islands, like all other tropical countries, are not free from certain drawbacks. Chief of these is the prevalence of elephantiasis, from which disease the foreign residents are not exempt. They are not usually attacked by it for several years after their arrival, and some have remained free from it after a lengthy residence; but most of the old settlers suffer more or less from it in some shape or other. Opinion varies very much as to the cause of the disease; some say that it is caused by incautiously lying about in the bush in wet weather; others, that it arises from the constant and almost exclusive use of vegetable diet; whilst others say it results from the malaria that must constantly arise from decaying vegetation. Many of the residents think that the moderate use of stimulants averts this disorder, and it is generally believed that quinine is an excellent remedy for it. At some parts of the islands, especially in damp, low-lying situations, the inhabitants are more effected by it than they are in others, whilst on the small island of Aunu'u they are entirely exempt from it. Flies and mosquitoes are very numerous, and are particularly annoying and troublesome, especially to strangers ; but they will probably disappear, to a great extent, when wider clearings are made in the dense vegetation that everywhere surrounds the towns and villages. The Samoan natives are a fine, tall, handsome race, of a light-brown colour. They are docile, truthful, and hospitable, and are very lively and vivacious. In conversation among themselves and in their intercourse with foreigners they are exceedingly courteous and polite. They have different styles of salutation, corresponding with the social rank of the persons addressed : for instance, in addressing the chiefs or distinguished strangers they use the expression Lau-Afio, or " Tour Majesty." In speaking to chiefs of lower rank they address them as Lau-Susu, as we would use the words "Your Lordship." To chiefs of lower degree than those who are thus addressed the term Ala-ala is used; and to the common people the salutation is Omai or Sau, simply meaning " You have arrived," or " You are here." The men only tattoo, and not on their faces, as the New-Zealanders do, but on their bodies, from the waist to the knee, entirely black for the most part, except where relieved here and there by graceful stripes and patterns. At a short distance this tattooing gives them the appearance of having on black knee-breeches. The clothing of both sexes is a piece of calico or native cloth wound round the waist and reaching to the knees. Some of the women wear a couple of coloured cotton handkerchiefs, in the shape of a narrow poncho, over their breasts and shoulders, and hanging loosely down to below the waist. When in the bush, or working in their taro plantations, or when fishing, they wear a kilt of the long handsome leaves of the ti (Dracana terminalis). They have a kind of fine mat, plaited of fine strips of the leaves of a plant called lau-ie. These mats are only used on important occasions, and they esteem them more highly than any European commodity. Some of them are quite celebrated, having names that are known all over the group—the older they are the more they are valued. The oldest one known is called Moe-a-fui-fui, meaning "the mat that slept among the creepers." This name was given to it from the circumstance of its having been hidden away among the creeping kind of convolvolus that grows on the shore; it is known to be over 200 yeaSs old, as the names of its owners during that time can be traced down. The best mats are made at Manu'a. They are the most coveted properly a native can possess, no labour or enterprise being considered too great to secure them. Both men and women spend a deal of time in dressing their hair, and frequently apply lime to it, which is laid on in a liquid state, about the consistency of cream, and has the effect of turning the hair to a reddish hue. Both

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men and women frequently wear flowers in their hair, generally a single blossom of the beautiful scarlet hybiscus, which is always found growing near their houses. Nature has supplied them so bountifully with food, in the shape of cocoanuts, bread-fruit, bananas, native chestnuts, and other wild fruits, and the taro yields them an abundant crop with so little cultivation, that they have no necessity to exert themselves much, and they are therefore little inclined to industry, and probably will never be induced to undertake steady labour of any kind. Their houses are neat, substantial structures, generally circular in shape, with high-pitched conical roofs, supported in trio centre by two or three stout posts, and open all round, but fitted with narrow- mats made of cocoanut leaves, which are strung together like Venetian blinds,, and can be let down in stormy weather. The Samoans are very expert in the management of their 'canoes, of which they have five different kinds: the a-lia, or large double canoes, s >me of which are capable of carrying two hundred men ; the tau-mua-lua, from 30 to 50 feet long (these were first made about seventeen years ago, and are fashioned, after the model of our whaleboats) ; the va-alo, or fishing canoes, with outrigger (these are most beautiful little craft, and very fast; they look exactly like our modern clipper ships, and probably furnished the model from which they were designed); then there is the soatau, outrigger dug-out canoe, capable of carrying five or six people; and, lastly, the paopao, a smaller dug-out canoe, for one person. The natives are all professed Christians. Christianity was first introduced into Samoa in August, 1830, by the father of the present British Consul, the Eev. J. Williams, who landed a number of native teachers from Tahiti. A few years afterwards, about 1835, five English missionaries, belonging to the London Missionary Society, landed on the islands, and from that time to the present several Congregational missionaries have been constantly resident on the group. In addition to these there is a Boman Catholic Bishop resident at Apia, and a number of Catholic priests in various parts of the islands. The natives for nearly thirty years past, I understand, have annually contributed considerable sums towards the support of the mission establishments. There is no principal chief having authority over the whole group, although there are three great chiefs having the title of tui or king—viz., Tui-Manua, Tui-A-ana, Tui-Atua. The firstnamed is at Manu'a, and the other two at Upolu. Although holding the high-sounding title of king, these chiefs really have no more authority than the alii, or chiefs of towns, all being controlled by the councillors of the towns. Formerly there was a tui somoa, or king, of the whole group, similar to the Tui Tonga and Tui Viti (King of Tonga and King of Fiji), but this has not been the case for probably hundreds of years. Each town or village has its own chief. In some cases a number of villages are banded together in a kind of confederacy, over which the chief who has the greatest influence exercises a nominal kind of rule. The principal chiefs are called alii, next to whom are the heads of certain families in each village, called tu-la-fale, who comprise a very considerable section of the community, and really exercise more influence1 than the chiefs. Everything affecting the interest of the village is 'debated in council, where the tu-la-fale sit with the chief, and do most of the speaking. The decisions of the council become law for the whole village. The system of government varies in different districts. In some towns the matuas, or patriarchs, exercise considerable authority, whilst in others the tit-la-fales have the most influence : this, however, they only possess collectively, not individually. The natives, having so little to do, spend a great deal of time in their councils, where they discuss and regulate all the affairs of the town or village, down to the most trifling matter. They are constantly laying down laws for the price of food when sold to the Europeans, and what shall be paid by the Europeans to the natives they employ as boats' crews. The village council leaves no man, not even the chief, free to bargain for the disposal of what is his own. No argument can overcome its decisions, and the only way to remove these restrictions is for foreigners to abstain altogether from having any dealings with the natives whilst they endeavour to enforce these mischievous and absurd laws for regulating prices.. None of the Samoan natives, up to the present time, have been taken away in labour-vessels. They would have the strongest objection to being removed from their own islands, and would not willingly engage themselves as labourers. There is, however, on Samoa a considerable number of natives from islands near the line, and from Niue, or Savage Island, who have been imported to work on the cctton plantations and about some of the warehouses. I saw a gang of thirty-five of the Line islanders hoeing in a cotton field; they are darker in colour-, and much smaller men than the Samoans. It struck me that they looked wretchedly dejected and forlorn, and that they plodded along at their work in a most languid and monotonous manner. Some were engaged, I was told, for five years, and some for three years, with pay of from $3 to $5 a month. They have to labour from 6 o'clock in the morning to 6 o'clock in the evening, with a rest of an hour for breakfast and an hour for dinner. The Niue men that I saw were working about one of the stores at Apia; they were clothed in European costume, and had a lively and cheerful look. Several of them, I was told, after being sent back to their homes, had engaged themselves for a second term of service and returned to Apia; but I did not hear that this had been the case with any of the natives from the Line Islands. A feud has existed for some time past between two sections of the natives on Upolu and Manono ; they have already fought twice during the last three years, when several were killed on each side, and hostilities are again imminent. The quarrel commenced about three years ago between Tua Masanga and Manono (one of the small islands off the western end of Upolu, the inhabitants of which formerly had considerable political influence over the people of Upolu), as to which party should have the right to nominate a chief to succeed to the title of malieatoa, which is an old hereditary title of high rank. The Tua Masanga nominated for the title the eldest son of the late Malieatoa ; the Manono party set%p the brother of the deceased chief. The chieftainship, although hereditary, does not necessarily descend from father to son. Although the present war began ostensibly for the purpose of settling the succession to the title of malieatoa, yet it soon took wider dimensions; and the Manono party, with a view of gaining more adherents to their side, declared it rv, . ................. t-W ■ ■ ~ -- .- - • - ■ ■ , ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ ... - - - ■

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to be the taua o tu la fono, or "war for establishing laws;" but probably the real motive that impelled the Manono party to take up arms was a jealousy of the advantages enjoyed by the Tua Masanga in having the foreign settlement of Apia within their borders. This jealousy, and the fear of being deprived altogether of their political supremacy, induced the Manono party to establish themselves on the long low point that forms the western boundary of Apia Harbour, the name of which they changed from Marinuu to Samoa na tasi—" Samoa is one." From tfys position they hope to gain the ascendency over the party who are now parapiount in Apia. Great preparations are being made by both sides, and blows will no doubt be come to very shortly; but the Samoans do not appear to be a warlike race, and tho war, although it may be protracted, is not likely to be a sanguinary one. The present disturbed state of affairs, however, is most disastrous to the natives, as they congregate together in large numbers and neglect their cultivations. They are selling their land in all directions to buy arms, without retaining sufficient reserves for their own support; and of course this disposition is being eagerly taken advantage of by many of the white settlers who desire to acquire land. Although not a warlike they are a very vain race, and their vanity compels them to enter into hostilities that both sides would probably gladly avoid. It is the opinion of many of the oldest residents, who are thoroughly acquainted with the natives, that the parties now at war would be glad to see peace restored, and that they, as well as the rest of the native population, would welcome a foreign Power that could put an end to their troubles and establish law and order among them. Whilst I was at Apia I took the opportunity, through the aid of Mr. Williams, the British Consul (who has been thirty-three years in the islands, and is thoroughly acquainted with tho language, manners, and customs of the natives, and has their confidence), to ascertain the views, from one of the leading chiefs from each side in the present quarrel, as to the feelings of the natives with reference to a foreign Power assuming the government- of the islands. The most influential chief of the Manono party, and representing one of tho three great districts into which the island of Upolu is divided, said : " There is no country we should like to take over Samoa equal to England. We know the English are just; an English protectorate would be sweet." The principal chief belonging to the Tua Masanga, or section inhabiting the central district of Upolu, in which is the hart our and settlement of Apia, said that "his own feeling and that of his people was that they would gladly welcome British rule, but that they did not want any other Power." He was repeatedly questioned, and his answer was always the same. He was then asked why the natives preferred the English. His reply was that "they knew that the British would deal justly by them, but other Powers would oppress them." This conclusion, he said, was formed from the experience of the oppressive treatment they had already experienced at the hands of the subjects as well as the vessels of war of other nations. His opinion was that the great majority of the natives were anxious for the British Government to come to Samoa to establish law and good government. What they would prefer would be to have a council of chiefs, aided by English officers, to frame and carry out laws, and to have the occasional presence of an English vessel of war to back up the authority of the council. On Tutuila, Maunga, the chief at Pango-Pango Harbour, told me that tho natives would be glad to see Great Britain take the islands under her protection. He said they made an application to this effect through the British Consul to the Queen about twenty-five years ago; that they were still of the same mind, and were waiting for a favourable reply. An answer, I was told, was returned to this application, to the effect that the British Government was not prepared to take possession of the islands, but that it would not stand by and see any other Power exercise greater authority in them than it did. The chiefs of Tutuila and of Upolu, I understand, have twice forwarded requests, through the British Consul, to the Home Government to take possession of the islands or establish a protectorate over them. The foreign residents are exceedingly desirous of seeing some settled form of government established, and the great majority of them are in favour of British ride. In an interview I had with the Eoman Catholic Bishop at Apia, he told me that he very much regretted the present disturbed state of the natives on Upolu, as it stopped all progress among them. He would like to see some Government take possession of the group, and thought that the natives would be glad to welcome any Power that would establish law and order, and put an end to their fights. He would rather see England or America than any other foreign Power take possession of the islands. He knew that British rule was just and liberal, and that all religions would have equal liberty. Any authority that came to the islands would have to be from some recognized Government, and should be introduced by a vessel of war. He estimated the population at about 34,000;—this was the number set down a few years ago, after careful inquiry, and he did not think there was much difference now—the population was about stationary. He had a high opinion of the Samoans, and considered them docile, truthful, and honest; but the chiefs were exceedingly jealous of each other, which led to frequent wars. In the course of conversation with Mr. Weber, the German Consul, he informed me that he had large claims against the natives, and that he had been applying to his Government for several years past to get a vessel of war to call. The Prussian Government had at length acceded to his application, and promised that the " Nympha " should visit the islands on her way to China. This vessel is expected at Apia very shortly. Mr. Weber told me that he had no intimation whatever that it was the intention of his Government to take possession of, or to assume any authority over, the islands. On reaching Auckland, on my return from the Navigators, I learnt from a gentleman just returned from Sydney that the " Nympha" had reached that place, and that the captain had stated that he had instructions to proceed thence to the Navigators Islands, where-he was to refit his ship, and to land and eiercise his men. There can be no doubt, I think, that both natives and Europeans would gladly welcome the establishment of British authority on the islands, and that it will be a matter of lasting regret to all who are in any way interested in the extension of commerce- and civilization among the count-

IX.—Navigator Islands.

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less islands of the Pacific if the Government disregard the wishes of the natives, and refuse to take possession of, or to establish a protectorate over, this valuable group. The importance of securing possession of the harbour of Pango-Pango for a coaling-station for the steamers carrying the NewZealand and Australian English mails to and from San Francisco is too obvious to require comment. The distance from— Pango-Pango to Auckland ... ... ... ; „..,, ... 1,577 miles. Vavau, Friendly Islands ... ... ... 380 „ ~ Levuka, Fiji ... ■**_,•■<%. ■■■ • •• 630 ~ ~ Tongatabu ... ... ""r.*-. ... ... 475 „ Tahiti - 1,250 „ ~ New Caledonia ... ... ... ... 1,445 ~ „ Sydney ... ... ... ... .. 2,410 ~ Melbourne ... ... ... ... ... 2,864 „ Honolulu ... ... ... ... ... 2,283 „ From its central and commanding position in respect to the other groups in the Pacific, PangoPango Harbour would further appear to be admirably suited for a naval depot, or for a station from which Her Majesty's cruisers would rapidly reach the different islands, and thus be able to suppress the abuses of the South Sea labour traffic. The Government of the United States appear to be fully sensible of the important position of the Navigator Islands, for intelligence has just been brought by the " Nevada " that the United States sloop of war " Narragansett," which vessel was at Honolulu when the " Nevada " left that place, is under orders to proceed to the Navigators for the purpose of forming a naval station at Pango-Pango Harbour. Commerce is rapidly increasing in the Pacific, and trading stations owned by British subjects are being established in it in various directions. Large numbers of British vessels are now constantly employed in distributing British manufactures, and gathering up produce at the .various islands for shipment (generally th.rougb.the Australian Colonies and New Zealand) to Great Britain. Very large interests are thus rapidly springing up among the South Sea Islands, and the necessity for having some station in the Pacific where British authority shall prevail, and where British justice can be administered, will year by year become more pressing. If British authority should be established on Samoa I believe that the natives, under proper •management, would readily adapt themselves to our institutions, and conform to all necessary laws for maintaining order among themselves. They have already made efforts to establish laws for the punishment of crime. A simple code was some time since drawn up by the British Consul, which the natives approved of, but, owing to dissensions among themselves, it did not come into operation. Perhaps the most certain indication of their fitness for civil government that can be adduced is the fact that they have adopted the plan of levying taxes among themselves for particular objects. For instance, quite recently the Upolu people fixed a tax of $1 a head on adult males, $^ on youths, and SjpJ on male children, for the purpose of buying arms and ammunition for tho present war. New Zealand, in addition to being the nearest British colony to the Navigators, is also most favourably situated for communicating with that group, owing to the prevailing winds for nine months in the year being favourable for the passage both ways. One or two vessels are already employed in trading to them, and it is certain that at no distant date this trade will rapidly increase, as the islands are capable of yielding sugar, coffee, cotton, and almost every kind of tropical produce; whilst New Zealand raises in abundance and can supply, in exchange for these commodities, exactly those articles which the white settlers on the islands stand most in need of, such as flour, butter, cheese, preserved meats, &c. Many of the European settlers are fully alive to the advantages they would derive from a connection with Ne.w Zealand, and a large number of them, I have no doubt, would willingly aid in establishing such a connection. Several of them recognize that the long experience the New Zealand Government has had in the management of the Maoris would enable it to suggest measures or to take steps that would avert many complications that they think would arise if the management of the islands were placed entirely under persons having little or no knowledge of the character and prejudices of the Polynesian natives. From the particulars given above, it will be seen that the Navigator Islands occupy a most important position in the Pacific ; that they possess two safe and commodious harbours, suitable for the largest size vessels, which harbours are admirably adapted for stations from which operations could be rapidly carried out for suppressing the pernicious and iniquitous labour traffic that is now carried on among the South Sea Islands; that the islands are capable of producing almost everything that is grown within the tropics ; and that they are likely to become an important centre for trade : further, that they are inhabited by a docile and amiable race of natives, who have the warmest attachment to Great Britain, and earnestly desire to place themselves under her rule and protection. On reviewing these conditions, and having regard espocially to the geographical position of New Zealand in relation to the Navigators and adjacent groups, and to the fact that a considerable trade is likely soon to spring up between this colony and those islands, the conclusion, I think, that must be arrived at is that it would be advisable that the New Zealand Government should strongly support the wishes of the natives, and should urge upon the Imperial Government to comply with those wishes, by establishing British.protection and authority over the islands of Samoa. I have, &c. The Hon. the Commissioner of Customs, Wellington. William Seed,

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158

IX.—Navigator Islands.

Extract from the Meteorological Register kept at the British Consulate at Apia, in the Navigator Islands, for the Year 1864.

Mr. Seed's Visit,

Lowest and Highest T Mo: 3MPBBATUBB DUBINQ THE [TH. Month. 6 o'eloi i. 4 o'oloi )k p.m. Highest becorded Temperatubis DURING the Month. Lowest. Highest. Lowest. Highest. O 70 71 70 70 65 65 61 59 67 61 73 71' 0 0 o o "anuary February tlarch ... tpril ... ilay une uly August... September )ctober November )ecember 75 79 81 76 82 74 74 77 78 79 76 78 j 76 77 74 74 78 78 79 78 81 82 78 82 82 84 85 88 85 83 82 84 83 84 79 86 85 at 8 a.m 85 at 10 a.m 86 at 8 a.m 88 at 4 p.m 85 at 4 p.m 83 at 4 p.m 82 at 4 p.m 84 at 4 p.m 86 at 8 a.m 86 at 8 a.m 84 at 8 a.m 86 at 4 p.m

159

X. KIDNAPPING.

X.—Kidnapping

No. 1. Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G., to the Eight Hon. Earl Gbanville. (No. 70.) My Loed, —■ Government House, Wellington, New Zealand, 30th June, 1870. I have the honour to transmit herewith a copy of a letter which I have lately received from Her Majesty's Consul for the Fiji and Tonga Islands, stating that most of the vessels arriving there from the ports of New Zealand are chartered for the purpose of conveying so-called immigrant labourers to Fiji, and offering certain suggestions on this subject. 2. From the accompanying copy of my reply to Consul March, it will be perceived that I lost no time in directing the attention of my Ministers to the contents of his letter; and that my Eesponsible Advisers requested me to thank him for having brought this matter to the notice of the Government of this colony, and to inform him that instructions have been given to the Collectors of Customs, who are also the shipping masters at the several ports of New Zealand, to carry out the suggestions made by him. I have further asked Mr. March to be good enough to acquaint me with the names of the ships and masters from this colony engaged in the traffic referred to; and to furnish me, from time to time, with such full information as may enable the Colonial Government to take the most energetic measures for preventing any vessels or seamen from New Zealand from being concerned in enterprises of doubtful legality. I have further assured Mr. March that he will always receive the most zealous co-operation from me in carrying out the instructions and wishes of Her Majesty's Government on this as on every other subject. 3. I would, take this opportunity of reporting that it recently came to my knowledge that about twenty-five South Sea Islanders lately arrived at Auckland under contract to work at a flax-mill in that neighbourhood. I immediately called the attention of the Colonial Ministers to this fact; observing that (to omit other considerations) I- knew from my own experience in Queensland that the introduction of this kind of labour would give much trouble to both the Government and the employers; and that in this temperate climate, where there are no sugar or cotton plantations, there can be no real need for it; while it might interfere with the at present almost purely AngloSaxon character of the population of New Zealand, and might otherwise produce, ultimately, various social inconveniences. I added that inquiry should be made forthwith into the circumstances of the importation of the South Sea Islanders referred to above; and that, if this sort of traffic is encouraged or permitted, it will be necessary to have special legislation on the subject here, as in Mauritius, Queensland, and elsewhere. 4. Since my return to Wellington, I have received the enclosed Ministerial memorandum from Mr. Fox, by which it will be seen that the Government has caused inquiry to be made into this matter, and is satisfied that as yet nothing has occurred in New Zealand to justify its interference; while it will take care that no abuse shall be permitted. Mr. Fox also refers to his remarks, when this question was mooted on the 17th instant, in the House of Eepresentatives, as is reported at page 21 of the New Zealand Hansard for 1870. 5. Public opinion in this colony seems to be decidedly opposed to any extensive immigration except of members of European races. However, I will, if occasion should require, again address your Lordship on this question. Meanwhile, I hope that you will approve the action which I have already taken respecting.it. I have, &c. The Eight Hon. Earl Granville, KG. G. F. Bowen.

Enclosure. Memokandtjm for His Excellency. The Government has already given attention to this subject, and, after inquiry, has satisfied itself that nothing has occurred in New Zealand as yet to justify its interference; but it will take care that no abuse shall be permitted. (See Hansard, 1870, page 21.) Wellington, 27th June, 1870. William Fox.

No. ~2. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbeeley to Governor Sir G. P. Bowen, G.C.M.G. (No. 88.) Sib, — Downing Street, 20th September, 1870. I have to acknowledge your Despatch No. 70, of 30th June, forwarding correspondence with Her Majesty's Consul at Fiji, respecting a statement made by him that most of the vessels arriving at the Fiji and Tonga Islands from the ports of New Zealand are chartered for the conveyance of so-called immigrant labourers to Fiji. I have to convey to you my approval of the course you adopted in the matter. I have, &c. Governor Sir G. I\ Bowen, G.G.M.G. Kimbeblet.

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X.—Kidnappinjf.

No. 3. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbebley to Governor Sir G. P. Bowen, G.C.M.G. (Circular.) Sie,— Downing Street, 20th April, 1871. You are doubtless aware that acts of violence and barbarity have been from time to time committed by British subjects in various islands of the Pacific,, which are calculated to bring discredit on the British name, and to excite a feeling injurious to the interests of the trade with those islands, in which Australia is largely interested. In the existing state of the law, these crimes, which are chiefly perpetrated by persons proceeding from Australian ports, and are legally cognizable by the Australian Courts of Justice, have constantly escaped punishment from the difficulty of procuring evidence against the criminals. To remove this and other difficulties, it has been proposed to introduce, into Parliament a Bill which should, amongst other things, provide that — 1. If a British subject commits any of the following offences, that is to say,— (1.) Decoys, either by force or fraud, any native of the aforesaid islands on board any vessel, either on the high seas or elsewhere, for the purpose of importing such native into any island or place other than that to which he belongs, or in which he was residing at the time of the commission of, such offence; (2.) Ships, embarks, receives, detains, or confines for the purpose aforesaid any native of the aforesaid islands on board any vessel, either on the high seas or elsewhere, without the consent of such native, the proof of which consent shall he on the party accused ; (3.) Contracts for the shipping, embarking, receiving, or detaining or confining on board any such vessel, for the purpose aforesaid, any native without his consent, proof of which consent shall lie on the party accused; (4.) Pits out, mans, navigates, equips, uses, employs, lets, or takes on freight or hire, any vessel, or commands or serves or is on board any such vessel, with intent to commit, or that any one on board such vessel should commit, any of the offences above enumerated ; (5.) Ships, lades, receives, or puts on board, or contracts for the shipping, lading, receiving, or putting on board of any vessel, money, goods, or other articles, with the intent that they should be employed, or knowing that they will be employed, in the commission of any of the offences above enumerated: He shall for each offence be guilty of felony, and shall be liable to be tried and punished for such felony in any Supreme Court of justice in any of Her Majesty's Australian Colonies. 2. The Supreme Courts of the Australian Colonies shall have power in all cases of criminal proceedings for such offences to issue Commissions to examine witnesses at any place out of the jurisdiction of the Courts. 3. The Governor of any Australian Colony shall have power to authorize the commander of any of Her Majesty's ships, or the master of any trading vessel, to obtain the attendance of natives as witnesses before the Supreme Courts in such criminal proceedings, and to remunerate such witnesses for their attendance and reconveyance to the islands. But it is evident that the procuring evidence, the remuneration of witnesses, and their occasional conveyance to Australia and reconveyance to their own country, will involve some expense ; and, before proceeding further in the matter, Her Majesty's Government would be glad to know whether the Australian Governments would be willing to bear this expense. I request you, therefore, to place this despatch before your Eesponsible Advisers, and ascertain from them whether they will be prepared to defray these expenses in cases brought (with their concurrence) before the Supreme Court of the colony under your government. I have, &c. The Officer Administering the Government of New Zealand. Kimbebley.

No. 4. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbeeley to Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. (Circular.) Sie, — Downing Street, 29th April, 1871. With reference to my circular despatch of the 20th April, requesting you to ascertain from your Eesponsible Advisers whether they would be prepared to defray the cost of prosecutions, in the Supreme Court of the colony, of persons guilty of kidnapping natives from islands in the Pacific, I transmit to you, for your information, a copy of a circular instruction which Earl Granville has addressed upon the subject to Her Majesty's Consuls in the Pacific Islands. I have, &c. The Officer Administering the Government of New Zealand. Kimbeeley.

Enclosure. Earl Gbanville to See Majesty's Consuls in the Pacific Islands. Si B) Foreign Office, 6th April, 1871. I have to acquaint you that a despatch, of which a copy is enclosed,-has been addressed to the Governors of the Australian Colonies, requesting them to ascertain whether the Governments of those colonies will be prepared to defray the expenses of proceedings taken with their concurrence in the colonial Courts against persons guilty of the offence of kidnapping or decoying natives by fraud from islands in the Pacific. In the meantime, I have to instruct you not to incur any expense in detaining offenders of this description, or in sending them for trial before the colonial Courts without a previous understanding that the cost will be defrayed by the Government of the colony to which the offenders are to be sent. I am, &c. Her Majesty's Consuls in the Pacific Islands. Gb*hyiw>« :

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No. 5. Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. to the Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbeelet. (No. 77.) Mt Loed, — Government House, Wellington, New Zealand, 31st August, 1871. I have the honour to report that I have referred to my Besponsible Advisers ybur Lordship's circular despatches of the 20th and 29th April ultimo,.-directirig me to ascertain wriether the Colonial Government would be prepared to defray the cost of prosecutions, in the Supreme Court of the colony, of persons accused of kidnapping natives from islands in the Pacific. 2. I now enclose a Ministerial memorandum, showing the views held on this subject by the' Government of New Zealand. I have, &c. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimberley. G. F. Bowen.

X.—Kidnapping,

Enclosure. Memobandum_ for His Excellency. Ministers beg respectfully to acknowledge the receipt of two circular despatches from the Eight Hon. the Secretary of State for the Colonies, dated respectively the 20th and 29th of April last, upon the subject of a project of law which it is proposed to submit to the British Parliament, for the purpose of checking acts of violence and barbarity which have been from time to time committed by British subjects in various islands of the Pacific, and which are chiefly perpetrated by persons proceeding from Australian ports. These despatches His Excellency has done Ministers the honour' to forward for an expression of their opinion thereon, and to ascertain whether they will be prepared to defray the necessary expenses connected with the procuring of evidence, the remuneration of witnesses, and their occasional conveyance to Australia and reconveyance to their own country, in cases brought (with the concurrence of Ministers) before the Supreme Court of New Zealand. Ministers are in doubt whether the word " Australia," in these despatches, was used advisedly or not, as that word neither in common understanding nor literally includes New' Zealand. If the word was used advisedly, the despatches would appear to Ministers to have been sent to New Zealand by mistake. If, however, the despatches have been sent advisedly, and the word "Australia " has been used by inadvertence, Ministers have to remark that, assuming that persons did set out from New Zealand on such expeditions as those alluded to by the Earl of Kimberley, such persons ought, in the opinion of Ministers, to be tried and, if guilty, punished, in New Zealand*, and that New Zealand should bear the expenses necessarily attaching to such trials; and Ministers would be prepared to advisa His Excellency to recommend that provision should be made by the General Government for the purpose. Wellington, 30th August, 1871. William Fox*

No. 6. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbeelet to Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. (No. 79.) Sir, — Downing Street, 14th November, 1871. I have to acknowledge the receipt of your Despatch No. 77, of the 31st of August, forwarding a Ministerial memorandum upon the circular despatches of the 20th and 29th of April last. Those circulars were properly sent to New Zealand, which is, from its situation, more concerned with the Fiji Islands than some of the other Australasian Colonies, though the former circular was inadvertently so drafted as to appear applicable in strictness only to the colonies of Australia. I have, &c. Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. Kimbeelet.

No. 7. Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. to the Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbeblet. (No. 32.) My Lobd, — Government House, Wellington, New Zealand, 21st March, 1872. Adverting to my Despatch No. 111, of the 24th November ultimo, and to other corre- ] spondence respecting the labour traffic in the South Sea Islands, I have the honour to report that I recently received letters from the Earl of Belmore, the late Governor of New South Wales, stating that, from information which had reached Sydney, there appeared some reason to suspect the schooner "Helen," of Auckland, of illegal proceedings in that trade. 2. I lost no time in again directing the attention of the Colonial Ministers to this subject; and, after taking the opinion of the Attorney-General, they caused a strict inquiry to be instituted at Auckland. From the official reports addressed to them, it appears that the schooner "Helen " left that port on the 27th May, 1871, for Noumea, in New Caledonia, with a cargo consisting principally of sawn timber, and that she has not since been seen in New Zealand. lam assured that nothing tangible in the shape of legal evidence can be procured in this country respecting the recent deplorable outrages in the South Seas. In fact, as your Lordship is already aware, the navalofficers, the authorities at Sydney and Brisbane, and the Consuls at the Fijis and the Navigator Islands, are alone in a position to ascertain the facts of these cases. 3. The addresses to the Queen from both Houses of the New Zealand Parliament, transmitted with my despatch referred to above, show the earnest desire of the Government and Legislature of this colony to co-operate, to the utmost of their power, with Her Majesty's Government in the suppression of all illegal practices in the South Seas. Every possible watchfulness will continue tobe maintained by myself and by the colonial authorities. I have, &c, The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kiraberley: G. F. Bowen. P.S. —In a later letter, Lord Belmore further stated that he had heard that a man named " Crossley," said to be living at Auckland, was accused of complicity in some of the irregularities of the labour trade ; but the police report that, after full search, they are satisfied that no person of that name is How, or has recently been, resident in New Zealand.—G.F.B. 21—A. 4.

Respecting Bishop Pattescnj

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No. 8. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimberley to the Officer Administering the Government. (Circular.) Sir,— Downing Street, 24th July, 1872. I transmit to you a copy of a letter from the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, enclosing a copy of the Instructions which they have addressed to Commodore Stirling, with regard to the measures to be taken for the suppression of kidnapping in the South Sea Islands. I also enclose a copy of the Instructions suggested in a letter from this department for the guidance of the officers commanding the vessels to be employed in the suppression of the traffic, which are referred to in the seventh paragraph of their Lordships' Instructions to Commodore Stirling. I have, &c. The Officer Administering the Government of New Zealand. Kimberley.

X.—Kidnapping.

Enclosure 1. Captain Hall to the Undeb-Seceetaey, Colonial Office. Sib,— Admiralty, 12th July, 1872. With reference to your letter of the 2nd instant, expressing the concurrence of the Earl of Kimberley in the Instructions proposed to be sent to Commodore Stirling respecting the measures to be taken for the suppression of kidnapping in the South Sea Islands, and with reference to your further letter of the 9th instant, stating that it is proposed to forward a copy of these Instructions to the Governors of the Australasian Colonies, I am now commanded by my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to transmit forthwith, for the information of Lord Kimberley, a copy of amended Instructions this day addressed to Commodore Stirling. 2. My Lords desire mo to state that these amended Instructions have been rendered necessary in consequence of the receipt of a despatch from the Commodoro, dated the 18th May, No. 64, reporting that schooners cannot be hired, and that it will be necessary to build them in Australia ; a copy of which despatch is also enclosed. I have, &c. The Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies. Bobeet Ham.,

Enclosure 2. Captain Hall to Commodore Stirling. Sib,— Admiralty, 12th July, 1872. I have laid before my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty your letter of the 22nd April last, No. 32, on the subject of the measures to bo adopted for the suppression of the illegal traffic in South Sea Islanders, in which you state that you concur in the suggestions of Lord Normanby, Governor of Queensland, and recommend that six sailing schooners (to be supported by ships of the Australian Squadron) should be built in the colonies, as there are no suitable vessels which could be hired. 2 (a). I have also laid before their Lordships your letter of the 11th May, received subsequently to the despatch of my telegram of the sth instant (a copy of which is annexed), in which you reiterate your recommendation for building vessels in the colonies. 2 (6). In reply to these letters, I am commanded by their Lordships to acquaint you that Her Majesty's Government have determined at once to take steps for putting a stop to the abominable traffic in question, and, with this view, my Lords desire that you will employ four out of the six vessels now under your orders on this service, instructing their commanding officers to act temperately but firmly in taking all lawful measures for the suppression of illegal proceedings of the nature of slave trade. 3. As it appears that there is no prospect of your being able to hire suitable vessels, my Lords authorize you to take immediate steps for building five schooners of from 90 to 110 tons, at a cost not exceeding £25 to £30 per ton, ready for sea. 4. These schooners are to have the accommodation suggested by you, for three officers and about twenty-five men, and for provisions for about three or four months, and about four to six tons of water. For arming these vessels, their Lordships will send out 12-pounder Armstrong guns, with the requisite arms and ammunition, by an early opportunity, and they will also send supernumerary officers and men to assist in manning them. 5. It is to be understood that, in order to afford the means of carrying out the views of Her Majesty's Government, Lord Kimberley consents to dispense for a time with the visits of Her Majesty's ships to Australian ports generally, and will only require one vessel to be left for service on the coast of New Zealand, and another to be employed at Cape York, in accordance with the instructions contained in my letter of this date, No. 114, relative to the pearl and beche-de-mer fisheries; but my Lords anticipate that when the five schooners shall have been completed, you will be able to dispense with the services of one of the six vessels now under your orders. 6. The "Barossa" left Japan on 19th March, to visit the Marshall, Gilbert, and Solomon Islands; and, should any unforeseen opportunity offer for your communicating with this vessel before she returns to China, their Lordships hereby authorize you to detain her and take her under your orders. 7. Copies of the Instructions suggested by the Colonial Office for the guidance of the officers under your command, also of the Instructions issued to the Governors of the Australian Colonies, and of the South Pacific Islanders Protection Act of 1872, and of the Queensland Act of 1868, are transmitted in my letter of yesterday's date, No. 111, I have, &c. Commodoro Stirling, H.M.S. " Clio," Sydney, N.S.W. Eobebt Hall.

Enclosure 3. Copy of Telegeam sent sth July to Commodore Stibling. (In cypher to Point de Galle by Wire, thence by Packet to Sydney.) With reference to your letter No. 32, endeavour to hire two or three suitable vessels for suppressing illegal labour traffic ; also employ four men-of-war for the same purpose, keeping one for New Zealand, and one, perhaps " Basilisk," for Cape York. Instructions by next mail.

Enclosure 4. Commodore Stisling to the Secbetaby to the Admibalty. Employment of Schooners for the Prevention of Kidnapping. Sir,— " Clio," at Sydney, 18th May, 1872. Referring to your letter of the 14th February last, No. 17 M. directing me to report whether small swift schooners could be hired or purchased to be employed in preventing kidnapping in the South Sea Islands, I beg to state, for the information of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, that since my arrival in this port I have been prosecuting inquiries on this subject, and I find that there are no vessels ready built which could be adapted to this service without considerable expensive alterations.

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2. Schooners for this service could be built at an expense of about £25 to £30 per ton ready for sea, and I strongly recommend that this course should be followed, as in my opinion schooners are in every way superior to gunboats. 3. The difficulties of sending coal up to meet the gunboats at different groups of islands would be very great, and the expenses of the coal would in a very short time amount to as much as the original cost of the schooners. 4. When done with, this class of schooners would command a very fair price in the colonial markets, being well adapted to the inter-insular traffic. 5. A shipbuilder of this city informs me that they could be delivered within four months of the receipt of the order. 6. The vessels for this service should be schooners of from about 90 to 110 tons, carrying either a 20-paunder or 12-pounder Armstrong gun and two boats ; should have accommodation for throe officers and about twenty-five men, provisions for about three or four months, and from four to six tons of water. The guns for these vessels would have to be sent out, as there are only one 12-pounder and one 9-pounder in store. 7. If their Lordships decide on the course which I now recommend, a telegram directing me to proceed with their construction would save much time. 8. In my letter, No. 32, of 22nd April last, I suggested six as the number to be employed, viz.:— Two amongst Solomon Islands and about coast of New Guinea. One amongst Santa Cruz and New Hebrides, and off Loyalty Islands. One in Caroline group, which is 1,500 miles in extent. One in Marshall and Gilbert groups. One amongst Ellice, Samoa, Friendly, and Fiji Islands. 9. With these six vessels and proper arrangements, kidnapping could be almost suppressed in eighteen months, among the groups of islands above named. I have, &c. F. H. Stibling, The Secretary to the Admiralty. Commodore. P.S.—Referring to paragraph 3 of this letter, respecting the difficulties which would be experienced in sending ooal for the use of gunboats, I may state that I have been informed this morning that men refuse to join vessels going to the islands on such voyages for fear of being murdered by the natives, and therefore require higher inducements to go.—F.H.S. -

Enclosure 5. . Mr. Holland to the Secbetaby to the Admibalty. Sib,— Downing Street, 9th July, 1872. In reply to your letter of the sth instant, in which the Earl of Kimberley is requested by their Lordships to cause them to be furnished with any special instructions which he may consider necessary for the guidance of the officers commanding the vessels to be employed in the suppression of the illegal traffic in the Pacific Islands, I am directed by his Lordship to submit the following suggestions for their Lordships' consideration : — 1. The officers commanding the vessels should be furnished with copies of " The Kidnapping Act, 1872." 2. Their attention should, in the first place, be directed to the 6th section, which empowers them to detain, seize, and bring in for adjudication before any Vice-Admiralty Court, British vessels carrying native labourers of these islands— (1.) Without a license in the form given in Schedule B ; or (2.) In contravention of the terms of license : and to the 17th section, which empowers them to assist in the detention, &c. of such vessels for the above causes by any of the officers mentioned in the 16th section of the Act. 3. They should be furnished with copies of the Queensland Act, a copy of which is enclosed herewith, and instructed that British vessels complying with the provisions of that Act are exempted from seizure by the Bth section of the Imperial Act. i. It might be stated for their information that, up to the present time, no Act of a like kind has been passed by any other of the Australasian Legislatures ; and it should be pointed out that compliance with the Imperial or local Act, in respect of obtaining a license, will in no way shield British subjects who commit offences under the 9th or 10th sections of the Imperial Act, or save their vessels from seizure for such offences. 5. In the second place, their attention should be drawn to the different offences enumerated in the 9th section; and to the provisions of the 16th section, by which they are empowered to detain, &o. British vessels which shall upon reasonable grounds be suspected— (1.) Of being employed in the commission of any of the offences enumerated in the 9th section ; or (2.^ Of having been fitted out for such employment; or (3.) Of having, during the voyage on which such vessel is met, been employed in the commission of any such offenco. 6. By the 17th section they are empowered to assist the officers mentioned in the 16th section in the detention, &c. of such vessels. 7. It is apprehended that Her Majesty's officers may further be instructed to arrest and carry to any one of the Australasian Colonies, for trial, persons committing upon the high seas, or within Admiralty jurisdiction, any of the offences mentioned in the 9th section, which it is to be observed are declared to be felonies, upon the commonlaw doctrine as to arrest of felons and persons suspected of felony. But, should their Lordships entertain any doubt upon this point, Lord Kimberley would suggest that they should take the opinion of the Law Officers upon the question. ' 8. Her Majesty's officers should have their attention directed to the provisions of the 13th section of the Act, by which they are empowered, under the authority of the Governor of any one of the Australasian Colonies, acting by and with the advice of his Executive Council, to obtain the attendance of native witnesses, and to convey them either to the colony where the offender is to be tried, or to the place where such witnesses are to bo examined under a Commission. It will be seen that the Imperial Act is confined to British vessels and British subjects, and the question may arise as to the position of British subjects who may claim exemption for themselves or their vessels from the Act, on the ground that they have acquired a Fijian nationality, and that their vessels are entitled to sail under the Fijian flag. Upon this point, I am to suggest that their Lordships should communicate with the Foreign Office, as well as upon the general question of the manner of dealing with the authority claiming to be recognized as the Government of the Fijian Islands. I have, &c. The Secretary to the Admiralty. H. T. Holland.

No. 9. Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G., to the Bight Hon. the Earl of Kimbeblbt. (No. 46.) My Lord, — Government House, Auckland, New Zealand, 14th May, 1872. I have the honour to report lhat the Governor of Queensland (the Marquis of Normanby) has informed me that Captain Moresby, of H.M.S. "Basilisk," recently boarded, off Cardwell, in that colony, a water-logged schooner, supposed to be the "Peri," of Auckland, and to have been, " employed in the kidnapping trade,"

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2. The Government of New Zealand, at my instance, caused inquiry to be made by the proper authorities respecting this matter. It has been ascertained that a vessel named the "Peri" formerly belonged to the Port of Auckland, but was transferred more than a year ago, under a bill of sale or mortgage, to a person resident in the Fiji Islands. 3. The allegations made in Australia as to certain persons resident in New Zealand, and certain ships stated to belong to this colony, having been connected with crimes and irregularities committed in the South Sea Islands, seem to have hitherto failed to bear tho test of inquiry. However, my Eesponsible Advisers assure me that constant^ vigilance will continue to i)e maintained by the authorities of New Zealand. ,* - I have, &c. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimberley. G. F. Bowen.

No. 10. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Carnarvon to Governor the Eight Hon. Sir J. Feequsson, Barfc. (No. 46.) ♦ . Sib, — Downing Street, 17th September, 1874. I have the honour to transmit to you, for your information, the enclosed copy of a Despatch from the Governor of New South Wales, together with copy of the answer which I have. returned to it, relating to the question of the appointment of a Queen's Proctor in that colony, for the purpose of conducting prosecutions under " The Kidnapping Act, 1872." You will perceive that Her Majesty's Government do not consider such an appointment necessary. It will therefore rest with Naval officers seizing vessels under that Act, to select their own Counsel for prosecuting suits in tho Vice-Admiralty Courts. I have, &c. Governor the Eight Hon. Sir J. Fergusson, Bart. Carnarvon.

Enclosure 1. Sir Hebcules Bobinsos to the Earl of Kimbebley. (No. 143.)" My Lobd, — Government House, Sydney, Ist December, 1873. I have had the honour to receive your Lordship's Despatch No. 53, of the 11th September last, with its enclosures, relating to the appointment of Mr. Williams as Queen's Proctor in Admiralty, and to the question generally of appointments in colonial Vice-Admiralty Courts. 2. I have conferred on the subject of these papers with Mr. Williams, and I enclose a letter which I have received from that gentleman, explaining fully the circumstances under which he was appointed, and which, briefly, were as follow:— The " Melanie " and " Challenge " were captured by Captain Moresby, of H.M.S. " Basilisk," for alleged breaches of the Kidnapping Act of 1872, and sent to Sydney with instructions specially addressed to the Queen's Proctor. There being no such officer here, and Captain Moresby not being within reach of reference, a difficulty arose in instituting proceedings ; and, acting under the advice of the.Attorney-General and with the concurrence of Commodore Stirling, I appointed Mr. Williams Queen's Proctor in Admiralty until Her Majesty's pleasure should be made known. These two cases have, however, been decided in the local Courts; and, as the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty do not consider it necessary that either a Queen's Proetor or an Admiralty Proctor should be appointed, Mr. Williams has resigned the appointment which I conferred on him provisonnlly in March last, and it now rests entirely with Her Majesty's Government to mako such an appointment or not, as it may think best. 3. Mr. Williams, who is much respected in his profession, is a gentleman of ability, and considerable experience in the Vice-Admiralty Court; and I therefore took the opportunity, when he called on me with his resignation, to consult him as to whether, in his opinion, it was desirable to make here any permanent appointment of either Queen's Proctor or Admiralty Proctor. He concurred in the opinion of the Lords of the Admiralty, that no absolute necessity exists for the appointment of such officers in the colonies ; and he scorned disposed to think that it would, at all events, be more satisfactory to the commanding, officers of the capturing vessels if they were left to select for themselves, in each case, a legal practitioner to take the necessary proceedings in the "Vice-Admiralty Court. He pointed out that Naval officers generally are indisposed to make sufficient allowance for the delays and difficulties which are inseparable from legal proceedings, and that, when prosecutions in which they are interested do not progress as smoothly and rapidly as they desire, they are apt to ascribe it to the want of zeal in the prosecution, and to think that local influences are being brought to bear in the conduct of the case. Mr. Williams thinks that these suspicions would bo strengthened if Naval officers wcro required, or expected, in every case to employ a permanent Grown Prosecutor, and that it would therefore be better to leave them free to make their own selection. 4. But I think there is another \ idw of the ease which is deserving the consideration of Her Majesty's Government. In ordinary cases instituted in Vice-Admiralty Courts, on behalf of Her Majesty's ships, in the manner prescribed in Her Majesty's Order in Council of the 9th September, 1865, tho proceedings would appear to be undertaken at the risk and expense of the captors; and in such cases it would no doubt be only right and fair that the seizing officer should be allowed to select his own Counsel to take the necessary proceedings on his behalf. But it is understood here, whether correctly or not I do not know, that cases instituted in Vice-Admiralty under the Kidnapping Act of 1872, are undertaken at the risk and expense of the Lords Commissioners of Her Majesty's Treasury, under the 19th section of tho Act. If this view be correct, it appears to me that the Home Government, and not the seizing officer, is the party most interested in such cases, and that tho only practicable check which Her Majesty's Government can exercise over such proceedings will be by the appointment of a Proctor of high character to prosecute for the Crown in all proceedings under the Kidnapping Act. Such an officer might be instructed to institute and eontinuo proceedings only in cases which may seem to him, after conferring with the senior Naval officer, to call for prosecution upon their merits, and in which there may appear to be reasonable grounds for believing that the legal evidence available is sufficient for conviction. 5. The cases of the "Melanio" and the " Challenge," recently tried in the Vice-Admiralty Court here, appear to show the necessity for some such check as I have here suggested. These vessels were not employed in the ooolio traffic, which it was the object of tho Kidnapping Act to suppress, but in the pearl fishery and beche-do-mer trade, for which, apparently through oversight, no provision has been made by the Act. The Court held that these vessels had infringed the letter but not the spirit of the law, and, whilst formally condemning them, unanimously recommended their restitution. If these cases had failed, as they would have done if they had been tried on their merits, the LordsjCpjnmissioners of Her Majesty's Treasury would have been called on to pay the costs on both sides, amounting probably to not loss than £1,200. Even as it is, it appears possible that the Home Government may have to incur considerable expense, as, after the strong opinion depressed by the Court, it will, perhaps, be felt to he scarcely just to call upon the defendants in these cases to pay the Crown costs, which amount, as I have shown in another despatch, to over £550. I have, &c. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimberley. Hebcules Bobistson.

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Sub-Enclosure. John Williams, Esq. to Sir Hercules Robinson. (No. 709.) Sib,— Crown Solicitor's Office, Sydney, 28th November, 1873. I have the honour to return herewith Despatch No. 53, upon the subject of my appointment to act as Queen's Proctor in the Vice-Admiralty Court, in cases under the Kidnapping Act of 1872. It will be in the recollection of your Excellency that I have always advised that it is the right of any officer making a seizure to employ any Proctor he might think fit to take the necessary proceedings in the Vice-Admiralty Court to obtain a condemnation of his prize; and that I did not seek for tho appointment of Crown Proctor, which was conferred upon me under tho following circumstances : — :y; When the officer in charge of the " Melanie " and the " Challenge " arrived tore, he brought with him an authority signed by Captain Moresby, and addressed to the Queen's Proctor, directing that proceedings on behalf of Captain Moresby and the officers and crew of the " Basilisk " should be instituted against the vessels. He called'upon me on the subject, and I explained to him that there was naperson in the colony holding that office ; and, although the office I held was the one most nearly approaching that of the Crown Proctor, I did not in fact hold that office, and was therefore not justified in acting under the authorities addressed to the Crown Proctor : and I suggested that, in the absence of the Commodore, he should consult your Excellency. This ho did, and eventually I was directed by the Attorney-General, as Crown Solicitor, to attend to the cases. I objected to this, as not being in any way part of my official duty as Crown Solicitor, as the suits against the vessels would not be at the instance of the Crown, but of the seizing officer, who had a considerable private interest in tho result, and, under the Admiralty Regulations respecting prize suits, would bo, I thought, liable personally for costs in the event of an adverse decision. As, however, there was no one in the colony empowered to act for Captain Moresby, I took tho cases in hand, and, having been by your Excellency's letter appointed Crown Proctor, continued to conduct them until decrees were obtained. My chief object in wishing to be appointed Crown Proctor was to protect myself against being called upon to undertake suits of tho description referred to as part of my duty-as Crown Solicitor, and without reference to my own wish in the matter, or my having a claim for the costs if so acting. In the letter of Mr. Lushington to the Under-Secretary for tho Colonies, of date 18th August last, it is stated that my Lords do not consider that it will be necessary to appoint either a Queen's Proctor or an Admiralty Proctor in the Vice-Admiralty Courts of the colonies. I therefore resign the appointment of Queen's Proctor which your Excellency's letter conferred upon me, and respectfully request that you 'will be pleased to intimate your acceptance of such resignation. I should mention that notice of appeal to the Privy Council has been given in both suits ; and I have instructed my London agents, Messrs. Peachey and Lloyd (whose address is 8, Frederick Place, London, E.C.), to do what may be necessary in support of the decrees. My having done so will not, however, occasion any difficulty, as I will write by the outgoing mail requesting them to hand over the papers to any person who may be appointed, by the Home authorities to attend to the matter. I have, &c. His Excellency Sir Hercules G. R. Robinson, K.C.M.G. Johst Williams. Governor of the Colony of New South Wales.

X.—Kidnappine,

Enclosure 2. The Earl of Cabnabvon to Sir Hebcules Robinson. (No. 50.) Sib, — Downing Street, September, 1874. In reply to your Despatch No. 143, of the Ist December, I have "the honour to inform you that the question of tho appointment of a Queen's Proctor in New South Wales for the conduct of prosecutions under the Kidnapping Act of 1872, was submitted for the consideration of the Lords Commissioners of the Treasury and of the Admiralty, being the two departments directly interested in the subject. The result of a correspondence between those departments and this office has shown that the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty are upon the whole of opinion that it is not desirable that such an appointment should be made. With reference to the opinion which you have stated to prevail in the colony under your Government, that cases instituted under the Act of 1872, in the Vice-Admiralty Courts, are undertaken at the risk and expense of the Lords Commissioners of the Treasury, you will observe, from the enclosed portion of the correspondence above referred to, that the state of the case has been somewhat misapprehended, and that their Lordships are not prepared to meet any expenses under the 19th section of the Act, except where they are satisfied that such expenses have been properly incurred. The question is not one which affects the colonial revenues, as it is confined to proceedings in the ViceAdmiralty Courts, the costs of which would not fall upon these revenues ; and I do not therefore think it necessary to transmit to you copies of the correspondence between the Treasury and Admiralty, showing the conclusion which has been arrived at as to when the captors and when the Lords Commissioners of the Treasury may respectively be considered liable for such expenses. I have, &o. Governor Sir Hercules Robinson, K.G.M.G. Carnarvon.

Sub-Enclosure. The Tbeasury to the Colonial Office. Sib,— Treasury Chambers, 11th April, 1374. With reference to Sir H. Holland's letter of 13th February last, addressed to the Secretary to the Admiralty, wherein was enclosed a copy of Sir H. Robinson's Despatch No. 143, dated Ist December, 1873, upon the subject of appointing a Queen's Proctor in New South Wales, for the conduct chiefly of prosecutions under the Kidnapping Act of 1872, copies of which letter and despatch have been communicated to the Lords Commissioners of Her Majesty's Treasury from the Admiralty, I am directed by my Lords to request you to bring under Lord Carnarvon's notice, in connection with this correspondence, Sir H. Holland's letter to the Secretary to the Treasury dated 30th September last, and that you will move his Lordship to cause my Lords to be informed what steps his Lordship intends to take in order to correct the opinion which is said to prevail in New South Wales, that cases instituted in Vice-Admiralty Courts, under "The Kidnapping Act, 1872," are undertaken at the risk and expense of my Lords under the 19th section of the Act. Sir H. Holland's letter, last referred to, recognizes most explicitly the primary liability of the captors. My Lords entirely concur in that view, and are not prepared to assume any responsibility beyond it. They will not meet any expenses under the 19th section, except where they are satisfied that such expenses have been properly incurred. Should my Lords ultimately decide to agree to the appointment of a Queen's Proctor, the appointment will imply that they intend discretion on their behalf to be exercised in what suits are undertaken—that the Queen's Proctor will not bo bound to undertake any suit at the mere instance of the captors, who, if they are dissatisfied with his refusal, can employ their own agent, and that my Lords will be answerable for costs in no suits except such as the Queen's Proctor undertakes. My Lords have caused the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to bo furnished with copies of Sir H. Holland's letter of the 30th September last, and of the letter which I have the honour of addressing to you. '■%, I have, &e. The Under-Seoretary of State, Colonial Office. Wm, Law,

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XI. SOUTH SEA ISLANDERS IN AUCKLAND

Xl.—South Sea Islanders in Auckland.

No. 1. Governor Sir G. P. Bowen, G.G.M.G. to the Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbeeley. • (No. 60.) My Lobd,' —• Government House, Auckland, New Zealand, 27th June, 1872. In my Despatch No. 70, of the 30th June, 1870, I reported that it had then recently come to my knowledge that about twenty-five South Sea Islanders nad lately arrived at Auckland, under contract to work at a flax-mill in that neighbourhood, and that I had immediately called the attention ox the Colonial Ministers to the fact; observing that (to omit other considerations) I knew from my own experience in Queensland that the introduction of this kind of labour would give much trouble to both the Government and the employers, and that in this temperate climate, where there are no sugar or cotton plantations, there can be no real need for it; while it might interfere with the at present almost purely British character of the population of New Zealand, and might otherwise produce, ultimately, various social inconveniences. I added, that inquiry should be made forthwith into the circumstances of the importation of the South Sea Islanders referred to, and that, if this sort of traffic should be encouraged or permitted, it would be found necessary to have special legislation on the subject here, as in Mauritius, Queensland, and elsewhere. 2. I further forwarded with the above-mentioned despatch a Ministerial memorandum from Mr. Fox; by which it appeared that the Government had caused inquiry to be made, and was satisfied that nothing had at that time occurred in New Zealand to justify its active interference in this matter, while it would take care that no abuse should be permitted in the future. Accordingly, the police authorities at Auckland were directed to keep these South Sea Islanders under their observation, and to make reports on the subject as they should see occasion. 3. I am now requested by my Eesponsible Advisers to transmit the enclosed Ministerial memorandum, covering the last report of Inspector Thomson, giving full information on this case. 4. In the reply to my Despatch No. 70, of 1870, your Lordship expressed approval of the action taken so far; and I am confident that the Colonial Government and Parliament will continue to exercise due vigilance in this matter. Moreover, as I have remarked before, public opinion in this colony seems to be decidedly opposed to any large immigration except from the United Kingdom, and (to some extent) from the Continent of Europe. I have, &c. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimberley. G. F. Bowen.

Enclosure. Memorandum for His Excellency. Mb. Gisbobne presents his compliments to His Excellency, and begs to enclose copies of a report made by Inspector Thomson, of the Armed Constabulary, of the result of an inquiry made by him into the history and present treatment of certain South Sea Islanders, that were brought to Auckland a little over two years ago by Mr. Brissenden. As much interest has been felt on the subject of the treatment of South Sea Islanders imported for labour purposes, Mr. Thomson has been instructed to keep the matter under his observation, and to report in case he sees occasion. Wellington, 7th June, 1872. W. Gisboene.

Sub-Enclosure. S IBj Armed Constabulary (Detective Branch), Auckland, 17th April, 1872. Beferring to the correspondence herewith returned, L have the honour to inform you that, shortly after the despatch of my letter acknowledging receipt of same, I availed myself of the first opportunity to visit those of the South Sea Islanders in question who were located at Kohimarama, and there found that, before I could be in a position to furnish the information required by the Hon. the Colonial Secretary, it would be absolutely necessary to visit the naxworks of Mr. Charles Clark, at Hokianga Heads (until recently in the occupation of Messrs. N. Walker and Keid), where the bulk of the Islanders referred to are employed. Accordingly, as soon as I could get away from the Criminal Sittings of the Supreme Court here, I proceeded to the Bay of Islands, thence across country, through Hokianga, to the coast; and, having just returned to Auckland, have the honour to report as follows: — About the beginning of 1870, Messrs. Brissenden and J. 0. Walker, being then largely interested in the flax trade, commissioned a Mr. Young to proceed to " the Islands," for the purpose of procuring a numbor of natives from there, to be employed in this province in connection with the flax-mills of the above firm, and, for the conveyance of the islanders, chartered the schooner "Lulu," investing at the same time a considerable sum in suitable "trade," to facilitate Mr. Young's transactions with the natives. On the 21st May, 1870, Mr. Young landed in Auckland, from the schooner, twenty-three Sandwich men, Messrs. Brissenden and Walker paying the owners or agents of the " Lulu " the sum of £4 per head for all landed here. The Islanders were taken first to the flax-works at Waitakere (in which Messrs. Brissenden and Walker were jointly interested), but after somo time were divided, eleven of them being sent to Walker and Reid's flax-mill, at Hokianga Heads, and twelve to l^ie flax-mill of Brissenden and Logan, at Puriri, on the Thames Eiver. The latter lot remained at Furiri until the mill there was destroyed by fire, when they were transferred to an estate belonging to Mr. J. S. Macfarlane, at Kohimarama, then in the occupation of Captain Johnson, of the steamer " John Perm," but now belonging to Mr. Watt, of Napier. Upon my recent visit to Kohimarama, I found four of the twelve there, and ascertained from them that five more were employed in and about Mr. Brissenden's privata residence, near Epsom. With respect to the other three, they informed me that some time previously a schooner,

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of whoso destination and name they were entirely ignorant, came to Kohimarama and took away tho three in question (named respectively " One o'clock," " Charley," and " Monday"), but, instead of proceeding to Auckland, as those on shore expected, stood at once out to sea. As the " Lismore " and several other small vessels trading to the Islands left here about that time, the Rev. Mr. Codrington, Captain Tilley, and others, were inclined to think that the three natives referred to had been put on board one of the latter class of vessels for the purpose of being used (as the Hon. Mr. Gisborne suggests in his memorandum) as decoys in the so-called " labour trade." lam gratified, however, at being able to state that such was not the case, for, upon my asking the Islanders mustered before me at Hokianga Heads if they knew what had become of their three comrades, they at once informed me that they were there amongst them. Upon this I called out their names (as before given), when the three natives in question at once stepped to the front. I then ascertained that Mr. Walker, with the concurrence of Mr. Brissenden, had transferred these three from Kohimarama to his mill at Hokianga Heads, by the schooner " Herald," a regular trader between the latter place and Auckland. I questioned closely each party of the Islanders seen by me as to the quantity and quality of food they received, but I cannot find out that they have any reasonable grounds of complaint on that score; and their apparently contented appearance certainly tends to create a favourable impression as to their general treatment. At Kohimarama, I found them housed in a weatherboard building, where they appeared to have made themselves tolerably comfortable. At Hokianga Heads, I was shown a well-built hut of two good-sized rooms which had been offered to them for their uso ; but they prefer living in tho " raupo whares " built by themselves, in which I observed they had constructed rude stretchers of saplings and sacking, blankets being furnished by their employer. I inspected at each place the food given to them, and found that they were supplied with salt beef, biscuit, potatoes or kumaras, flour, and sugar, and occasionally fresh meat. They are all rather expert at fishing ; and I was informed that they were often in tho habit of going out a short distance in a boat for that purpose, and thus varying their diet by a supply of fish. Bach party, however, I found, had the same grievance, viz. as to the length of their engagement. They assert— and in this they are unanimous—that Young, the agent, distinctly agreed that they were to be engaged for one year only, for which they were to receive a musket and ammunition, tomahawk, knife, and blankets, and at tho end of that time were to be returned to Pate (Sandwich), the island from which they were taken. They brought to me a notched stick, on which they had kept an account of tho number of months (lunar) they had served, and upon counting the notches I found their calculation to be twenty-three months. With reference to this statement, Messrs. Brissent1.. :: :.ad Walker, whom I have seen separately on tho subject, assure me that Young was clearly instructed to hire such Islanders as were willing to come here for the term of three years, during which time they (Brissendon and Walker) undertook to feed and clothe them, and at the expiration of that period were to pay each of the natives so hired the sum of £10, or " trade " to that amount if preferred, and return them to their island home. One of the Islanders at Hokianga Heads died there, of consumption, about five months ago, and Mr. Von Sturmer, R.M. and Coroner for that district, whom I saw on the matter, informed me that he had observed for some months previous to the death of this man (named Kuri) that the latter was in a decline, and had several times given him medicine, and therefore, when the death was notified to him, did not consider it necessary to hold an inquest. Since my return to Auckland, I have been informed that the Rev. Mr. Codrington has taken with him in the Mission schooner tho four Islanders seen by mo at Kohimarama, and one of those working at Mr. Brissenden's. Those at Hokianga Heads, when they found that I had not come there empowered to remove them, seemed, after a short time, contented to remain till the end of the three years, but expressed an earnest desire to be sent home at the end of that period, coming to me a second time to urge their wishes on that point. In concluding this somewhat lengthy report, I would observe that, should any further information on tho subject be required by the Government, I have no doubt I shall bo able to obtain the same. I have, &c. The Hon. Dr. Pollen, Agent of Genoral Government, Auckland. 3 > B- A c

Xl.—South Sea Islanders in Auckland.

No. 2. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kjmberley to Governor Sir G. P. Bowbn, G.C.M.G. (No. 58.) Sib, — Downing Street, 11th September, 1872. I have the honour to acknowledge your Despatch No. 60, of 27th June, reporting the condition of the South Sea Islanders who were brought to New Zealand in 1870, for the purpose of being employed in a flax-mill at Auckland. The report as to the treatment of these natives seems satisfactory; but their complaint that they have been deceived as to the length of their contracts, proves the necessity for legislation to prevent abuses, which experience has shown are sure to arise, unless the immigrants are protected by stringent laws, vigorously enforced by the Government of the colony. I have, &c. Governor Sir G. P. Bowen, G.C.M.G. , . Kimbekley.

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XII. NAVAL DEFENCE.

XII.- Naval Defence.

NEW ZEALAND. No. 1. . Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. to the Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbeeley. (No. 122.) My Lord, — Government House, Wellington, New Zealand, 24th September, 1870. I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt, on the 16th instant, of your Lordship's circular despatches of the 19th and 21st July ultimo, transmitting copies of Her Majesty's "Proclamation for the maintenance of neutrality," and of a letter from Earl Granville, showing Her Majesty's pleasure on various matters connected with the hostilities which have broken out between France and Prussia. 2. The above despatches, and the documents enclosed therein, were immediately published for general information in the New Zealand Government Gazette. 3. The intelligence of the war in Europe has caused considerable excitement in this and in the neighbouring colonies, especially as fears are entertained in many quarters that the United Kingdom may, sooner or later, become involved. In New Zealand, moreover, those who know the Maoris best are apprehensive as to the effect which the belief that England is exposed to foreign hostilities may produce on the minds of the hostile Natives and of their advisers. In fact, in this, as in so many other points, the position of New Zealand is exceptional; for here a foreign war would constitute not only an external but also an internal danger. 4. The annexed articles from influential journals will help to show some of the various and often conflicting feelings with which the present, crisis is viewed in Australia and New Zealand. On the other hand, there is doubtless a considerable section of the community here, and elsewhere, to which we may apply Mr. Herman Merivale's remarks* on the probable effect on the colonies of a great war in which the British Empire should be involved: —" Common danger does but tend to cement our union : not so much through calculations of advantage—for there will always be those in the Mother-country who will esteem colonies a burden in war, and those in the colonies who will esteem the inconvenience of being dragged into the wars of the Mother-country greater than the profit of its protection—but through the impulse which it gives to the common spirit of brotherhood, to generous sympathies, and to the proud feelings of self-sacrifice and self-devotion." 5. My Besponsible Advisers have requested me to transmit, and to recommend to favourable consideration, the enclosed Ministerial memorandum respecting the position which this colony would occupy in case of Great Britain becoming involved in war with any foreign Power capable of attacking this part of the Empire. 6. It will be seen that, while there are in New Zealand nearly 58,000 men qualified and liable to serve in the Militia, the Colonial Government possesses only about 18,000 rifles, a considerable number of which (above 4,000, according to the last returns) are in the hands of the loyal Natives. From further official papers annexed to this despatch, it appears that the enrolled Militia in the North Island numbered in June, 1870, 8,762 officers and men, of whom, however, 3,282, residing principally in the larger towns, are still unarmed. Moreover, the armed and drilled Volunteers in the North Island amount to 3,132, and the Armed Constabulary to about 780 officers and men. In other words, there is now in the North Island alone an armed force of, in round numbers, nearly 9,000 Europeans, exclusive of the friendly Maori clans. As there are hardly any Natives in the South or Middle Island, and as there has been as yet no apprehension of foreign attack, the Militia of that part of the colony has never hitherto been enrolled; but, if the assistance in arms and ammunition against external assault, which the Colonial Government now asks, should be granted by the Imperial authorities, it is hoped that there may be created in New Zealand an effective force of Militia and Volunteers amounting to about 20,000 officers- and men —that is, to one-twelfth part of the existing European population of 240,000 souls. This would be as if one-twelfth of the entire population of the United Kingdom, thirty millions of souls, or, in other words, two millions and a half of armed men, were enrolled at Home to resist foreign invasion. 7. I am aware, of course, that the proper kind of ordnance for the defence of colonial towns and harbours is a very difficult question in the present transition state of artillery, and indeed of military science generally. The only cannon now in New Zealand are a few obsolete and practically useless iron guns in the fort of Auckland, and twenty-two field pieces of different kinds, of which ten are serviceable 12-pounder and 6-pounder Armstrong guns. As Mr. Fox remarks in the enclosed Ministerial memorandum, "The easily accessible harbotirs of both Islands peculiarly subject this colony to attack at many different points: for instance, there are the harbours of Auckland and Wellington, in the North Island, inhabited by considerable populations; and, in the Middle Island, the harbours of Nelson, Lyttelton, and Otago." It may^be added, that any of the five above-mentioned ports might become the rendezvous of hostile squadrons bent on attacking any point of Her Majesty's possessions in this quarter of the globe, and the vast trade, valued at about sixty millions sterling annually, of the British Empire in Australasia.

» " Colonization and Colonies," p. 676.

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Xir!-Naval Defence.

8. The Ministerial memorandum concludes in the following terms: — " The constant improvements that are taking place in the science of harbour defence, will enable the authorities in England to determine the best means and material for the protection of harbours so situated, and the steps which, in the interests of Great Britain as well as of the colony, it may be deemed desirable to adopt. " Ministers would also respectfully beg your Excellency to obtain from Her Majesty's Government explicit information as to what protection will be afforded to the colony, in case of Great Britain becoming involved in war with any Power capable of attacking the colony ;~and also to what extent the colony would be expected to co-operate." 9. Finally, I have been asked to observe that the aid requested by the Colonial .Government against foreign invasion—that is, 10,000 rifles, with a moderate supply of cannon and ammunition —would be probably much less in cost than the material aid already granted by the Imperial Government towards the defence of the main harbour of the wealthy and populous Colony of Victoria, which is absolutely free from all internal danger; whereas, on an average of many past years, more than one-third of the public revenue of New Zealand has been absorbed in the suppression of Maori rebellions against the authority of the Crown. I have, &c. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimberley. G. P. Bowen.

Enclosure. Memorandum for His Excellency. Ministers respectfully call His Excellency's attention to the anomalous position which the colony would occupy in the case of Great Britain becoming involved in war. Lord Granville is reported to have expressed, in his place in Parliament, the strongest possible determination on the part of Her Majesty's Government to protect the colonies from foreign aggression. As far as Ministers are aware, no provision lias yet been made for the protection of this colony. The Colonial Government has mado all the preparation in its power for tho suppression of internal disturbance ; but much more would be required to enable it to co-operate with tho Imperial Government, if it should be assailed by an enemy of Great Britain. There are in the colony about 57,800 men liable to serve as Militiamen of all classes ; of these, 40,000 are in the Middle Island, while there are only 17,539 stand of rifles of all kinds available. The Imperial Government, it is understood, has large stores of Snider rifles, which are now no longer used in the British Army. Ministers would be glad if Her Majesty's Government would send out 10,000 stand of medium and short Snider rifles, with a corresponding supply of ammunition. The Colonial Government would be prepared to abide by the decision of the Home Government in respect of the cost, if payment should be required. The easily-accessible harbours of both Islands peculiarly subject this colony to attack at many different points: for instance, there are tho harbours of Auckland and Wellington, in the North Island, inhabited by considerable populations; and, in the Middle Island, the harbours of Nelson, Lyttelton, and Otago. The constant improvements that are taking place in the science of harbour defence, will enable the authorities in England to determine tho best means and material for the protection of harbours so situated, and tho steps which, in the interests of Great Britain as well as of the colony, it may be deemed desirable to adopt. Ministers would also respectfully beg your Excellency to obtain from Her Majesty's Government explicit information as to what protection will bo afforded to the colony, in case of Great Britain becoming involved in war with any Power capable of attacking tho colony, and also to what extent the colony would be expected to co-operate. Wellington, 19th September, 1870. William Fox.

No. 2. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbebley to Governor Sir G. P. Bowen, G.C.M.G. (No. 13.) Sib, — Downing Street, 27th January, 1871. I have to acknowledge your Despatch No. 122, of the 24th September, enclosing a memorandum from your Ministers on the defences of New Zealand. I transmit to you, for your information, a copy of a letter from the War Office, to which department I forwarded your Despatch conveying Mr. Cardwell's answer to the application submitted in the memorandum. With regard to the general defence of the colony, I shall best answer your question by enclosing the copy of a Despatch which I have already had occasion to address to the Governor of Victoria. You will infer from that Despatch and Sir Henry Storks's letter, that the British Government will use the naval forces at its command to defend the Australian trade, and to the best of its power prevent descents upon British territory; but that any measures for the special defence of a particular port must be effected by the colony in which that port is situated, and that, in determining the scheme of defence which should be adopted with regard to such port, Colonial Governments will be at liberty to consider their own interests irrespectively of those of Great Britain. Her Majesty's Government will readily furnish the colony with the best information at their command, with regard to the most effective mode of self-defence, if you will inform me with precision what it is which your Ministers desire to learn. I have, &c. Governor Sir G. £. Bowen, G.C.M.G. Kimbeeley.

Enclosure 1. Sir H. K. Stobks to the Uhdeb-Secbetaby of State, Colonial Office. (No. 090-1339.) Sib,— War Office, 7th January, 1871. I am directed by Mr. Secretary Cardwell to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 10th ultimo, forwarding copy of a despatch from the Governor of New Zealand, enclosing a Ministerial memorandum on tho military position and defences of the cotony, and requesting a supply of 10,000 additional Snider rifles for the purpose of arming the Volunteer forces ; and, in reply, I am to acquaint you, for the information of the Earl of Kimberley, that, until the numerous requirements of the Imperial forces have been provided for, Mr. Cardwell is unable to spare so large a number of Snider arms, but that, when these requirements shall have become less urgent, he will be very willing to sanction the supply of the arms required, on payment. 22—A. 4.

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With regard to the portion of the memorandum which relates to the harbour defences, I am to acquaint you that, if the Colonial Government will state its requirements in this respect more definitely, the Secretary of State will endeavour, with as little delay as possible, to meet those requirements, on repayment of the expense involved. I am to add that, should any professional assistance be required, it shall be readily afforded. I have, &c. The Under-Secretary of State, Colonial Office. H. K. Stobks.

XII.-Naval Defence.

Enclosure 2. Lord Kimbeeley to Viscount Canteebuey. (No. 101.) Sib,— Downing Street, 3rd November, 1870. I have received your Despatch No, 131, with a memorandum in which Mr. J. McCulloch requests you, in accordance with a resolution of the recent Intercolonial Conference, to press on the attention of Her Majesty's Government the duty of providing at all,times, and especially in time of war, for the naval defence and protection of the coast-line of Australia, and of the extensive British commerce in Australian waters. I trust that the liberal terms on which the " Cerberus " was recently given to the Government of Victoria will convince them that Her Majesty's Government are fully alive to the importance of the naval coast defence of Australia, and anxious to assist the colonists in providing it. For the purpose of facilitating the attainment of this object, the Colonial Naval Defence Act was, in 1865, passed by the Imperial Parliament, and Her Majesty's Government have seen with much satisfaction that the Government of Victoria are prepared to take their part in the naval defence of the colony. With regard to the general defence of British commerce within and beyond Australian waters, the only answer which Her Majesty's Government can give is, that in case of war it will be the duty of the Government of this country to apply its means of naval defence for the benefit of the whole Empire, according to the judgment it may form of the exigences of each particular time and place; and that the Australian Governments may rest assured that Her Majesty's Government will not permit itself to be found in snch a position as to be unable to discharge its duty in protecting interests so important as those which arc concerned in the Australian trade. •I may mention that a similar assurance was given, in 1865, to the representatives of Canada who came over to this country for the purpose of conferring with Her Majesty's Government on various questions affecting Canada. I have, &c. Governor the Eight Hon. Viscount Canterbury. Kimbebley.

No. .3. Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. to the Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbeeley. (No. 4.) My Lobd, — Government House, Auckland, New Zealand, sth January, 1871. Adverting to the previous memorandum transmitted with my Despatch No. 122, of the 24th September ultimo, and to the remarks with which I accompanied it, I have now the honour, at the request of my Constitutional Advisers, to forward a further Ministerial memorandum respecting the position of New Zealand, in the event" of Great Britain being unhappily involved in war with any foreign nation. I have, &c. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimberley. G. F. Bowen.

Enclosure. Memobahdtjm for His Excellency. Miotstees respectfully desire to represent, through His Excellency, to the Imperial Government, tlie position of the Colony of New Zealand, in the event of Great Britain being unhappily involved in war with any foreign nation, and the claim which the colony has for adequate protection against external aggression. The Imperial Government have adopted and acted on the policy of repudiating all concern in civil war in the colony, and have removed from it the military force which not only served as a moral support to Her Majesty's loyal subjects of both races, but which also constituted a material protection in the case of foreign war. Meanwhile, the action of the Imperial Government—action in which the colony has no share, and over which it can exercise no control—may suddenly plunge the colony into foreign hostility, expose to serious damage its ports and its trade, and stimulate internal Native rebellion into renewed activity. Under these circumstances, the colony has irresistible right to claim that the Imperial Government should tako such stops as will secure it against the serious consequences, external and internal, of foreign war, in the origination of which it has no voice, and of which it will be compulsorily the passive victim. The present state of Europe makes this question one of vital import to the colony, and Ministers feel it their duty to ask to be informed distinctly what measures of protection the Imperial Government will adopt, in case of war between England and any other nation. There appear to be two courses opon: either that the Imperial Government should supply adequate defence, which does not now exist, or sanction an arrangement with foreign Powers that, in the event of war, the colony should be treated as neutral. In making this representation, Ministers desire to reiterate the expression of the loyalty of the colony to the Crown, and of their anxiety that it should always be preserved as an integral portion of the Empire. The same anxiety for the integrity of the Empire which actuated them in their recent appeal to the Imperial Government, when the question at issue was confined to civil war, now actuates them in their present appeal, when that question ia extended to a wider range and assumes a greater significance. The colonists of New Zealand will cheerfully bear: their due share, as loyal subjects to Her Majesty, in the maintenance of her Crown and dignity, and in the preservation of her Empire. They have been, and are now, within the limits of the colony, engaged, without external aid, in that work; but when an external danger, beyond their control, not only imperils that -work, but exposes them to foreign attack, Ministers feel assured that no justification is required for appealing to the Imperial Government, on whom the responsibility for that danger, so far as the colony is concerned, exclusively rests. Wellington, 30th December, 1870. William Fox.

No. 4. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbebley to Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. (No. 30.) Sib,— Downing Street, 15th March, 1871. I have to acknowledge your Despatch No. 4, of sth January, enclosing a further memorandum from your Ministers, respecting the position of New Zealand should this country be involved in war with a foreign Power,

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I communicated to you in my Despatch No. 13, of 27th January, the views of Her Majesty's Government as to the naval defence of the colony, and I therefore need not recixr to that part of the subject. But the memorandum raises the further question, whether the colony could be treated as neutral in a war in which Great Britain was engaged. On this I would remark that, if a British Colony is to remain neutral when Ejigland is a belligerent, the following among other questions would require to be considered: — Could the other belligerent be expected to recognize that neutrality? Would the people of England be content to remain .under the obligation of resenting injuries offered to that colony in time of peace ? In what manner and in what terms is it proposed, upon this hypothesis, to define the connection between the Home-country and tho colony, to which I am glad to notice that your Ministers reiterate their attachment? I have, &c. Governor Sir G. P. Bowen, G.C.M.G. Kimbeeley.

XII.-Naval Defence,

No. 5. Governor Sir G. P. Bowen, G.C.M.G., to the Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbeeley. (No. 55.) My Loud, —■ Government House, Auckland, New Zealand, 6th July, 1871. Adverting to your Lordship's Despatches Nos. 13 and 30, of 1871, and to previous correspondence respecting the defences of New Zealand, more especially against possible attack by a foreign enemy, I am now requested by my Besponsible Advisers to transmit, and to recommend to favourable consideration, the enclosed additional Ministerial memoranda on the same subject. 2. I am confident that your Lordship will be gratified to observe that " Ministers wish to convey the assurance that it is their desire to avoid unnecessary controversy on abstract questions touching the reciprocal obligations of the Imperial Government and its dependencies; and also that the general sentiment pervading this colony is one of strong attachment to the Mother-country, and of readiness to share her fortunes." 3. At the same time, it seems my duty to report that there is reason to believe that the Governments of the other Australasian Colonies—as also the officers commanding Her Majesty's naval forces in these seas —agree with the Ministers of New Zealand in deeming that the squadron now allotted to this station (namely, four of Her Majesty's ships—at present, the " Clio," the "Blanche," the "Eosario," and the " Basilisk ") is insufficient to aid the,colonists in the defence of the coast of colonies nearly as large in the aggregate as Europe, and of the vast and very valuable British commerce, chiefly the property of British taxpayers, connected with them; and at the same time to perform, virtually, the police (so to speak) of the Fijis and other South Sea Islands, for which latter purpose the services of one or more of the above-mentioned men-of-war are frequently required. It is also urged, both professionally and otherwise,, that some of the Queen's ships now employed on this station are hardly of sufficient armament and steaming power to meet the exigencies of modern warfare. 4. Submitting these few observations to your Lordship's better judgment, I have, &c. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimberley. G. P. Bowen.

Enclosure 1. Memorandum for Hia Excellency. Ministebs have read Lord Kimberley's Despatch No. 30, of" the 15th March last, in reply to their memorandum of 30th December, 1870, respecting the position of New Zealand in the event of England being involved in war with a foreign Power. His Lordship has in his remarks apparently misconceived the intention of that memorandum. Its object was not to recommend that, in the event of war, this colony should be treated as neutral, but humbly to represent, in the immediate interests of the colony, either that the Imperial Government should in such case adequately1 defend it or secure its neutrality, and thus more strongly to urge on them the duty of defence, by showing the alternative into which they would otherwise be logically forced—an alternative altogether impracticable consistently with the sovereignty of the Crown. Ministers are very glad to learn that Lord Kimberley himself sees tho insuperable obstacles to the adoption of such an alternative, and they trust, therefore, that he will adopt the only other course open to him —the adequate provision of means of defence to the colony against external hostilities. In simply stating the grounds on which they are endeavouring to arrive at some definite understanding with the Imperial Government as to the protection which will be afforded to the colony, Ministers have no desire to revive past controversy or to raise unnecessary discussion, but they do so from a settled conviction that uncertainty on this point, or reliance, as at present, on the drift of accidents, will sooner or later inevitably lead to results ruinous to the colony and fatal to the integrity of the Empire. Tho question whether the colony should bear any and what proportion of the cost of defending it against external aggression will, Ministers are satisfied, be considered by the colony in a spirit of readiness to contribute its full share towards such cost, so far as its means will allow. It is for the Imperial Government to point out the extent of contribution required from it. In consequence of the course of Imperial policy towards it, the resources of New Zealand are at this time necessarily absorbed in giving effect to large measures for its internal security; and therefore the imminent probability, last year, of a war between England and Eussia, was viewed with great alarm in the absence of all military and any adequate naval Imperial protection, and in the apparent unlikelihood, as far as could be seen, of any such protection being forthcoming. It is now known that, in contemplation of war, a Russian corvette was in TIS& Australian waters, and would have been able, if war had been declared, to have inflicted incalculable damage on British commerce and property beforo arfy steps could have been taken for her capture. It was under these circumstances that a respectful representation was made to tho Imperial Government, urging them, unless they wished altogether to abandon this colony, to take some steps for increasing its naval protection, and supplying it with other means of defence, and to lay down specifically some principles and conditions on which these colonies could systematically and harmoniously co-operate with the Mother-country in their external defence. Wellington, 26th June, 1871. W. Fox.

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Enclosure 2. Memobandum for His Excellency. Afteb careful consideration of Lord Kimberley's Despatch No. 13, 27th January, 1871, relative to the general external defence of New Zealand, in case of war between England and any foreign Power, His Excellency's Ministers have the honour to submit the following observations: — His Lordship repeats an assurance given to the Governor of Victoria, that in case of war the Imperial Government will " apply its moans of naval defence for the benefit of the whole Empire, according^to the judgment it may form of the exigences of each particular time and place, and that the Australian Colonies may rest assured that Her Majesty's Government will not permit itself to be found in such a position as to be unable to discharge its duty in protecting interests so important as those which are concerned in the Australian trade ;" and his Lordship encloses a letter from the War Office, stating that the Secretary at War will, when the requirements of the Imperial forces have been provided for, "be very willing to sanction the supply of arms required, on payment," and will, when tho requirements of tho Colonial Government in respect of harbour defences are definitely stated, " endeavour, with as little delay as possible, to meet those requirements, on repayment of the expense involved," and that, " should any professional assistance be required, it shall be readily afforded." In effect, the Imperial Government undertakes at its own discretion, and in such manner as it may from time to time deem best, to protect the trade of the Australian Colonies, and, as far as possible, to prevent hostile descents on their coasts, the colonies providing at their own cost the defence of their own ports and the supply of arms for themselves. In venturing to comment on his Lordship's despatch, Ministers wish to convey the assurance that it is their desire to avoid unnecessary controversy on abstract questions touching the reciprocal obligations of the Imperial Government and its dependencies, and also that the general sentiment pervading this colony is one of strong attachment to the Mother-country and of readiness to share her fortunes. But, at the same time, Ministers feel it due to the people whose interests are committed to their charge, to put before them in the clearest manner the precise extent and nature of their responsibilities and risks, should war unhappily break out between Great Britain and any foreign Power. Wo have recently Become too well acquainted with the horrors of war not to be keenly alive to the risks which all countries are subject to from that great scourge of humanity, and the duty which devolves on a Government of averting, or making provision as far as possible against, such risks. Lord Kimberloy assures us that, in such a case, the Imperial Government will, in the, manner and to the extent which he points out, protect the Australasian trade. If under that term his Lordship includes that large portion of trade which falls under the head of the intercolonial and coasting trade, such an assurance will be highly satisfactory, and will tend greatly to relievo the anxiety which is now felt on this subject. But, in that case, Ministers wish respectfully to point out to Lord Kimberley that the Imperial naval force in these seas is quite inadequate to the defence of the whole of the Australasian group, and if (as his Lordship implies) that force may be withdrawn at any moment, at the discretion of the Imperial Government, for employment elsewhere, the colonies cannot rely on it for protection against hostile attack. The recent appearance of a Eussian corvette in Australian waters, just upon the eve of a probable rupture with Russia, has excited, not unnaturally, much speculation. It has been stated that, in the event of war breaking out, her intention was to interrupt the mail service with England, and to commence a system of predatory attacks upon the Australasian trade. By a recent mail, the Imperial Government communicated to the Governor of Now Zealand details of a plot, supposed by some persons to be set on foot by a party of American filibusters, to levy contributions on the principal Australasian towns, and to intercept gold ships sailing from them to Great Britain ; and by the same mail Her Majesty's ship " Viragoj" (tho only Imperial ship-of-war on the New Zealand coasts) was ordered to return to England before her relief arrived. Moreover, her relief, like herself, is a paddle steamer of obsolete date and of a kind ineffective for war purposes in modern times. Her Majesty's ship " Clio "is reported to be laid up in Sydney, until instructions come from England for her repair, or until her relief is sent out, and one of the two other men-of-war is generally on special service to the Polynesian Islands. These circumstances are referred to as justifying the anxiety which is felt on the subject. It must be borne in mind that in proportion as these colonies grow in wealth and importance, and more especially in proportion as the yield and shipment of gold from them increases, so their danger becomes greater. The vagueness of Lord Kimberley's despatch as regards the extent of protection to be afforded by the Imperial Government in case of war, its only definite intimation being that this colony is to pay for the defenco of its ports and for the supply of its arms, cannot but be disappointing to the colonists, considering that they havo practically relieved the Imperial Government from the responsibility and cost of the government of the Maori race, and of suppressing civil war in New Zealand; and inasmuch as any foreign war in which Great Britain may be engaged will have arisen without the possibility of their having any voice in its creation or control of its progress, and inasmuch as its objects will probably be purely of Imperial and not of colonial concern. Ministers would respectfully, but earnestly, represent to the Imperial Government that justice to this colony, and to British interests in its commerce and colonization, requires that the Government should maintain on its coasts in time of peace, as a wise and provident precaution for the contingency of war, adequate naval protection, and should make a reasonable contribution out of Imperial stores towards the armament of its ports and the supply of arms and ammunition to its settlers. New Zealand has especially a claim in this respect on Her Majesty's Government: it has lavished blood and treasure in support of the sovereignty of the Crown, and it is now solely, and without external aid, devoting its energies and resources to tho suppression of insurrection, and the preservation of these islands as a loyal and integral portion of the Empire. It is, then, not unreasonable for it to ask that England should, in consideration of these circumstances, make some corresponding sacrifice, if justice can ever be so termed, in aiding it to provide against possible external hostilities which it will not have provoked, and in which it will have no direct interest except as a dependency of the Crown. Wellington, 27th June, 1871. William Fox.

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No. 6. Governor Sir G. P. Bowen, G.O.M.G. to the Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbeeley. (No. 39.) My Lord, — Government House, Auckland, New Zealand, Ist May, 1871. I have the honour to forward herewith copies of the correspondence, as noted in the margin, which has recently taken place between myself, the Ministers of this colony, Commodore Stirling, and Commander Sandys, E.N. of H.M.S. "Virago," in consequence of Commodore Stirling having proposed to leave New Zealand temporarily without a ship-of-war. 2. On the grounds stated in my letter to the Commodore, of the 14th April ultimo, and for the reasons so strongly urged by the Colonial Ministers (Messrs. Pox, Gisborne, and McLean) in the documents forwarded herewith, I trust that arrangements may be made, under the very peculiar circumstances of this colony, to secure for it the moral support of at least one of the ships of the Australian squadron. 3. I make this recommendation with the more confidence, inasmuch as it appears to be entirely harmony with the spirit of several of your Lordship's and of Lord Granville's despatches, and,

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as I am assured by Dr. Featherston, with the intentions of Her Majesty's Government as expressed to himself and Mr. Dillon Bell, when they were recently in England as Commissioners for New Zealand. 4. It will be remembered, of course, that New Zealand is the only one of this group of colonies which is exposed to internal danger; while, in case of a foreign war, it is equally exposed with its neighbours to external attack. I have, &c. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kiniberley. G. P. BCwbn. _ *'

XII.-Naval Defence,

Enclosure 1. Commodore Stiblino to the Govebnoe of New Zealand. Youb Excellency,— " Clio," at Sydney, 29th March, 1871. I beg to inform your Excellency that, the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty having ordered Her Majesty's ship "Virago" to England without waiting to be relieved, I am obliged to withdraw her from New Zealand ; and, as there is no ship to take her place, I regret that New Zealand will be left for a short time without a ship-of-war. The " Rosario " may be expected at Auckland about the first week in May. I have, &c. F. H. Stieling, His Excellency Sir George Bowen, G.C.M.G. Governor of New Zealand. Commodore and Senior Officor.

Enclosure 2. The Goveenob of New Zealand to Commodore Stibling. Sib, — Hokitika, New Zealand, 14th April, 1871. I have tho honour to inform you that on the morning of the 12th instant I received a telegram (of which I enclose a copy) from Commander Sandys, R.N. stating that he had received orders from you to proceed to Sj'dney with H.M.S. " Virago," and that he wished to leave Wellington, in pursuance of those orders, on the afternoon of the same day. 2. At the same time, I received telegrams (of which also I annex copies) from Mr. Fox, the Prime Minister, and from Mr. Gisborne, the Colonial Secretary, of Now Zealand, expressing the strong opinion entertained by Ministers of the danger of leaving New Zealand, under existing circumstances, and even temporarily, without a single ship-of-war. As this opinion is shared by all those who know the Maoris best, and as I am aware that it is the oftenexpressed desire of the Imperial Government that the Colonial Govornmont should havo the support of the Royal Navy in maintaining the Queen's authority and law and order in this colony, I immediately sent to Captain Sandys •the telegram of which a copy is enclosed, to which that officer replied that he would await my arrival in Wellington. 3. The rebel Natives in tho North have recently stopped, by force, the mail between Tauranga and Auckland, and refused to deliver up to justice the murderers of Mr. Todd, a Government surveyor. Mr. McLean, the Minister for Native Affaira, is now engaged in critical negotiations with the leading Maori chiefs of the North on these matters; and the impression which would be made on their minds by the withdrawal, even for a time, of Her Majesty's ships from the waters of New Zoaland (a measure which would be certainly misrepresented bjr tho disaffected), is regarded as very hazardous. On the whole, I hope that the "Virago" will not leave this colony until she shall have been relieved by another of Her Majesty's ships under your command. I havo, &c. Commodore Stirling, H.M.S. " Clio," Sydney. G. F. Bowen. P.S. —April 17. —Since the above was written, I havo received your letter of tho 29th ultimo. From the communications addressed to me by the Imperial Government, I feel convinced that the Admiralty, under the circumstances stated, will entirely approve the proposed delay of three or at the most four weeks in the departure of the " Virago " from New Zealand. In my opinion, she had better proceed from Wellington to Auckland, touching at Tauranga on the way, and await at Auckland the arrival of the " Rosario," which, as I learn from your letter, may be expocted early next month. I shall return to Wellington myself as soon as possible, and go to Auckland before the beginning of May.—G. F. B.

Sub-Enclosures. Commander Sandys, R.N. H.M.S. " Virago," to His Excellency the Goveknoh. Wellington, 11th April, 1871. Have received orders from Commodore to proceed immediately to Sydney. Wish to sail to-morrow (Wednesday afternoon. " Rosario "at Auckland middle of May. Am aware of the news you would communicate about Otago. H. S. Sandys.

Mr. Fox to His Excellency the Govebnob. Marton, 12th April, 1871. Hon. Ma. Gisboene has forwarded to me copy of his telegram to your Excellency, relating to information given by Captain Sandys, that H.M.S. " Virago" is ordered Home, and will leave New Zealand waters almost immediately. I can only add, to what Mr. Gisborne has said, my own expression of opinion that, whether the additional evidence which the removal of the "Virago" will present to the Native mind of the intention of the Imperial Government to leave the colony to its unaided resources may lead to any renewal of hostilities or not, it cannot but tend in that direction, and must make the task of confirming peace far more difficult than it is. The energies of the Government and of the whole people of the colony have for some years past been taxed to the utmost towards the attainment of those objects, and now, when partial success has been attained, and there is good hope for the future, it is very hard to have this new difficulty thrown in our way. The removal of tho land forces and the manner in which it was done, and Lord Granville's celebrated despatch, tried the loyalty of the colony very severely; and I consider it my duty to state, in the plainest possible manner, that should the colony arrivo at the conclusion that the Imperial Government intends to withdraw the countenance afforded by the presence of a naval force, small as it already is, it will be very difficult for many of the best-affected to retain those feelings of attachment to the parent-country which have hitherto been so strongly felt and warmly expressed. W. Fox.

Mr. Gisbobne to His Excellency the Governor. Wellington, 11th April, 1871. Captain Sandys personally informs me that the " Virago " has been ordered Home at once by the Admiralty, and that the Commodore has instructed him to go forthwith to Sydney for that purpose, after communicating with your Excellency, and unless there is some fear of renewed Native disturbances. I have in writing asked Captain Sandys to wait for a reply from your Excellency toll telegram which I understand he has sent you to-day on this subject. Mr. Sowell and I are stronglyjof opinion that this sudden withdrawal of the " Virago," and the absence of any man-of-war in the New Zealand waters, would in the present state of Native affairs, and especially in the face of the critical occurrences now taking place in the Waikato, Thames, and Tauranga districts, bo very hazardous, and would greatly add to the difficulty of preventing disturbance, and, in the event of its occurrence, of restoring tranquillity. The power of securing the immediate presence of a man-of-war in Tauranga Harbour, or in any other threatened place, is

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a great means of preserving peace, and we regard the withdrawal of such power as very perilous. We also respectfully submit that to leave New Zealand without at least one man-of-war is contrary to the spirit of the reiterated promises of the Imperial Government. The crisis through which the colony is now passing is difficult and dangerous, and the presence of some of Her Majesty's ships on the coast is of great importance to its safe and successful passage through that crisis. We would also observe that, after the warning Her Majesty's Government has given your Excellency of a possible filibustering expedition against British commerce in these waters, the colony has a claim in addition to the special claims on other grounds. Mr. Fox is at Eangitikei, but we will telegraph to him,' and we doubt not that he will coincide in these views. W. Gisborne.

His Excellency the Governor to Commander Sandys, 8.N., H.M.S. " Virago." Hokitika, 12th April, 1871. I HAVE received your telegram, and also telegrams from the Colonial Ministers strongly urging that to leave New Zealand without a single man-of-war would be very perilous, in view both of the critical state of Native affairs in the North, and of the warning sent by the Imperial Government of a possible filibustering expedition from America against OtagD. This colony has not been without at least one of the Queen's ships for several years past, and the effect on the Native mind of their entire withdrawal, even for a time, is regarded as very hazardous. Under these circumstances, I request you to postpone the departure of the " Virago." I tako the responsibility on myself. I will write to Commodore Stirling. I shall return to Wellington as soon as possible. Pray reply to Hokitika. G. F. Bowen.

Enclosure 3. The Governor of New Zealand to Commander Sandys. Sib, — Government House, Wellington, New Zealand, 24th April, 1871. Adverting to my telegram to you, of the 12th instant, and to my official letter to Commodore Stirling, of the 14th (of which, and of the opinions of the Colonial Ministers enclosed therein, you have seen copies), I have the honour to request that you will, on the grounds of public policy stated in the above papers, postpone the departure of H.M.S. "Virago " from New Zealand until she shall have been relieved by another ship. I learn from Commodore Stirling's letter to me, of the 29th March, that this interval will be brief, as the "Bosario" may be expected in Auckland early next month. Probably the best course (if there be no naval objection) would be that you should proceed to Auckland, calling in at Tauranga on the voyage, and await there (i.e. at Auckland) the arrival of the " Bosario." I have, &c. Commander Sandys, B.N. H.M.S. ". Virago." G. F. Bowen.

Enclosure 4. Memorandum for His Excellency. In the representations made to your Excellency by my colleagues, respecting the withdrawal of H.M.S. "Virago," I fully concur. As, from the early days of the colony, the Natives have learned to look upon ships-of-war and their crews as the special insignia of British authority and rule, the departure from our waters, at the present time, of the solitary remaining ship would, in my opinion, have a most prejudicial effect. In considering the train of thought likely to be pursued in the Native mind, it is necessary to take in both classes, the friendly as well as the hostile. To the former, who have acted as loyal subjects of Her Majesty, the occasional appearance of a man-of-war in their harbours acts as a guarantee that New Zealand is still under Imperial authority; and to hostile tribes it is tangible evidence that we yet enjoy the countenance and powerful support of Great Britain. The harbour of Kawhia has for a long time been considered the stronghold of the most disaffected section of the Natives on the West Coast. The contingency of its being entered by one of Her Majesty's vessels is a constant source of dread to the occupants of its shores, and has ere now arrested the movement of a considerable body of disaffected Natives to the seat of disturbances when these occurred at a distance. An imaginative and acute race like the Maori is very quick in seizing upon any points of apparent neglect towards New Zealand on the part of the Imperial Government; and at this special juncture, when many of the chiefs are conversant with the leading events in Europe connected with the late war, there is very little doubt but that they would consider the withdrawal of the last ship as a sign that, to protect her own shores, England was forced to collect het armaments, and to recall to her defence every cruiser floating in distant waters. The presence of one or more ships-of-war has greatly assisted the endeavours made during the last two years to pacify the country. It has always been the wish of the Government to conciliate the disaffected tribes :at the same time, as it was politic not to allow them to ascribe this wish to weakness, but to a sincere desire to restore peaceful relations, it was necessary to make them thoroughly sensible of a full preparedness for hostilities. It is in this that Her Majesty's ships have given a very considerable amount of moral support to the cour.se pursued by the Colonial Government. Donald McLean. General Government Offices, Auckland, 28th April, 1871.

Enclosure 5. The Govebnok of New Zealand to Commodore Stirling. gj a Government House, Auckland, New Zealand, 28th April, 1871. In continuation of my letter to you from Hokitika, of the 14th instant, I have the honour to inform you that I returned to Wellington on the 22nd instant, when, after conferring with Commander Sandys, B.N. I requested him officially to proceed to Auckland, at his convenience, with H.M.S. "Virago," touching at Tauranga by the way, and to await at Auckland the arrival of the " Bosario," or of any other ship which you may send to relieve him. Captain Sandys informed me that he would accordingly proceed to Auckland early in May. Auckland is, as you are aware, the centre of the Native districts, and, after transacting business at Wellington, I came on here, and arrived yesterday. Mr. McLean, the Minister for Defence and Native Affairs, has been engaged for some months past in visiting the principal Maori tribes of the North, and he confirms in the strongest terms the views of his colleagues as to the risk of leaving New Zealand, even temporarily, without the moral support of at least one of Her Majesty's ships. I have, &c. G. F. Bowbn. p,g. I shall remain at or in the neighbourhood of Auckland for the next two months, proceeding in July to Wellington, for the annual session of the New Zealand Parliament.—G-. F. B.

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No. 7. Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. to the Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbebley. (No. 58.) My Loud, — Government House, Auckland, New Zealand, 12th July, 1871. Adverting to my Despatches No. 39, of the Ist May ultimo, and No. 55, of the 6th July instant, and to their respective enclosures, I have now the .honour to transmit copies of further correspondence with Commodore Stir' ing, respecting the importance of-the presence of at least one of Her Majesty's ships in the waters of New Zealand. 2. It will be seen that Commodore Stirling, like, his predecessors, recognizes the importance of such presence, and is anxious to meet the requirements of this colony so far as the very limited means now at his disposal may permit. I have, &c. The Bight Hon. the Earl of Kimberley. G. F. Bowen.

XIl.-Naval Defence.

Enclosure 1. Commodore Stibling to the Govebnob of New Zealand. Youb Excellency,— " Clio," at Sydney, sth May, 1871. I have the honour to acquaint your Excellency that, in consequence of the representation contained in your letter dated 14th ultimo, I have ordered the "Virago" to remain in New Zealand until relieved by another ship-of-war. I have, &c. F. H. Stibling, His Excellency Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. Governor of New Zealand: Commodore and Senior Officer.

Enclosure 2. Commodore Stibling to the Govebnob of New Zealand. Youb Excellency,— " Clio," at Sydney, 13th May, 1871. I have the honour to acquaint your Excellency that it is absolutely necessary for the " Bosario " to leave New Zealand, for Sydney, not later than 15th June next, in order to meet the " Megsera " by the end of that month, which ship is bringing out new crews for the " Kosario " and " Blanche." I have given Commander Challis directions accordingly. I much regret having thus to leave New Zealand for a short time without a ship-of-war. As soon as another vessel is available, she shall be sent to Auckland at the earliest date possible. I have, &c. F, H. Sxibling, His Excellency Sir G. F. Bowen G.C.M.G. Governor of New Zealand. Commodore and Senior Officer.

Enclosure 3. The Govebnoe of New Zealand to Commodore Stiblins. Sie,— Government House, Auckland, New Zealand, 29th May, 1871. I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt, on the 25th instant, of your letter of the sth instant, acquainting me that, in consequence of the representations contained in my letter to you of the 14th ultimo, you had ordered the " Virago " to remain in New Zealand until relieved by another ship-of-war. This decision caused much satisfaction in this colony, and I thank you for it on my own behalf and on that of the Colonial Government. But two days later your letter of the 13th instant reached me, from which it appears that you still contemplate leaving New Zealand for a time without one of Her Majesty's ships. On the grounds of public policy stated in my letters to you of the 14th and 28th ultimo, and in. the documents enclosed therein, I hope that the arrival of the "Basilisk" (which, as I am informed, is expected daily at Sydney) will enable you to continue the course pursued for several years past, by your predecessors and yourself, with regard to this colony. That course appears to be entirely in conformity with the views and wishes of Her Majesty's Government. I have, &c. Commodore Stirling, H.M.S. " Clio," Sydney. G. F. Bowen.

Enclosure 4. Commodore Stibling to the Goveenob of New Zealand. Youe Excellency,— " Clio," at Sydney, 25th June, 1871. I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your Excellency's letter, dated 29th ultimo, relative to the withdrawal of the " Bosario "' from Auckland. It has always heen my wish and intention to keep one of Her Majesty's ships in New Zealand, but I regret that, from the circumstances already explained, it has been impossible to do so. Her Majesty's ship " Basilisk " only arrived here yesterday, after a protracted voyage from England. She shall be sent to New Zealand without delay, as soon as she can be got ready for sea, which I hope will be by the Bth July. I have, &c. His Excellency Sir Georgo Bowen, G.C.M.G. Governor of New Zealand. F. H. Stiblinq.

No. 8. Exteact from Bepobt, dated "Wellington, 26th August, 1871," respecting "Mr. Vogel's Mission to England." " In obedience to the instructions of the Government, I placed myself in communication with the Colonial Office upon the subject of_the defence of the. colony, and the necessity of keeping a naval force permanently upon the coast'^of New Zealand. I have already forwarded to you the correspondence which took place after lengthened negotiations, and which will have informed you of the results arrived at. Ido not doubt you will agree with me that, putting on one side the departmental objection to giving a specific assurance respecting the number of vessels to remain on

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the coasts of the colony, the Government have every reason to be satisfied, both with the assurance that the Australian Squadron will be strengthened, and with the statement that the Commodore on the station has been informed of the opinion of Her Majesty's Government respecting the necessity of showing the vessels under his command on the coast of New Zealand, as explained in the correspondence. "In reference to the defence of the colony from outward aggression, and more especially as to the use of torpedoes for that purpose, the Secretary of. State for the Colonies placed me in communication with the War Office, by the authorities of which I was placed in communication with Colonel Jervois, C.B. whose reputation in connection with coastal defence is of a world-wide nature. " I forward to you, under a separate cover, papers which I received from Colonel Jervois, by which you will observe that he has taken great pains with the matter, and has devised plans by which the Ports of Auckland, Wellington, Nelson, Lyttelton, and Otago can be placed in a position to resist the attacks of privateers and vessels not being ironclads, at a cost of £44,000, exclusive of expenses for freight and certain enclosures of land. He has supplied me with maps showing plans, and also some confidential reports. " I had several interviews with Colonel Jervois, and found him most cordially earnest in his desire to afford all the assistance he could to the colony. There was so little opportunity for considering the papers handed to me by him, consistently with their importance, that I felt it to be my duty to ask him if he had any objection to hold direct communication on the subject with my colleague, the Defence Minister, after my return to the colony. Colonel Jervois informed me that he had no objection to such a course, provided it was approved of by the Colonial Office. lat once addressed a letter to Lord Kimberley on the subject. With.great promptitude an answer was sent me, to the effect that, although no official correspondence could take place in the way I had suggested, there was no objection to unofficial communication being continued with Colonel Jervois. I have to express the hope that such official thanks as can be given to that officer will be conveyed by the New Zealand Government, through the proper channel. " Throughout my negotiations with the Colonial Office, upon these and other subjects, I found, on the part of Lord Kimberley, and of Mr. E. G. W. Herbert, the Permanent Under-Secretary for the Department, a strong desire to consult the wishes and requirements of the colony."

No. 9. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbeeley to Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. (No. 78.) Sie, — Downing Street, 7th November, 1871. I have received your Despatch No. 55, of 6th July, forwarding two further memorandums from your Ministers, on the subject of the naval assistance to be afforded by Her Majesty's Government to New Zealand. I acknowledge with pleasure the temperate and reasonable tone of these papers, which have been fully considered; but Her Majesty's Government cannot give any further assurances as to the manner in which the British fleet would be employed in the case of foreign war, than those already given to New Zealand in common with the Dominion of Canada and other important colonies. So much must depend upon the nature and circumstances of the war, which cannot be now foreseen, that the particular manner in which it would be advisable to employ Her Majesty's naval forces, so as to give the greatest amount of protection to the whole Empire, cannot be determined beforehand. As regards the intercolonial trade, Her Majesty's ships would certainly not confine themselves to the protection of only one class of British ships, but would defend British ships against the enemy, whatever trade they might be engaged in, to the best of their ability. At the same time, it is obvious that it would be impossible that Her Majesty's ships should always be at hand at every point of the far-extended coasts of the Australasian Colonies; and it would greatly conduce to the safety of New Zealand, and the general strength of the Empire, if the colony were to take advantage of the Colonial Naval Defence Act, and gradually establish an armed colonial navy. Such a navy would be of material service to New Zealand in her internal affairs, and, when supported by Her Majesty's ships in time of war, would secure the colonial coasts and trade from insult; and, whilst the colony would in this manner effectually contribute to the cost of its own external defence, it would derive much greater benefit than it would from merely contributing to the cost of the Imperial navy, over which it would always be necessary for the Home Government to exercise undivided and unquestioned control. As regards the naval force on the Australian and New Zealand station, I am informed by the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty that Her Majesty's ship "Cossack" has lately been ordered to that station, and that the force now consists of five vessels, namely,— " Clio," 18 guns, 1,472 tons, 400-h.p. launched in 1858 ... ) Corvettes of a recent class, " Cossack," 16 guns, 1,297 tons, 250-h.p. launched in 1854 J with 64-pounder guns : Newest type, very fast, "Blanche," 6 guns, 1,268 tons, 350-h.p. launched in 1867 ■ 2 7-inch guns, and i 64--pounders: Sloop of recent type, 1 " Eosario," 5 guns, 673 tons, 150-h.p. launched in 1860 - 7-inch gun, and 4 40--pounders : and "Basilisk," the relief for the "Virago," alluded to in your despatch, an old class of paddle frigate, launched in 1841, and sent specially to the station as being adapted for the conveyance of stores, police, &c. to Cape York, and of troops, if required. I have, &c. Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. Kimbebmey.

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No. 10. Governor the Eight Hon. Sir J. Feegusson, Bart, to the Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbeeley. (No. 74.) My Loed, — Government House, Wellington, New Zealand, 30th September, 1873. I have the honour to inform you that I have been requested by my Advisers to submit to Her Majesty's Government the following considerations, with respect to the presence of Her Majesty's ships on the coast of New Zealand : — 2. That, after the withdrawal of the troops, it was understood by the Commissioners who went to England to confer with Her Majesty's Government, and especially by the present Premier of the New Zealand Ministry, Mr. Vogel, who had some correspondence on the subject with your Lordshp, that Her Majesty's Government, without giving any pledge, because such pledge would be inconsistent with the general conditions of the service, would endeavour to allow two ships to show themselves frequently off the coasts of New Zealand; but that, except when vessels have met for the purpose of relief, two of Her Majesty's ships have not for a long time been stationed on this coast. 3. That they are aware of the duty imposed on the squadron in connection with the " labour traffic " amongst the Pacific Islands; and, believing that such duty is rather likely to be increased than diminished, they desire, upon the appointment of a new Commodore, to urge the claims of this colony to the presence of two men-of-war, notwithstanding the requirements in other quarters. 4. They wish most respectfully to point out that there are certain duties due to New Zealand, with the performance of which no other duties should be allowed to interfere. They have a very strong opinion of the advantage of Her Majesty's ships being seen off the coast, for a purpose of which the importance has been recognized by Her Majesty's Government—namely, " to prevent any impression amongst the Natives that the removal of the troops implies an abandonment of the colony by the Queen." 5. I shall inform Captain Goodenough of this representation as soon as he shall have assumed command of the station, although I cannot anticipate that, with the force at his disposal, he can afford to leave more than one ship here, as has generally been the case. I know, however, that the ship now here is about to cruise round the North Island. 6. It is perhaps right for me to mention that the French Admiral's flag-ship, an iron-clad frigate, is at present visiting the harbour of Auckland, having been recently repaired at Sydney. I have, &c. James Feegusson, The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimberley. Governor.

XII.-Nival Defence.

No. 11. Governor the Eight Hon. Sir J. Feegusson, Bart, to the Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbeeley. (No. 12.) My Lobd, — Government House, Wellington, New Zealand, 22nd March, 1874. In reply to your Despatch No. 85,* of the 12th December, 1873, with respect to the presence of Her Majesty's ships on the coast of New Zealand, which I have communicated to my Ministers, I have the honour to inform you that they would have me readily acknowledge on their part that no express rule has been laid down on the part of Her Majesty's Government as to the stationing of a fixed number of vessels of war on the coast of New Zealand; but they submit that the tenor of the correspondence is such as to imply that the removal of Her Majesty's troops would not be followed by that of Her Majesty's ships. 2. The Native Minister especially represents that the occasional appearance of a man-of-war on the shores of districts sparsely occupied by Europeans had a most salutary result during past years; and even now the arrival of a cruiser at such spots (rare as it is) gives assurance to the settlers, and encouragement to the Natives most friendly to the Europeans. The Native Minister instances the late cruise of H.M.S. " Basilisk," which was interrupted by orders from the Admiralty to repair to New Guinea, for the purpose of completing the discoveries made by Captain Moresby; during which several places on the East Coast were visited, where a man-of-war had not touched for a length of time. The Native Minister considers that this cruise was productive of a marked effect for good. Her Majesty's naval forces have always been looked upon as the chief type of Her Majesty's supremacy, and, so long as the exigences of the service do not interfere, the Native Minister would respectfully urge that this feeling should not be lost sight of. 3. In communicating these views to your Lordship, in which I have reason to concur, I must bear testimony to the desire shown by the Commodore to provide for this service, and to the immediate steps which he took to replace H.M.S. "Basilisk;" but it is evident that, while the greater part of the Australian squadron is required for special service in the Pacific, its present small numbers cannot afford that Her Majesty's ships shall be present as frequently as formerly upon the Australian and New Zealand coasts. I have, &c. James Feegusson, The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimberley. Governor.

No. 12. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Cabnaevon to Governor the Eight Hon. Sir J. Febgusson, Bart. (No. 17.) Sib,— Downing Street, Bth May, 1874. I have to acknowledge tfie receipt of your Despatch No. 12, of the 2nd of March, in answer to my predecessor's of the 12th of December, No. 85, on the subject of the presence of Her Majesty's ships on the coast of New Zealand.

* Not printed in the Appendix.

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I have to refer you to my circular despatch of the 23rd of March, enclosing a letter from the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, in which they state the effect of the orders which have been given to the Commodore on the station, with respect to the visits of Her Majesty's ships to the Australasian Colonies. I have, &c. Governor the Eight Hon. Sir J. Fergusson, Bart. Caenaevon.

XII.-Naval Defence.

No. 13,*. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Cabnaevon to Governor the Eight Hon. Sir J. Febgusson, Bart. (No. 21.) Sib,— Downing Street, 20th May, 1874. I have to acknowledge the receipt of your Despatch No. 12, of the 2nd of March representing the advantage arising from the visits of Her Majesty's ships to the coasts of New Zealand. I caused your despatch to be communicated to the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, and I transmit to you a copy of their reply. A copy of the letter of the 16th of March, to which their Lordships refer, was enclosed in my circular despatch of the 23rd of that month. I have, &c. Governor the Eight Hon. Sir J. Pergusson, Bart. Oaenabvon.

Enclosure. Captain Hall to the Undek-Seceetaey of State for the Colonies. Sib,— Admiralty, 18th May, 1874. With reference to previous correspondence, and to your letter of the 9th instant, in regard to the representation of the Governor of New Zealand of the advantages attending the visits of Her Majesty's ships to that colony, I am commanded by my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to request you will inform the Secretary of State for the Colonies, that they are fully aware of the good effects which result from the periodical visits of Her Majesty's ships to New Zealand and all the colonies of Australia ; and instructions on the subject have been sent to the Commodore on the Australian station, as stated in my letter of the 16th March last. 2. My Lords would, however, observe that, taking into consideration the small number of vessels composing the squadron under his orders, Commodore Goodenough cannot without difficulty comply with all the requisitions of the Governors of the various colonies, however anxious and willing he may be to do so. I have, &c. The Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies. Eobebt Hall.

AUSTEALASIAN COLONIES. No. 1. SYDNEY CONFEBENCE, 1881. Januaey 18th. [Eopresentative of New Zealand not present.] Me. Morgan moved, seconded by Mr. Palmer (who stated that he only did so for the purpose of raising discussion) — " That, in the opinion of this Conference, the time has arrived when joint action should be taken for the more efficient naval defence of the Australian Colonies and New Zealand, and for the protection of the large number of valuable vessels now engaged in the Australian carrying trade. " With this view, united representations should be made to the Imperial Government, requesting that a sufficient naval force should be maintained in Australian waters, to be used exclusively for the defence and protection of the Australian Colonies and New Zealand. " Subject as in the last paragraph mentioned, the naval force, as so employed, to be under the exclusive control of the Admiralty. " Any scheme of naval defence should also include the naval defence of the harbours of the capitals of the different colonies, and the fortifications of King George's Sound or some other port in Western Australia, and the maintenance of a sufficient force for holding the same. " In view of the present and daily increasing wealth and importance of the Australian Colonies and New Zealand, and the magnitude of the interests involved, this Conference is of opinion that it would be unreasonable to expect the Imperial Government to bear the whole expense of the largely-increased force which it will become necessary to maintain if the above scheme is carried out; but, as Imperial interests are also largely involved, the Imperial Government should contribute to the extent of one moiety. " The representatives assembled at this Conference undertake to recommend to their respective Governors to make representation to the Imperial Government on the basis of the foregoing resolution, and to request the concurrence of the Imperial authorities therein. " They (with the exception of Western Australia) agree to the payment of one moiety of the expense of carrying out such a scheme as is here suggested, including the building and maintenance of the fortifications at King George's Sound: such moiety to be contributed rateably by all the colonies and New Zealand (except Western Australia), on the basis of population. " The adoption of these resolutions does not in any way affect the question of the land fortification ■ and defence of particular ports, which will be left, as now, to the discretion of the colonies interested." After considerable discussion, Mr. Giblin moved, as an amendment, seconded by Mr. Palmer, " That all the words after the word ' Conference,' in the first line, be omitted, with a view to inserting the following words:—

XII.-Naval Defence.

Australasia,

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" Considering the large Imperial interests involved, the naval defence of these colonies should continue to be the exclusive charge of the Imperial Government, and that the strength of the Australian squadron should be increased. "That the members of this Conference pledge themselves to use all legitimate endeavours to procure the efficient fortification and land defence of the several ports of the Australian Colonies, at the cost of the several colonies interested." »■ Motion put, That the words proposed to be omitted stand part of the question. Aye. —South Australia. Noes, 4.—New South Wales, Queensland, Victoria, Tasmania. Western Australia declined to vote. Further motion put, That the words proposed to be inserted be inserted.—Carried unanimously. The amended resolution was then put as follows : —" That, in the opinion of this Conference, considering the large Imperial interests involved, the naval defence of these colonies should continue to be the exclusive charge of the Imperial Government, and that the strength of the Australian squadron should be increased. That the members of this Conference pledge themselves to use all legitimate endeavours to procure the efficient fortification and land defence of the several ports of the Australian Colonies, at the cost of the several colonies interested."—Agreed to unanimously. Memorandum. —The representatives of South Australia wished it to be understood that, although not voting against the amended motion, they were of opinion that, in order more effectually to secure the employment of an Australian squadron for the exclusive defence of Australian ports, the colonies ought to contribute to the cost of maintaining such squadron. Januaey 25th. Mr. Dick handed in the following memorandum:—"Having been asked by the Chairman whether I agree to the decisions of the Conference, as recorded in the minutes, prior to my arrival, I have to state that I see no reason for non-agreement, except with the concluding clause of the resolution come to on January 18th, as to defences, respecting which I think it is desirable that New Zealand should be left unfettered.—Thomas Dick. Sydney, 25th January, 1881."

XII.-Naval Defence.

Australasia,

No. 2. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbeeley to Governor Sir A. H. Gobdon. (No. 15.) Sib,— Downing Street, 11th May, 1881. In the Minutes of the Proceedings of the Intercolonial Conference held at Sydney in January last, I observe a resolution on the subject of the naval and military defences of the Australian Colonies and New Zealand. Her Majesty's Government have noticed with much satisfaction that part of the resolution which pledges the members of the Conference to use all legitimate endeavours to procure the efficient fortification and land defence of the Australian ports, at the cost of the colonies interested. They are, however, unable to express similar satisfaction at the suggestion that the outlay for naval defence of the Australian Colonies should be increased, and at the same time that it should continue to be exclusively a charge upon the Imperial Treasury. On this point, I am glad to see that the representatives of South Australia place on record their opinion that the colonies ought to contribute to the cost of maintaining the Australian Squadron. I have, &c. Governor the Hon. Sir A. H. Gordon, G.C.M.G. Kimbeeley.

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Xlll.—Crimes in Pacific Islands.

No. 1. charge of murder against thomas rennell. Eesidbnt Magistbate's Couet, Auckland. —Decembbb 20th, 1878. [Reprinted from the New Zealand Herald, 21st December, 1878.] Thomas Eennell, on remand, was again arraigned on a charge of murdering Captain Moller, at the Island of Boutaritari. This case had been remanded awaiting instructions from the Government, as the question had been raised whether New Zealand Courts had jurisdiction, or could take cognizance of a crime committed,in the island referred to, which is under the jurisdiction of the Governor of Fiji, the Lord High Commissioner of Polynesia. Mr. Brookfield said, in this case, although the Supreme Court had no power to try the case, he thought that, looking at the Pacific Islands Act and the Imperial Act, and the Interpretation Act of last session, there was little doubt but this Court could inquire into and take evidence, and remand the accused to prison, if the evidence was deemed sufficient, until there was an opportunity to send him to Levuka. There was power given to Her Majesty, by the Foreign Offenders Apprehension Act, to try her own subjects for offences committed in the Pacific Ocean, and to appoint a Court for that purpose. He now asked this Court to take evidence, and to follow the course which he had suggested. Mr. Hesketh, who appeared for the accused, said the Court was asked to take a course which, if adopted, would place him in a very awkward position as to his right to appear at all. Another question was, What power had the Court at all to try an offence not committed within a British colony, or within the jurisdiction of the Court ? Even under the Foreign Offenders Apprehension Act this power was not given to Fiji, for the place where the offence was alleged to have been committed was not in the Colony of Fiji—it was outside it. Mr. Brookfield : It is within the jurisdiction of the Court at Fiji. Mr. Hesketh said the Fiji Courts could not have jurisdiction outside the colony, and the Foreign Offenders Apprehension Act gave no power to this Court to detain the man in custody. He referred to the power conferred on Her Majesty by the Imperial statute to exercise jurisdiction over her own subjects in the Pacific Ocean, in places not within her dominions ; but this did not point to any Court in the colony having power to deal with it. If the charge was brought under the statute, it must be shown that the offence was committed within the jurisdiction of some Australasian Colony, as of Fiji. His Worship, after some further argument and the quotations of sections of the Acts relied on, said it was clear that their own Act was intended to catch all offenders in the Polynesian Islands. If he had no jurisdiction, it was easily tested by an application to the Supreme Court for a writ of habeas corpus.' Mr. Hesketh said, as the offence was a very serious one, he presumed the course taken by his Worship was the proper one. The following evidence was then taken : — William Sherwin deposed: I was a seaman on board the schooner " Meg Merrilies "in the month of October. Captain Charles Moller was captain of her. On the 7th of October we were at the Island of Boutaritari, in the Gilbert group, North Pacific. Prisoner, Thomas Eennell, lived on that island, trading for McArthur and Co. On the morning of the 7th October, I went on shore at the island with Captain Moller, and we went up to the prisoner's house. Captain Moller asked prisoner for his trade invoices, to enable him to make up his accounts, and, after some hesitation, prisoner gave them. Captain Moller looked over the accounts, and told prisoner what he was indebted, but I did not hear the amount. Captain Moller then asked where the trade goods belonging to the firm were, and prisoner pointed to the goods in the store, and said, " There they are." I saw a gun in the room at the time. [Gun produced. Eight barrel empty ; left loaded.] I took the gun up, and remarked, "It is loaded." Prisoner said, "Yes; I go shooting birds with it." Captain Moller was in the room at the time, but he went out just then, leaving me in the room with prisoner. While the captain was out, prisoner said, " I am sorry you should come with the captain ashore." I said, " Why, lam only a servant, and I have to obey orders the same as any one else." He gave no reason why he wished this. I asked for a drink of water, and he gave me a drink of gin, at the same time saying, "I am glad you put that gun down again, because I did not like to see you with it." Shortly afterwards, after the captain had brought one or two things, the captain and I went on board to dinner. In the afternoon I went ashore with the captain, the boatman (John Ashby), and Charles Evans (asseaman), and we went to the prisoner's house. Prisoner was standing outside the door. The captain went to the kopra shed, about twenty-five yards from the house, and in a few minutes returned, and went inside the prisoner's house. I and the other two men stood outside near the door. The captain called Ashby inside, and they began to hand out the trade goods to Evans and myself. Prisoner was then inside the house. The door was not open the whole time. It was sometimes shut and sometimes open. I could see prisoner walking about with the gun in

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his hand. After some things had been passed out, Eennell asked Captain Moller if he was going to take that cask of beef (on which the prisoner had his foot). Captain Moller said, "Yes; but you can take it if you pay for it." All I noticed was that Eennell said, "If you take that, you are a dead man;" and he took up the gun, and went round the table, and just as he spoke he fired the gun. He was standing at one end of a table about six feet long, and Captain Moller at the other. Captain Moller was shot in the left arm, just at the elbow, outside. I did not notice prisoner saying anything after, but the captain said, "I am only following my instructions." He bled-*a good deal. We took him on board, and laid wet cloths over the wound. He-'weuld not allow us to bind it up. I could not tell what the gun was loaded with. There was a good-sized hole, and the whole wad that was in the gun went into it. The captain put Ms finger into the wound, but could only feel the splintered bone. The captain, up to the time the shot was fired, was in good health. That evening we took the captain to a mission station in another part of the island, and during that night he was attended by the captain of a German schooner, Captain Kanootzen. On the following day we took the captain on board, and sailed for the Marshall group, to the Island of Evong, where we expected to find a doctor; but on our arrival we found he had gone. We arrived on Friday, and we put the captain ashore on the following morning, and he went to the missionary, Mr. Whitney. Captain Moller remained at Mr. Whitney's house until he died on Sunday. I was present when he died. He died in my arms. He was buried. At the time we went to the Island of Evong, prisoner was on board in custody. By Mr. Hesketh : There was no altercation except a few words about a loaf of bread in the morning between Captain Moller and the prisoner. During the time from when we went on board to dinner until we came ashore again to prisoner's house, I.had no conversation with Captain Moller about the prisoner. I did not tell him about the loaded gun, but he was present when I said to the prisoner the gun was loaded, but Ido not know tjiat he heard me. I did not notice that tha prisoner was lame. We had not, that I recollect, taken any other guns on board. I took none, and Ido not know of any being taken. Prisoner had the barrel of the gun in his hand, and the butt on the ground, using it as a walking-stick; but I did not see him using it as a crutch, with the butt under his arm. He then leaned it against the table, and afterwards seized it and brought it to the charge at the hip. lam quite sure the butt was not under his arm when the gun went off, Captain Moller, when he was shot, was standing erect with a book in his hand. I did not notice the captain rolling the cask of beef. The prisoner did not say to Captain Moller in my hearing, " You must not take that cask; I bought it from you, and sold it again," nor words to that effect. Ido not remember that that cask had come from the ship. Ido not know whether, immediately after the remark was made by the prisoner, " You are a dead man," the captain stooped down defiantly to roll the cask. The whole charge must have lodged in his arm. We could see the shot under the skin on the inside of the arm, but we did not extract any of-them. I did not nurse the captain during the voyage to Evong, but I went ashore with him at that island. The prisoner was on board at the time. The captain was dressed in a shirt and pants, but the arm was exposed, except that lint was over it to keep out the cold. I did not hear the prisoner say anything about the captain going ashore with his arm exposed, or remonstrate that it was improper, in that climate, to have his arm exposed. I did not observe any rapid change after he landed on the island. I returned on board, and came back again about two hours before he died. He was in great pain. I never had any conversation with prisoner on the subject of firing the gun at any time. Ido not know of anything having been applied to the wound except lint saturated with water. The words about the loaf were in the morning. Prisoner asked the ship's cook to make him a loaf of bread. The cook told him to ask the captain. Eennell was telling the captain this ashore, and he added that he thought it a curious thing that he could not give him a loaf of bread. This was all that passed. Prisoner did not appear to have been drinking. Some drink came ashore, but it was brought back again. I did not hear prisoner remonstrate against selling drink to the natives. William Grevin, chief officer of the schooner " Meg Merrilies," deposed : I was chief officer on the 7th October, when Captain Moller was brought on board wounded. He was in a fainting condition. At his own expressed wish I sent him off to a mission-station at another part'of the island in a boat with three men, leaving me and the cook, and another man and boy, on board. The cook and I went ashore and arrested the prisoner/ Directly Captain Moller was brought on board I dressed his arm with lint and cold water. That stopped the bleeding. The cook and I brought the prisoner on board. When I arrested him I asked what he shot the captain for, and he said, " What could Ido ? " I said, "If you had any grievance, Captain Moller is no bigger than you; you could have punched him, or tried to do so, rather than have shot him." Prisoner said he had been sick. That was all the reason he gave for shooting. I said Captain Moller was not a healthy man—that they were just a fair match. Prisoner said he would go on board quietly, and he did so. I asked him if the house was locked up, and he said, " Yes; I have the key." I did not ask him where the gun was. On the following morning, I took him ashore to take up some money he had buried in the sand, and to'get the gun. Prisoner found the gun himself on the beach, buried in the sand, about twenty yards from the house. I took possession of the gun, and it is now in the same state as when I got it. One of the barrels was discharged, and the other loaded. I took the prisoner on board again directly, and we set sail for the Island of Evong, calling for the captain on our way. The captain appeared in a very weak state. We sighted Evong on Eriday at noon, and arrived at 6 o'clock. I attended to the captain on the voyage with the assistance of a boy.. We only applied the cold water to the wound. I sent the boy on shore with him to Mr. Whitney's. The captain was then very weak, and, as far as I could judge, putrefaction of the arm had set in. I noticed the first appearance of inflammation on Wednesday, and it gradually got worse. The captain died on the Sunday. I did not examine the wound after death. After he was wounded every care that could be taken under the circumstances was taken of the captain,

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Xlll.—Crimes in Pacific Islands.

1 By Mr. Hesketh : The only thing we applied was cold-water cloths to keep down the inflammation, and his food was rice water. He would take no stimulants, except on the first night out, when he drank a couple of teaspoonfuls of brandy-and-water. He was then sinking rapidly. I have been accustomed to trading in the tropics. The night before the captain went ashore at Evong I told him I thought putrefaction had set in, and he thought so himself. When the captain went ashore the weather was becoming squally, and was therefore more favourable for a^wound, as being cooler. Only the lower portion of the arm and wrist- of the. wounded man was exposed when the captain was taken ashore, the wounded portion being c'overed'-with lint. He never assumed command, or did anything in connection with the vessel, after he was shot. Mr. Brookfield said there were two other witnesses, but, if his Worship thought there was now sufficient evidence before the Court to establish a prima facie case, ho would not call them. Mr. Hesketh agreed, if the question of jurisdiction was overruled, there was quite sufficient to establish 3>prima facie case. The evidence was then read over to the accused! Mr. Hesketh again argued the question of jurisdiction, and quoted the 3rd section of the Foreign Offenders Apprehension Act, as follows: "This Act shall apply to all charges of treason and felony and all indictable misdemeanours committed or charged to have been committed in any of the Australasian Colonies." . He argued that, as the offence was not committed within any of the Australasian Colonies, this Act could not apply, and therefore there was no jurisdiction. Mr. Brookfield contended that it was the duty of the Court to commit the prisoner to gaol until he could be sent to Fiji. After some further argument, the Court committed him to gaol, pending the pleasure of His Excellency the Governor.

No: 2. SUPEBME COUET SITTINGS IN BANCO.—WEDNESDAY, JANUAEY 22nd, 1879. [Before His Honour, Mr.-Justice Gillies.] Regina v. Rennell.—His Honour delivered judgment this morning upon the application by Mr. Hesketh, upon the return of the writ of habeas corpus, that the prisoner be discharged from custody. His Honour's judgment is as follows : — This is a motion to discharge the prisoner, Thomas Eennell, from the custody of the gaoler, upon his being brought before me under a writ of habeas corpus. The gaoler's return to the writ sets forth a warrant of commitment by the Resident Magistrate of Auckland, in the following terms: "Whereas Thomas Rennell was this day charged before me, R.M., one of Her Majesty's Justices of the Peace in and for the said colony, on the oath of William Sherwin and William Brevin, for that he did, at Boutaritari, one of the islands of the Gilbert or Kingsmill group, in the Pacific Ocean, on the 7th day of October, 1878, feloniously, wilfully, and of his malice aforethought, kill and murder one Charles Moller, against the peace of our Lady the Queen, her Crown and dignity, this is to command you, and I do hereby command you, the said keeper of the said common gaol, to receive the said Thomas Rennell into your custody in the said common gaol, and there safely keep him, pending the pleasure of His Excellency the Governor. Given," &c. After filing this return, I allowed, on behalf of the gaoler, an amendment thereof, by adding another warrant by the same Magistrate, of the same date, and in similar, terms, except an allegation that the prisoner "being a subject of our Lady the Queen on land out of the United Kingdom, to wit, at Boutaritari," &c, and the command was, "and there safely keep him until he can be sent to the Colony of Fiji, within the jurisdiction of which the offence is alleged to have been committed, and delivered to the proper authorities therein. Given," &c. Counsel for the Crown (who seemed, however, to be very imperfectly instructed in respect of such an important case) admitted, what was manifest, that the first warrant, committing "pending the pleasure of His Excellency the Governor," could not be supported; but relied on the second warrant as being in terms of "The Foreign 'Offenders Apprehension Act, 1863." That Act is, by section 1, declared to apply "to all charges of treason and felony, and to all indictable misdemeanours, committed or charged to have been committed in any of the Australasian Colonies." By another Act, the Colony of Fiji is declared to be one of the " Australasian Colonies." By section 4 of the Foreign Offenders Apprehension Act, it is enacted that, "if any person shall be within the Colony of New Zealand who shall be charged with having committed any offence, such as hereinbefore mentioned, witlbin any other of the Australasian Colonies, if shall be lawful for any Justice of the Peace to issue his warrant for the apprehension," &c.; and, by section 5, "It shall be lawful for any Justice before whom any such supposed offender shall be brought as aforesaid, upon such evidence of criminality as would justify his committal for trial if the offence had been committed within the ordinary jurisdiction of the Justice, to commit such supposed offender to prison, there to remain till he can be sent back to the colony in tvhich the offence is alleged to have been committed, and delivered to the proper authorities therein," &c. The provisions of this Act, therefore, apply only to offences committed "within any of the Australasian Colonies." But it«appears on the face of the warrants in the present case that the alleged crime was committed on an island not being within the limits of the Colony of Fiji, of which limits I fefel bound to take judicial notice, and therefore this Act does not apply. It was contended, on behalf of the Crown, that the statement of the warrant, that the offence is " alleged to have been committed within the jurisdiction of the Colony of Fiji," was sufficient to bring the present cfise within the scope of the Act. " The jurisdiction of the Colony of Fiji" is a very vague expression, and cannot be construed to mean within the Colony of Fiji, in face of the specific statement that the crime was committed "at Boutaritari, one of the islands of the Gilbert or Kingsmill group," which we know is not within the limits of the Colony of Fiji. It was suggested that this expression"meant that the Courts of the Colony of Fiji had obtained juris-

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diction over offences committed outside that colony under paragraph 2 of section 6 of 38 and 39' Victoria, c. 51. The provision of that section is that " Her Majesty may, by Order in Council, from time to time direct that all the powers and jurisdictions aforesaid " — i.e., Civil, Criminal, and Admiralty jurisdiction—" over Her Majesty's subjects within any islands and places in the Pacific Ocean, not being within Her Majesty's dominions, nor within the jurisdiction of any civilized Power, or any part thereof, shall be vested in, and may be exercised by, the Court of any British colony designated in such order; and may provide for the transmission of offenders to any such colony for trial and punishment," &c. But it does not appear, nor was any evidence offered to show, that any such Order in Council had been made conferring such jurisdiction on the Fijian Courts, or providing for the transmission of offenders to that colony? I am therefore compelled to come to the conclusion that both warrants, original and substituted, are equally bad, and that neither of them legally authorizes the detention oi the prisoner. But a further, and most important, question arises. In the case of Eegina v. Marks (3 East, 157) and Ex parte Kranz and Others (1 B. and C, 258), it was held that, although the warrants under which the prisoners were detained were bad, still, if" there appeared to have been a crime committed, the Court would not discharge the prisoners, but would issue a good warrant for their detention for examination or for trial. In the present case the Magistrate having, although erroneously, issued his warrant under the Foreign Offenders Apprehension Act, I think I may reasonably assume that he did so in accordance with the provisions of the Act, "upon such evidence of criminality as would justify his committal for trial if the offence, had been committed within his jurisdiction." Although, therefore, the depositions are not before, this Court, as they were in the cases of Marks and Kranz (supra), I think there is sufficient to warrant me in holding that, primd facie, a felony has been committed, and reasonable ground of charge thereof against the prisoner, so as to warrant his being committed for trial, if this Court has the power to do so. I must therefore endeavour to ascertain whether this Court has any jurisdiction to try such an offence as the prisoner is charged witS, bearing in mind that this Court has, within the colony, all the common-law and statutory powers and jurisdiction which the Court of Queen's Bench held in England in 1860. At common law, homicide committed in a foreign country was not triable in England. " The killing must be within the realm, for, if a man be killed in partibus transmarinis, it is triable by the Constable and Marshall, and not by the common law" (Com. Dig. tit. Justices M. 2, p. 601, H.P.C. 54, 8 Inst. 48). We must therefore look for statutory jurisdiction. This was given by 33 Henry VIII., c. 23, under which, had it been still in force, the prisoner might have been indicted, as in the case of Queen v. Sawyer (2 C. and K., p. 101). But the statute of Henry was repealed by 9 George IV., c. 31, and other provisions substituted in lieu thereof; and this statute of George was in its turn repealed in England by 24 and 25 Viet., c. 95, and in New Zealand by our "Indictable Offences Act Eepeal Act, 1867." But, while the English Act, 24 and 25 Viet., c. 100, sec. 9, contains provisions which would render the prisoner liable to be tried in England, our New Zealand statute, " The Offences against the Person Act, 1867," although enacting the main provisions of the English Act, omits this section, probably from some doubt in the minds of our Legislature as to its power to enact a similar provision in respect of the colony. Had the offence been Committed on the high seas, or within the jurisdiction of the Admiralty, then the prisoner might have been triable under 12 and 13 Viet., c. 96, or 18 and 19 Viet., c. 91, sec. 21. Or, if the prisoner had, within three months before committing the offence, been a seaman employed on board a British ship, he would, although the offence was committed on land out of Her Majesty's dominions, have been triable under section 267 of 17 and 18 Viet., c. 104. Or, if the prisoner had been sent to this colony by warrant of any person having authority derived from Her Majesty in that behalf, he might have been triable here under 6 and 7 Viet., c. 94, sec. 4, it having been declared by 38 and 39 Viet., c. 51, sec. 6, lawful for Her Majesty to exercise power and jurisdiction over her subjects within any islands and places in the Pacific Ocean, &c. But, upon a careful and, I may say, an anxious examination and review of all the statutes which might give power or jurisdiction to this Court to try the charge against the prisoner, I have.failed to'find any that confer that jurisdiction. Had I been able to find even an apparent authority for assuming jurisdiction, I should, in the interests of public justice, have assumed it, leaving the Court of Appeal ultimately to determine the question. But I cannot find even an apparent authority, and I -am therefore compelled, through a legislative defect, to permit a manifest failure of justice. The prisoner must be discharged: but I trust that the Government of the colony will take such measures as will prevent the recurrence of such an event.

Xlll.—Crimes in Pacific Islands.

No. 3. The Pbemiee to His Excellency the Administrator of the Govebnment. Memorandum for His Excellency. The Premier presents his respectful compliments to the Administrator of the Government, and advises His Excellency to forward to the Secretary of State the enclosed memorandum by the Attorney-General of the colony, respecting the recent charge of murder against Thomas Eennell. Wellington, 7th March, 1879. G. Geey.

Enclosure. Memorandum for the Hon. the Pbemieb. I think the attention of the Secretary of State for the Colonies should be specially drawn to the case of Thomas Eennell, charged with the murder of Captain Moller. His Honour Mr. Justice Gillies decided, and I think rightly bo, that the Supreme Court of New Zealand had no jurisdiction to try Eennell, the offence having been committed in an island of the Gilbert group. Seeing the trade that exists between New Zealand and the Pacific Islands, and-the prospect'of the commercial relations now existing being extended, the need of some control in New Zealand, for the preservation of law and order,

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will not, I think, require much argument. By 4 Goo. IV. c. 96, legislative authority was granted to the Supreme Courts of New South Wales and Van Diemen's Land "to hear, inquire of, and determine all treasons, piracies, felonies, robberies, murders, conspiracies, and other offences, of what nature or kind soever, committed or that shall be committed upon the sea," &c. where the Admiral or Admirals " have power," or in the " Islands of New Zealand, Otaheite, or any other island or place situate in the Indian or Pacific Oceans, and not subject to His Majesty or to any European State or Power," &c. (See section 3.) This Act was repealed by Geo. IV. c. 83, which, however, gave powers to the Supreme Court of New South Wales and Van Diemen's Land to try the offences I have just quoted. (See section 4.) The English Parliament has, therefore, recognized the necessity of some local authority being established to try offences committed by " British subjects " in islands or places far removed from England. No doubt the question opens up the wider one of the -attitude that England and the Australasian Colonies should assume towards the Pacific Islands. As you intend dealing with that subject, I do not require to allude to it. I consider, however, that this is a qixestion that may be settled independently of the wider one of Pacific Island colonization. A short Act, giving power to the Supreme Court of New Zealand to try offences committed by British subjects in any of the Pacific Islands, or in the Pacific Ocean out of the jurisdiction of a stable Government, might be passed by the English Parliament, and, were such passed, the like termination of a prosecution to that of The Queen, v. Eennell would not be witnessed._ 7th March, 1879. Robebt Stout.

Xlll.-Crimes in Pacific'.lslands.

No. 4. His Honour the Chief Justice, Fiji, to His Excellency the Governor. Sir,— Levuka, Fiji, 4th March, 1879. I have the honour to address your Excellency in relation to a case reported in the New Zealand Herald of 23rd January last, by the result of which ifc seems one Thomas Eennell, accused of the murder of Charles Moller, at the Island of Boutaritari, Gilbert group, in the Western Pacific, has been set at liberty without trial. 2. His Honour Mr. Justice Gillies is reported to have said, after quoting the Pacific Islanders Protection Act of 1875 —" But it does not appear, nor was any evidence offered to show, that any such Order in Council had been made, conferring such jurisdiction on the Fijian Courts, or providing for the transmission of offenders to that colony." 3. Your Excellency, I have no doubt, must be aware that an Order in Council was passed on the 13th of August, 1877, to constitute the Court authorized by the Imperial Act above mentioned. It is styled " Her Britannic Majesty's High Commissioner's Court for the Western Pacific," and has been exercising its jurisdiction since the 4th February, 1878. 4. The Court, by the High Commissioner or a Judicial Commissioner, may exercise its powers either in the Western Pacific or in Fiji. 5. I may state that, as Judicial Commissioner, I tried in Fiji, on the 29th of January last, John Daly, master of the " Heather Bell," of Sydney, for an offence committed at Ocean Island; and on 24th February, I tried in the same capacity, also in Fiji, William Waite, late master of the " Marion Eennie," of Levuka, for an offence committed at Santo, in the New Hebrides. 6. As acting in such matters for the High Commissioner, in his absence, I have to request your Excellency to make known the existence of the High Commissioner's Court to your Law Officers, Magistrates, and others. 7. I have directed six copies of the Order in Council to be forwarded herewith. Your Excellency will be the best judge whether some public announcement should be made in the Gazette, or otherwise, of the existence of the Court. I observe that the New Zealand Herald of 23rd January, 1879, commenting on the decision in Eennell's case, has the following remarks : —" Till it is quite understood that offences committed on those islands can be 'taken cognizance of by the Courts of this country, we are not likely to have any more prisoners brought here, at much expense and trouble; but, as there are a number of Europeans on these islands, we may hear a good deal of ' wild justice.' " It may be as well that all parties be warned that there is a Court in existence, qualified to deal not only with such offenders, but equally with those who attempt to execute " wild justice." 8. What the seamen who brought Eennell from Boutaritari should have done, was to have brought the accused to Fiji, on their way to New Zealand; but seamen can well be excused for being ignorant of a jurisdiction so recently created. 9. I do not assume that if the Judge had known of the existence of the High Commissioner's Court his decision would have been different, as I can appreciate the difficulties he felt, under the New Zealand " Apprehension of Offenders Act" of 1863. 10. Although, of course, I have no right to assume that the newspaper account of his judgment is correct, I find there is a reference in the report to the Imperial Act, 6 and 7 Viet. c. 94, and a very correct deduction made that, under that Act and the Pacific Islanders Protection Act of 1875, the prisoner might have been triable in New Zealand,, if sent to the colony under a warrant from a person entitled to grant such warrant at the place where the crime was committed. The learned Judge, not having the Order in Council before him, came to that conclusion by a comparison of the provisions of the two statutes ; but in point of fact it is specially provided for in the Order in Council itself, section 52, sub-section (2): —" Where it seems to the Court for any reason expedient that the offence be inquired of, tried, determined, and punished, within Her Majesty's dominions elsewhere than in England, the accused may (under section 4of ' The Foreign Jurisdiction Act, 1843') be sent for trial to a place in Her Majesty's dominions." 11. What created the difficulty here was, that the learned Judge found no authority for the converse of the case above mentioned, viz. the authority for a Judge in New Zealand to send the prisoner who had committed the offence elsewhere to be tried within the jurisdiction in which the offence was committed. ~ 12. The only method"which appears to be competent is under the Imperial Act of 6 and 7* Viet. c. 34 (28th July, 1843), "For the better Apprehension of certain Offenders." Under that ,Act section 2, the High Commissioner's Court may issue a warrant for an offence committed in the locality where this offence is said to have been committed. But, in order that it may do so, it is

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necessary, both by that Act (section 4) and section 198 of the Order in Council, sub-section (4), that sufficient evidence be before the Court to authorize the issue of a warrant. 13. It will therefore be necessary that some of the seamen —say, two of those who were cognizant of the facts, and saw the occurrence—be sent here to give their depositions. They may be sent by any of the trading schooners, and their expenses will be paid out of the High Commission funds. Should their evidence be sufficient, the High Commissioner's Court may grant a warrant, which, upon being indorsed successively by a Judge of any of the colonies, will be good all over Australia as well as in the Western Pacific. 14. The Act last cited, it will be observed, speaks of the offence as " committed in any part of Her Majesty's dominions," which the Gilbert group is not; but this must be read along with " The Foreign Jurisdiction Act, 1843," section 1, which provides that it shall be lawful for Her Majesty to hold any jurisdiction which Her Majesty then had, or might at any time thereafter have, within any place out of Her Majesty's dominions, in as ample a manner as if the jurisdiction had been acquired by conquest or cession of territory—and read also along with the "Pacific Islanders Protection Act" of 1875, giving jurisdiction to Her Majesty over British subjects in the Western Pacific. . 15. I am aware, also, that Her Majesty's Government have under consideration a Bill to amend the "Fugitive Offenders Act" of 1843, and I will take care to bring to the notice of the Secretary of State the difficulties which have occurred in this instance. I have, &c. His Excellency the Governor of New Zealand. John Gorrie.

XIII.-Crimes in Pacific Islands.

No. 5. The Premier to His Excellency the Governor. Memorandum for His Excellency. By a Memorandum, No. 18, of 7th March, 1879, the Premier had the honour of advising His Excellency the Administrator of the Government to forward to the Secretary of State for the Colonies a memorandum by the Attorney-General, and other papers respecting the charge of murder in the Island of Boutaritari, South Pacific, brought against Thomas Eennell—the prosecution of Eennell in this colony—his discharge from custody by Mr. Justice Gillies, on the ground of want of jurisdiction in the Supremo Court—and the consequent necessity for certain powers being given to that Court to deal with like cases. 2. Ministers have considered a despatch from his Honour the Chief Justice of Fiji, in which Mr. Gorrie, as Acting High Commissioner under the " Pacific Islanders Protection Act," explains the jurisdiction of the Court created in accordance with that Act, and requests that, because of Mr. Justice Gillies's decision, the existence and the powers of the High Court may be made known in this colony. 3. Extracts from the Order in Council constituting the Court, and Gazette notices addressed to Eesident Magistrates, master mariners, &c, have accordingly been published; and the papers respectfully sent herewith for the information of His Excellency the Governor will supply details of the action taken. 4. But, in the opinion of the Attorney-General, it remains, notwithstanding Mr. Gorrie's explanations, very desirable that jurisdiction over British subjects who may commit offences in the Pacific should be conferred upon the Supreme Court of New Zealand; and Ministers have the honour to advise His Excellency to forward to the Secretary of State the copy of a memorandum by Mr. Stout with respect thereto, which is enclosed. G. S. Whitmore, Wellington, 17th May, 1879. In the absence of the Premier,

Enclosure. Memobanduji for tlio Hon. the Pbemiee. Kefeering to the letter addressed by the Chief Justice of Fiji to His Excellency the Governor, I would remark that the fact that there is located in Fiji a High Commissioner for the trial of offences committed in the Pacific does not, in my opinion, afford any reason why the Supreme Court of New Zealand should not have jurisdiction to try crimes committed by British subjects in the Pacific. The expense of forwarding persons charged with crimes bom New Zealand to Fiji will be very heavy ; and no provision is made as to what Government should bear that expense. I think, therefore, that the Imperial Government should still be pressed to confer the jurisdiction I have mentioned on the Supreme Court of New Zealand. 15th May, 1879. Eobeet Stout.

No. 6. The Administrator of the Government to the Eight Hon. Sir M. B. Hicks Beach. (No. 14.) Sir,— Government House, Wellington, New Zealand, 20th March, 1879. Since the despatch of my letter of the Ist of March instant, No. 9, transmitting a memorandum by Sir George Grey on the subject, amongst others, of crimes committed by British subjects in the Pacific Islands, I have received a memorandum by the Attorney-General of New Zealand on the same subject, a copy of which, upon the advice of Ministers, I now have the honour to forward to you, together with six printed copies of the newspaper report of the proceedings before the Magistrate in the case of Thomas Eennell, referred to in the memorandum of the Attorney--General; and also six printed copies of the report of the judgment of Mr. Justice Gillies, in the Supreme Court, in the same case? I enclose a copy of a New Zealander newspaper, containing matter on the same subject. I have, &c. The Eight Hon. Sir Michael Hicks Beach. James Pbendeeoast. 24—A. 4,

Cruelties to Labourers: N0.2.

SeeNos.3. i.ancj a.

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XIII.--Crimes in Pacific Islands,

No. 7. Governor Sir Hebcules Eobinson, G.C.M.G. to the Eight Hon. Sir M. E. Hicks Beach. (No. 22.) Sib, — Government House, Wellington, New Zealand, 21st May, 1879. In connection with my predecessor's Despatches Nos. 9 and 14, of the Ist and 20th March, I have now the honour to forward you a copy of a memorandum which I have received from the Hon. the Colonial Secretary, in the absence of the Premier, requesting me to forward to you a copy of a memorandum from the Attorney-General, expressing the opinion that, notwithstanding an explanation which has been received from Mr. Gorrie, the Acting High Commissioner, it remains in his view very desirable that jurisdiction over British subjects who may commit offences in the Pacific should be conferred upon the Supreme Court of New Zealand. 2. I enclose, also, for facility of reference, a copy of a letter from Mr. Gorrie referred to in the accompanying memoranda; and also copies of tho New Zealand Gazette of the Ist instant, in which extracts from the Western Pacific Order in Council of 1877 have been published for, general information. I have, &c. The Eight Hon. Sir Michael Hicks Beach. Hebcules Eobinson.

See No. 5 and Enclosure.

See No. 4.

No. 8. The Eight Hon. Sir M. B. Hicks Beach to Governor Sir Hbbcules Bobinson. (No. 32.) Sib, — Downing Street; 18th June, 1870. With reference to Chief Justice Prendergast's Despatch No. 14, of the 20th of March, in reference to the judgment of Mr. Justice Gillies, in the Supreme Court, in the case of Eegina v. Eennell, I have the honour to transmit to you the copy of a circular despatch which I have addressed to the Governors of Australian Colonies (excepting Fiji), forwarding copies of the Western Pacific Order in Council, 1877. I have, &c. Governor Sir Hercules Eobinson, G.C.M.G. &c. M. E. Hicks Beach.

Enclosure. (Circular.) Sir, — Downing Street, 18th June, 1879. From reports which I have reooived of the proceedings which took place in the Supreme Court of New Zealand in a recent case, Rogina v. Eennoll, in which the prisoner was accused of murder at Boutaritari, one of the islands of the Gilbert or Kingsmill group, in the Pacific Ocean, it appears that the Court had no knowledge of the existence of the Western Pacific Order in Council of 1877, passed for tho bettor government of Her Majesty's subjects in some islands and places in the Pacific Ocean. It is believed that the Governor oi Fiji communicated copies of this Order in Council, on its promulgation, to the Governors of all the Australasian Colonies, in accordance with instructions which lie received from the Secretary of State ; but, as it appears oither not to have reachod New Zealand or to have been overlooked in that colony, I think it advisable to send you the accompanying copy, for the use of your Government. I beg to refer you, in connection with the order, to section 6of the " Pacific Islanders Protection Act" of 1875, 38 and 39 Viet., c. 51. I have, &c. M. E. Hicks Beach.

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xiv. ■ DEATH OF BISHOP PATTESON.

XIV.-Death of Bishop Patteson,

No. 1. Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G., to the Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbebley. (No. 111.) My Lobd, — Government House, Wellington, New Zealand, 24th November, 1871. It is with deep grief, in which this entire community sincerely shares, that I announce to your Lordship the death of the able and devoted Bishop Patteson, the head of the Melanesian Mission, under the lamentable circumstances stated in the enclosed papers. 2. The Melanesian Mission schooner "Southern Cross" arrived at Auckland on the 31st October ultimo, and reported that Bishop Patteson was killed, on the 20th September ultimo, by the natives of Nukapu, a small islet near Santa Cruz, and one of the Swallow group, between the Solomon Islands and the New Hebrides. 3. I have no official information respecting the details of this sad event; but the narrative furnished to the newspapers by the master of the mission schooner, and forwarded herewith, is fully confirmed by private letters from the surviving missionaries. 4. It will be remembered that the Melanesian Mission was originally founded by Bishop Selwyn .(now Bishop of Lichfield and Coventry), by whom its direction was transferred, about ten years ago, to Bishop Patteson. Its head-quarters were for many years at Auckland, and were lately removed to Norfolk Island, with the object of placing them nearer the field of missionary exertion. But Bishop Patteson's long residence in this colony had made his noble character to be well known and to be thoroughly appreciated here by all religious communions, all political parties, and all social classes. Some idea of the feelings of love and reverence with which he was universally regarded, may be formed from the editorial comments on his death, recently published in two of the leading journals of this colony. 5. There is no direct official information in New Zealand respecting the traffic in labour between the South Sea Islands and certain ports in Queensland and in the Pijis. Her Majesty's Government doubtless receive reports on this subject from the Governors of New South Wales and Queensland, from the Commodore commanding on this station, and from the British Consul at Levuka (Fijis). I annex a memorandum by Bishop Patteson, which has been published among the proceedings of the General Synod of the Anglican Church in New Zealand, held in February last, at Dunedin, and which now, as it has been truly said, " sounds like a voice from his grave." It will be remembered that with my Despatch No. 87, of 1870,1 transmitted a letter to a similar effect addressed to myself. 6. I am informed that the Melanesian Mission and the Training School at Norfolk Island will remain, at least for the present, under the charge of the senior surviving clergyman, the Eeverend E. H. Codrington, Fellow of Wadham College, Oxford, who has been for several years past Bishop Patteson's chief associate in his work. The Governor of New South Wales, under whose jurisdiction Norfolk Island is placed, will probably report fully on this part of the question. 7. Meanwhile, I am requested to forward, and to recommend to favourable consideration, the enclosed Ministerial memorandum, and also the enclosed addresses to the Queen from both Houses of the New Zealand Parliament, praying that measures may be taken by Her Majesty's Government for the effectual suppression of the deportation of natives of the South Sea Islands. I have, &c. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimberley. G. F. Bowen.

Southern Cress and N.Z. Herald, Nov. 1,1871.

Enclosure 1. [The following memorandum by Bishop Patteson, on the subject of the Melanesian Mission, and on the Labour Traffic in the South Sea Islands, was addressed to the General Synod of the Church of England, held in Dunedin in February last. It was received too late to be laid before the Synod, but was published with the report of its proceedings.] The object of this memorandum is to inform the General Synod of the means frequently adopted in the islands of the South-West Pacific to procure labourers for the Queensland and Fiji plantations. I am not now concerned with the treatment of these islanders on the plantations, which I have never Visited. My duty is to state what has occurred in the islands, and to make known the character of the trade as it is carried on there. Assuming that the Government of Queensland and Her Majesty's Consul at Lovuka, Fiji Islands, do all that lies in their power to guard this traffic from abuse, and assuming that they succeed in affording some security to* the islanders while on the plantations, it is certain that they do not and cannot restrain lawless men from employing Unjust means to procure so-called labouiSrs in the islands; they cannot know what is done by the. masters and crews of the numerous vessels engaged in the trade ; they are absolutely without power to enforce any regulation as to the number of persons kept on board, the amount of food given to them, the treatment of the sick, and the general management of the whole transaction. Whatever measures may be proposed or adopted to secure humane and just treatment of these islanders while in Queensland or in Fiji, there is absolutely no check whatever upon the proceedings of the men engaged in procuring these islanders for the labour markets of Queensland and Fiji, No regulations can prevent men

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who are bound by no religious or moral restraint, from practising deception and violence to entice or convoy natives on 1 board their vessels, or from detaining them forcibly when on board. Much is said about engagements and contracts being made with theso islanders. I do not believe that it is possible for any of theso traders to make a bona fide contract with any natives of tho northorn New Hebrides, and Banks and Solomon Islands. I doubt if any one of theso traders can speak half-a-dozen words in any one of tho dialects of those islands: and lam sure that the very idea of a contract cannot bo made intelligible to a native of those islands without a very full power of communicating readily with him. Moro than ten natives of Mota Island have been absent now nearly threo years. The trader made a contract with them by holding up three fingers. They thought that three suns or three moons wore signified. Probably he was very willing that thoy should think so, but he thought of at least threo years. Something has been said about the benefit to the islanders by bringing them "into contact with civilization." What kind of civilization they may see on the plantations I do not know, for I have not visited them; neither can I,say that I have seen many natives who have been returned to their homes, from whose conduct I might judge of the effects of their "contact with civilization." Tho reason is simple. Out of 400 or 500 Banks Islanders who have been taken away, I have not heard of, much less seen, one-tenth of that number brought back. But there is no instance that I can remember of any one of these natives exhibiting on his island any proof of his having received any benefit from his " contact with civilization," much less of his conferring any benefit on his people. The few that have been brought back to the Banks Islands bear a bad character among their own people. But I am not now concerned with the treatment of these islanders on the plantation, nor with the effect of their intercourse with white mon upon themselves or their people. The African slave-trade was put down as an evil thing in itself, a disgrace to humanity, and a practical repudiation of Christianity. People did not stop to inquire further. It was enough that men were stolen from their homes and taken away by force. There is no check at present upon the traders engaged in procuring "labourers" for Queensland and Fiji. Many of these men, whether they are technically and legally slavers or not, are acting in the spirit of slavers. Sir William Manning admitted, in the " Daphne " case, that " this system of so-called emigration is likely to degenerate, and probably sometimes has degenerated, into a practice approaching a slave-trade, and perhaps actually amounting to it." It is indeed a mockery to speak of it as a system of emigration. A most impartial and dispassionate writer in V Blackwood's Magazine," who had spent some time in sailing among these islands, and had twice visited Fiji, speaks of the "nefarious nature of many of the transactions [of the masters of vossels sent to procure labourors for the Queensland and Fiji plantations], which have undoubtedly, in not a few instances, been nothing less than kidnapping." I leave the statements of some of our scholars to speak for themselves. But I know that throughout the northern New Hebrides and tho Banks Islands deception and violence are frequently practised. I know tho lawless character and lawless conduct of persons now engaged in the trade, whose names lam not at liberty to divulge. One person writes to mo mentioning by name four vossels carrying on "rough work" with the Now Hebrides natives. "You know," he says, "that these men have no scruples of conscience, and, so long as thoy make money, are perfectly dead to any code of laws, human or divine. I tell you of this," he adds, " confidentially, as I have only had the information as a friend, and inform you for your own protection when amongst the islands." A captain of a whale-ship writes to me—" The natives of these islands would come off in former years, bringing such articles of trade as their islands afford, for which we paid them with hatchets, tobacco, fish-hooks, &c. They trusted us, and we trusted them. At times our decks wore crowded. This, when slaving commenced, was all to tho slaver's advantage, for tho natives were easily enticed below, the hatches put on, and the vessel was off. Now, no native comes on board the whale-ship, and wo, in our turn, dare not land. Again, we used to carry people from one island to another, when they wished it, and they would give us hogs and other articlos. This also has been taken advantage of, and the natives carried into slavery instead of home. Should we be wrecked, our lives must go for those that havo been stolon, and the natives will be condemned, and called bloodthirsty, &c; and yet what will the natives have done ? Not, certainly, right, but no more than what civilized people have done in many cases. I hear that they use your name to decoy natives from their islands; and I also hear, from good authority, that they inquire very particularly of the whereabouts of the ' Southern Cross.' " We experience to some extent the evil effects of this traffic, which has been described in this last extract. In many islands, where we were already on most intimate terms with tho people, wo are now obliged to be very cautious. Unless wo are so well known as to be thoroughly trusted, we have to begin again, to some extent, the task of disabusing their minds of the natural suspicion and distrust which these "nefarious practices " incite. As for using our names and inventing any stories about us which may induce natives to go on board their vessels, that is the common trick adopted by some traders. There are some—l trust very few —men sailing in these vessels who have taken a voyage in the " Southern Cross," and the fact that thoy have been on board tho Mission vessel gives' a plausibility to their story. In several of these islands some of our scholars are living; they speak a little English, and communicato more or less readily with any white men. Of course, they use their influence to dissuade their poople from going in such vessels. They know nothing about tho Queensland and Fiji plantations, but thoy know quite enough of the character of these vessels to warn their peoplo against going in them. Many natives of Tanna, Vate, and of the Loyalty Islands, are employed by these traders for tho boating work. These men are amongst the most reckless and mischievous of tho whole number of persons concerned in the trade. Naisilene, the Christian chief of Mare, has forbidden any native of that island to go on board any one of these vessels. It would be well if white men were to follow his example. In conclusion, I desire to protest, by anticipation, against any punishment being inflicted upon natives of these islands who may cut off vossels or kill boats' crews, until it is clearly shown that those acts are not done in the. way of retribution for outrages first committed by white men. Only a few days ago, a report reached me that a boat's crew had been killed at Espirito Santo. Nothing is moro likely. I expect to hear of such things. It is the white man's fault, and it is unjust to punish tho coloured man for doing what, under such circumstances, he may naturally bo expected to do. People say and write inconsiderately about the treachery of these islanders. I have experienced no instance of anything of the kind during fourteen years' intercourse with them; and I may fairly claim the right to bo believed when I say that, if the Melanesian native is treated kindly, he will reciprocate such treatment readily. The contact of many of those tradors arouses all the worst suspicions and passions of the wild untaught man. It is not difficult to find an answer to the question, Who is tho savage and who is the heathen man ? Imperial legislation is required to put an end to this miserable state of things. Stringent regulations ought to be made, and enforced by hoavy penalties, as to the size and fittings of vessels licensed to convey natives to and from the South Sea Islands to Queensland and Fiji. All details should be specified, and vigilantly carried out, as to the number of natives that may be put on board, their food, clothing, payment, term of labour, and conveyance to their homos. Two small men-of-war ought to cruise constantly in the islands, and especially in the neighbourhood of Queensland and Fiji, to intercept vessels bringing natives to those parts, and to examine into the observance or non-observance of the regulations. It is manifestly to tho planter's interest to discourage the lawless practices now going on in the islands. If he wishes to have a willing, good-humoured set of men on his plantation, it is evident that they must come to him willingly, and receive from him such treatment that thoy will work for him cheerfully. At present, many of these islanders are brought to the plantations in an angry, sullen, revengeful state of mind. Who can wondor at it? ThSplanter pays a heavy sum now—amounting, it is said, in some cases, to £10 or £12 per head—for the so-called " passage " given to these " imported labourers." Ido not believe that the planters themselves justify or desire the continuance of theso proceedings in the islands. It may be that only a few persons would be found willing to oome if their free consent was required; and that compulsion is necessary, if labourers are to be procured at all. In this case, it is not too much to say that free labourers must be sought elsewhere, among the Chinese or other people who are able to protect themselves from injustice.

XIV.-Death of Bishop Patteson.

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But my belief is, that there will bo always some, not many, islanders willing to leave their homos for a time, if once it is thoroughly known by experience that they will be treated kindly and fairly, and brought home at the proper time. Curiosity, excitement, the spirit of adventure, will always induco some men to volunteer for any employment that is not distasteful, with people who treat them honestly and fairly. There aro some two or three vessels honourably distinguished from the rest by fair and generous treatment of tho natives. One such vessel was at anchor for some weeks in Vanua Lovu Harbour. Ido not know its name. Ganevierogi (tho Leper Island lad) speaks of a whaler, a three-masted vessel, which was visited by some of their people. It came on to blow, and tho Leper Islanders were kept on board all night, well fod, and sent ashore with presents the noxt morning. He could not tell me tho name of the vessel, but sho was a whaler ; and such treatment of natives is customary with such vessels. I regret that I am unable to attend the General Synod, and that I lose the opportunity of giving further explanations of the real character of this traffic. J. C. Patteson, Norfolk Island, 11th January, 1871. Missionary Bishop.

XIV.-Death of Bishop Patteson.

Enclosure 2. Memorandum for His Excellency. Yotjr Excellency has received addresses to Her Majesty from the two Houses of tho Legislature, expressing tho feelings of sorrow with which they had received the news of the death of Bishop Patteson and his companions. Ministers think it unnecessary to enlarge upon tho subject, because they are aware that tho " deportation of labour in the South Seas," which no doubt led to tho melancholy event, has already engaged the attention of tho Imperial Parliament and Her Majesty's Government. They beg, however, to enclose extracts from tho proceedings in reforeneo to the subject in the House of Representatives and Legislative Council. William Pox. Wellington, 23rd November, 1871.

Enclosure 3. Most Gbacious Sovereign,— We, your Majesty's loyal and dutiful subjects, members of the Legislative Council of Now Zealand in Parliament assembled, desire to submit for your Majesty's consideration : That, for some years past, a traffic which can only bo characterized as a slave-trade, and which is attended with all its evil and iniquitous consequences, has been carried on among the islands of the Pacific, by means of which the inhabitants of those islands have been taken away for tho purpose of supplying labour to tho plantations in Queensland and the Fiji Islands. That, as the result of this traffic, and the forcible abduction of the natives from their homes, scones of violonco and bloodshed are of frequent occurrence among those islands; that the angry passions of the natives have been roused to tho utmost degree; and to this cause there is every reason to attribute the recent lamentable death of Bishop Pattoson and his missionary companions. That, as colonists of a country inhabited by an aboriginal race, we view with abhorrence such practices, and look upon tho continuance of this infamous traffic by our countrymen as a reproach and scandal to the British name, and a deep disgraco to our profession as Christian men. That, tho Mission to the Melanesian Islands having been originally established by the Bishop of New Zealand, and its head-quarters fixed in this colony, we regard this Mission with peculiar interest. We therefore humbly pray that your Majesty will bo pleased to cause such measures to bo taken as will effectually put a stop to the recurrence of such nefarious practices.

Enclosure 4. Most Gracious Soveiteign,— Wo, your Majesty's faithful and loyal subjects, tho Commons of New Zealand in Parliament assembled, beg to express the deep sorrow with which we have hoard of the death of the Right Eeverend John Coleridge Patteson, D.D. Bishop of Melanesia, and his missionary companions, the Reverend Mr. Atkin and an aboriginal islander, who, on the 20th September last, were martyred by the inhabitants of the Island of Nukapu, in tho Southern Pacific Ocean. We hava reason to believe that the cruel deed originated in the exasperation of the natives at ill-usage received by them from certain persons, subjects of your Majesty, who, under colour of providing free labour for the Australian Colonies, have been guilty of acts inconsistent with the law of nations and the first principles of humanity. It is known that these persons have deceived natives by false pretences, and kidnapped them from their homes; and it is believed that the murder of the Bishop and his companions was an act of blind retaliation for tho injuries so inflicted. One of the latest utterances of the good Bishop was a solemn protest against this iniquity, which he addressed to the Synod of his Church in this colony, with a prediction of such results as that of which, too soon, he was himself the victim —a copy whereof is herewith respectfully forwarded to your Most Gracious Majesty. We venturo to submit to your Majesty that a grave duty rests on tho British Government: that of protecting the islanders of the Pacific against tho infliction of wrongs by the hands of British subjects—wrongs little loss grievous than those of the African slave-trade. And we beg to assure your Most Gracious Majesty that we, the Commons of New Zealand, will at all times bo ready to assist your Majesty's Government, by every means within our reach, in suppressing tho practico referred to. And we pray that your Majesty may long live as the protector of the weak and defenceless in every part of tho world.

See Enclosure i

No. 2. Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. to the Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbebley. (No. 116.) My Loed, — Government House, Wellington, New Zealand, 27th November, 1871. Adverting to my Despatch No. 111, of the 24th instant, I have the honour to transmit herewith a memorial to your Lordship, adopted at a public meeting held at Auckland on the 16th instant. 2. This memorial states that in the opinion of that meeting " The death of the Eight Eeverend Bishop Patteson and of the Beverend J. Atkin at the hands of natives, while engaged in the

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work of the Melanesian Mission, is attributable to the so-called labour trade carried on by British subjects and others in the Islands of the South Pacific," and prays " That the Imperial Government be respectfully urged to take measures, in concert with the Australian and New Zealand Governments, to place that trade under more effective control." I have, &c. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimberley. G. E. Bowen,

No. 3. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbekley to Governor Sir G. P. Bowen, G.C.M.G. (No. 14.) Sib,—, Downing Street, sth March, 187$. I have to acknowledge your Despatch No. 111, of 24th November, informing me of the death of Bishop Patteson, and forwarding addresses to the Queen from both Houses of the New Zealand Parliament on the subject of the deportation of natives of the South Sea Islands. I had previously received, with deep regret, the announcement of Bishop Patteson's death. The Queen was pleased to receive the addresses from the Legislative Council and the House of Eeprcsentatives very graciously; and I request that you will inform both Assemblies that a Bill has been introduced into the Imperial Parliament for the purpose of checking the abuses which have sprung up in connection with the emigration of Polynesian labourers. Her Majesty's Government notice with satisfaction the offer of assistance, in the address of the House of Eepresentatives, in the suppression of the evils complained of. I have, &c. Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. Kjmbebley.

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XV. THE HIGH COMMISSIONER AND HIS COURT.

XV.-ThG High Commissioner and his Court.

No. 1. The Eight Hon. Sir M. E. Hicks Beach to Governor Sir Hebcules Eobinson. (Circular.) Sib, — Downing Street, 24th September, 1879. I have the honour to transmit to you, for your information and for that of your Government, copies of an Order of Her Majesty in Council, dated the 14th day of August, 1879, amending the Western Pacific Order in Council of the 13th of August, 1877, a copy of which accompanied my circular despatch of the 13th of June last. 2. It will be observed that the present order, which is to be read as if it were part of the original Order in Council, does not commence and have effect, except when it is expressed to operate from its making, until proclaimed under the hand and official seal of the High Commissioner for the Western Pacific, and that such Proclamation is to be published in the Boyal Gazette of Fiji. I have accordingly instructed Sir A. Gordon to inform you of the date of the issue of his Proclamation bringing the amending order into full operation. 3. I take this opportunity of suggesting that, with the view of making widely known the scope and power of the High Commission, the original order should be published in full, if this has not already been done in the colony under your government, and that the amending Order in Council should be similarly published. 4. It may possibly be convenient to defer the publication until you are informed by Sir A. Gordon that the Proclamation bringing the amending order into full operation has been issued. I have, &c. Governor Sir Hercules Eobinson, G.C.M.G. &c. M. E. Hicks Beach.

Crimes, &c: No. I 8.

N.Z. Gazette, 1879, p. 1620.

No. 2. SYDNEY CONFEEENCE, 1881. Wednesday, Januaby 19. Islands in the Pacific. Mb. Palm-eb moved (seconded by Mr. Morehead), "That, in the opinion of this Conference, it is desirable that a representation be made to Her Majesty the Queen, calling her attention to the lamentable state of affairs existing between the natives of many of the islands in the Pacific and the subjects of Her Majesty trading in those seas, more particularly since the appointment of a High Commissioner for the Pacific; and praying that Her Majesty will cause such action to be taken as will prevent the recurrence of such outrages against life and property as have lately prevailed." After discussion, Mr. Palmer's motion was postponed, and Mr. Watson moved (seconded by Mr. Giblin), " That a Committee be appointed, consisting of Messrs. Palmer, Dick, Berry, and Moore, to consider the mattters involved in Mr. Palmer's resolution, and to examine the papers relating to the appointment of the High Commissioner, and to report to this Conference."—Agreed to.

Fbiday, Januaby 21. The Chairman stated that he had received a letter from Lord Augustus Loftus, enclosing various telegrams, in relation to the inquiry instituted by the Conference into the powers of the High Commissioner for the Pacific. The same were read by the Chairman. It was moved by Mr. Berry (seconded by Mr. Morgan), "That the letter of. Lord Augustus Loftus, covering telegrams which had passed between His Excellency and Sir Arthur Gordon, as read by the Chairman, be entered upon the minutes."—Agreed to. " Dear Sir Henry, — " Government House, Sydney, N.S.W., 21/1/81. "I send you herewith copies of two telegrams which I have received from Sir A. Gordon, which he wishes should be commifcicated to the Conference. " I also enclose copy of the reply I sent yesterday to his first telegram. " Yours truly, " The Hon, Sir Henry Parkes, K.C.M.G." " Augustus Loftus.

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1 " 20/1/81. " I have been informed by telegram that the Conference proposes to investigate my powers» They can hardly do this courteously without communicating with me, or to much purpose without, information from me, which I will furnish if asked for through you." " 20/1/81. " Shall I communicate substance of your telegram to New Zealand representative ? Eesolution moved was, that a representation should be made to the Queen, calling attention to the late massacres in South Seas since appointment of High Commissioner, and praying action against their recurrence. Eesolution postponed, and Committee appointed to consider action to be taken in regard to it." " 21/1/81. " Should wish substance of telegram communicated to Conference, but have, as High Commissioner, no more special relations with delegate from New Zealand than with those from other colonies." It was moved by Mr. Berry (seconded by Mr. Morehead), "Thatthe enclosed extract from the minutes of the Conference be forwarded to His Excellency the Governor of New South Wales, with a respectful request that the said extract be forwarded by telegraph to Sir A. Gordon, with an intimation that the Conference will willingly receive any information Sir A. Gordon may desire to communicate by telegraph."—Agreed to.

Monday, Januaey 24. Present.— New South Wales: The Hon. Sir Henry Parkes, K.C.M.G. M.P.; the Hon. James. Watson, M..?.—Victoria: The Hon. Graham Berry, M.P.; the Hon. William M. K. Vale, M.P.— South Australia: The Hon. William Morgan, M.L.C.; the Hon. Charles Mann, Q.C. M.P.— Queensland: The Hon. Arthur Hunter Palmer, M.P.; the Hon. Boyd Dunlop Morehead, M.L.C.— Tasmania: The Hon. William Eobert Giblin, M.P.; the Hon. William Moore, M.L.C.— Western Australia : The Hon. Chief Justice Wrenfordsley.— New Zealand: The Hon. Thomas Dick, M.H.E. The minutes of Friday's proceedings were read and confirmed. Islands of the Pacific. The Chairman stated that he had addressed a letter, as instructed, to Lord Augustus Loftus, enclosing Mr. Palmer's resolution respecting the High Commissioner for the Pacific, and the extracts therein referred to, and requesting His Excellency to transmit them by wire to Sir A. Gordon; and that he had received a letter from His Excellency in reply thereto, and a second letter enclosing copy of telegram from Sir A. Gordon. " Sib, — " Government House, Sydney, 22nd January, 1881. " I have the honour to enclose a copy of a telegram from Sir A. Gordon, which I have to request you will be good enough to lay before the Conference. "I have, &c. "The Hon. Sir Henry Parkes, K.C.M.G. &c. "Augustus Loftus. " Please thank the Conference for the communication of the extract from the minutes, and inform them that I shall be happy to afford them any assistance and information they may desire in the prosecution of this inquiry.—Cambridge, N.Z., 22nd January." Mr. Palmer brought up the following report:-— Eepobt of the Committee appointed by the Intercolonial Conference "to consider the matters. involved in Mr. Palmer's resolution, and to examine the papers relating to the appointment of the High Commissioner, and to report to this Conference." The Committee have to report to the Conference that, after careful consideration of the Imperial Acts on the subject of the protection of natives in the Pacific Islands, and having before them the Commission to Sir Arthur Gordon, the High Commissioner and Consul-General of the said islands, they are impressed with the opinion that the powers conferred under the said Acts and Commission are ineffectual for the protection of the lives and property of the whites as against the natives, mainly owing to the absence of sufficient authority for the punishment of the latter for outrages committed by them. The Committee are further of opinion that the numerous massacres and outrages in the Pacific Islands of late years, have arisen from the lax measures taken to punish the natives, and the absence of Her Majesty's ships-of-war for long periods. The Committee, having fully deliberated on the subject, have arrived at the following conclusions, which they earnestly recommend for adoption by the Conference : — (1.) That it is not desirable the office of High Commissioner of the Pacific Islands should bo vested in the Governor of any of the Australasian Colonies. (2.) That the High Commissioner should reside in Fiji, or one of the islands of Polynesia. (3.) That extended powers should be conferred upon the High Commissioner for the punishment of natives of the said islands for any crimes or offences committed by them against British subjects. (4.) That, in the case of convictions for felony by the High Commissioner, appeal should be allowed to the Supreme Court of some one of the Australasian Colonies, selected at the discretion of the High Commissioner. (5.) That the powers now exercised by the High Commissioner should be transferred, at an early date, to J some Federal Court to be established in Australasia. (6.) That the more frequent visits of Her Majesty's ships among the islands would have a beneficial effect upon the natives, and tend to lessen, in a great degree, the crimes now so prevalent.

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Mr. Dick, Colonial Secretary of New Zealand, dissented from Eesolutions Nos. 1 and 2. The Committee submitted certain papers bearing upon the subject of outrages in the Islands of the Pacific, which were ordered to be inserted in the Appendix. Mr. Palmer moved (seconded by Mr. Berry), "That the report of the Committee now read be adopted." Moved by Mr. Giblin (seconded by Mr. Palmer), "That the further discussion of this matter be postponed until to-morrow." Mr. Chief Justice Wrenfordsley stated that, this being an Imperial question, he declined to vote upon it.

XV.-The High Commissioner and his Court.

Tuesday, Januajby 25. The report of the Committee.-appointed to consider the matters involved in Mr. Palmer's resolution, and to examine the papers relating to-the appointment of the High Commissioner, and to report to the Conference, was further considered. The report, amended as follows, was adopted by the Conference :— Eepobt of the Committee appointed by the Intercolonial Conference "to consider the matters involved in Mr. Palmer's resolution, and to examine the papers relating to the appointment o the High Commissioner, and to report to this Conference." The Committee have to report to the Conference that, after careful consideration of the Imperial Acts on the subject of the protection of natives in the Pacific Islands, and having had before them the Commission to Sir Arthur Gordon, the High Commissioner and Consul-General of the Western Pacific Islands, they have agreed to the following resolutions : — (1.) That it is not desirable that the office of High Commissioner of the Western Pacific Islands should be vested in the Governor of 'any of the Australasian Colonies. (2.) That more effectual means should be devised for the punishment of natives of the said islands, for any crimes or offences committed by them against British subjects. (3.) That, in the case of capital convictions by the High Commissioner's Court, appeal should be allowed to the Supremo Court of some one of the Australasian Colonies, to be selected by the High Commissioner. (4.) That the more frequent visits of Her Majesty's ships among the islands would tend to lessen in a great degree the crimes now so prevalent. Mr. Dick, Colonial Secretary of Now Zealand, dissented from the first resolution. Mr. Palmer moved (seconded by Mr. Moore), "That Her Majesty's Government be moved to take the necessary measures to give effect to the foregoing resolutions." Western Australia declined to vote, except on No. 2, which the representative of that colony voted for. At the request of the Conference, the Chairman undertook to move His Excellency the Governor to communicate with Her Majesty's Government on the subject, and to forward the resolutions as agreed upon.

DOCUMENTS PRINTED FOR THE CONFERENCE. No. 1. Telegbam to the Hon. A. Palmee. Cbew of schooner "Prosperity," ow Tned by myself, murdered, and vessel and cargo burned, at Leonadie Island, near South Cape, New Guinea, October or November last; captain alone supposed has escaped ; value property destroyed, thirteen hundred; eight men murdered, making during last six months thirty-one men murdered from Cooktown alone, and five thousand property destroyed ; no action appears contemplated by Imperial Government'protect the trade ; our men dare not effect reprisals, or attack beforehand, which is often the only way of preventing massacres. What can be done ? As Mr. Palmer is in Sydney, please get him "use influence to have murderers of " Annie Brooks' " and " Prosperity's " crew properly punished ; no provocation this time alleged for either massacre. —William J. Hartley.

No. 2. Mr. Julian Thomas to the Secbetaby, Intercolonial Conference. Sib, — 169, Victoria Street, 19th January. As amicus curia, I have the honour to submit the following to the Sub-committee appointed to inquire into the South Sea massacres. Ido so as, having lately returned from Fiji, I have seen the pernicious results of the "Exeter Hall" policy of Sir Arthur Gordon and Judge Gorrie, the High and Judicial Commissioners of Polynesia; and also as the only journalist who has persistently advocated the necessity of the colonies interfering in this matter for the better protection of the lives and properties of their citizens. I would respectfully suggest that any resolution to the Imperial Government will be incomplete if it does not draw special attention to the powers possessed by Judge Gorrie. I draw attention to two articles written under my nom de plume in the Sydney Daily Telegraph of 11th December and 17th January, and to the fact that Gorrie has decided in the case of the native, Aratuga, one of the murderers of the boat's crew of the Queensland ship "Mystery," that he has "no jurisdiction;" whereas any white man charged with any offence against the natives may bo tried without a jury before Judge Gorrie, and convicted on native evidence alone. Such things are on record in the judicial annals of the High Commissioner's Court at Fiji. 25—-A. 4.

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I was myself a witness in Fiji of the stipineness and indifference of the High Commissioner at the outrages committed. I saw both the "Dauntless" and "Borealis" when they returned after their white officers being massacred. In the latter case, still fresh in the public mind, the savages held possession of the ship for two days, and thoroughly looted it; yet no instructions were issued by Sir Arthur Gordon to the Commodore to take any steps to demand reparation for this outrage. To this day it remains unavenged, for the man-of-war sent to the Solomons by the Commodore was to avenge the massacre of naval seamen only. One could multiply instances of this kind, which, with the fact that in the Fijian Islands n.ativ-e policemen have power to, and do, arrest tvhite men on most frivolous charges, and the insolence of the whole aboriginal race of the South Seas, proves Sir Arthur Gordon's public statement, that these are not the countries for white men. I have, &c. Julian Thomas.

No. 3. Papers communicated by "The Vagabond," Julian Thomas, to the Sydney "Daily Telegraph." [Extract from tlie Sydney Daily Telegraph, 11th December, 1880.] South Sea Massacbes. BY " THE VAGABOND." Is the Caucasian played out, in the South Seas? As far as British subjects are concerned, it would seem so. During.the last few months, outrage upon outrage, massacre upon massacre, have been committed by the natives. Englishmen 'have died slow and lingering deaths ; English vessels have been captured and pillaged. The savages of the Solomon Islands have been enjoying a saturnalia of bloodshed and robbery. With impunity they have followed up their misdeeds. Sir Arthur Gordon, High Commissioner of Polynesia, at Levuka, has prated about the "colour-blindness" of the white race. Judge Gorrie, Judicial Commissioner, has from the bench enunciated most startling theories as to the inhumanity displayed towards the "poor natives." Both these officials have for years been playing to the gallery of Exeter Hall, and no doubt have acquired in Great Britain a great reputation for philanthropy—earned, as results show, at the cost of the blood of their countrymen. Now the savages have culminated their outrages by the murder of a naval officer and four seamen. Vengeance is loudly called for, and no doubt the call will be answered; but the public mind is largely exercised as to the reason of these continued massacres. Various theories have been started : one, that they are in retaliation for "atrocities" generally committed by white men; another, that they are acts of revenge for the kidnapping which takes place in the labour trade ; a third, with more reason, because British men-of-war have not meted out retribution for past offences. In this last argument, however, an injustice, as I shall show, is done to the naval commanders on this station. In giving my contribution to this discussion, I speak as one having some slight authority. I know many of the Pacific Islands; I have seen the working of the "labour trade" in Queensland, New Caledonia, and Fiji. During a late three months' sojourn in the latter colony, I saw the survivors of many of the massacres of which we have lately heard. I acquired extensive information on this subject, and had evidence of the administration of justice in the High Commissioner's Court. We must discuss this subject on present issues. It is needless to go to the records of the past when white men were guilty of rapine and bloodshed in the South Seas. Little use to rake up the records of the " Carl" affair, nor even Bishop Patteson's opinions on the labour traffic. Kidnapping, no doubt, there was in the old days—deeds done which, to think of, makes our blood boil with indignation. What we want to know is the reason of these things now, when missionary influence has spread ; when trade and commerce has penetrated to every island in the Pacific ; when the natives are protected by a High Commissioner and many Deputy Commissioners, costing Great Britain some £20,000 annually. To put it down to the labour traffic is absurd. Both Fijian and Queensland "recruiting" vessels carry responsible Government agents, whose presence is sufficient now to prevent any of the abuses which have been alleged. There is no doubt that the chief of a tribe may, on consideration of a present which he values, make a number of his followers " enlist," but as far as the colonial officers are concerned these come away willingly. I have seen in Queensland, Noumea, and Levuka many labour vessels arrive. The "recruits" all seemed happy ; there would be sure to be one amongst them who had been in the port before, who would explain the many strange objects they saw, and at which they would all be amazed and amused. During their term of labour these islanders are well fed, supplied with tobacco and clothes ; not too hardly worked; and, except in isolated cases, generally well used. When their three years of service is over they invest the money then paid to them in beads, hatchets, and firearms, and return to theit island homes rich as one who in the old days had shook the pagoda tree. The custom, I believe, is that there is a free fight and scramble amongst the tribe for this plunder, and that the returned emigrant is generally left with nothing but the satisfaction that he has been a public benefactor. But many of the island tribes live in communities, as in Australia. " What's yours is mine," is the doctrine, and, if the result of the Kanaka's labour is not much to himself, at least he has done more good to the world working on a plantation than idling away his time in a state of semi-starvation on his native island. I defend the labour^trade therefore. The French vessels are, I believe, a little less particular in "recruiting," and their me o of apportioning "hands" to the highest bidder is more like slavery. But we seldom hear of ;i "ranchman being killed. Why? Because France protects her citizens. 1^ anything should happ n to one of them in the South Seas a man-of-war will visit the spot, and the chief of the offending tribe will be hung. How differently has England's representative in the Pacific acted ! I charge Sir Arthur Gordon, Governor of New Zealand and High Commissioner of the Pacific, and John Gorrie, Chief Justice of Fiji and Judicial Commissioner, with being morally responsible

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for the bloodshed which has occurred during the last twelve months. I will give facts to support this charge ! It must be remembered that Sir Arthur Gordon is the pet, not only of the Court, but of that powerful party known in England as " Exeter Hall." Judge Gorrie is more :he is the protege of the Aborigines Protection Society. In all their public acts and words they follow out the theory that the natives of the Pacific are mild, innocent savages, and all white traders and sailors in the seas, murdering wretches. The poor natives must be protected. By various Acts of Council and Orders in Council, Sir Arthur Gordon has absolute and arbitrary power in the Western Pacific, his jurisdiction extending over the eastern half of New Guinea. Any British subject can be " deported " from one island to another; may, without any cause but the will of the High Commissioner, be ordered to leave his business or occupation in any-native island; if he refuses to comply, may be taken to Fiji and imprisoned for contempt. Any colonial or British vessel may be seized and taken to Fiji. Any British subject, for any alleged offences against the natives, may be tried before the Judicial Commissioner at Fiji—and tried, be it remembered1, without a jury. All the powers of the High Commissioner have been exerted against the' white and in favour of the native race, and, the men-of-war in this portion of the Pacific being under his orders and instructions, the officers are not .to blame for the apathy shown with regard to the loss of valuable lives. Truly the natives have been protected well! Eehearse the events of the past two years. Early in 1879 the boat's crew of the Queensland recruiting vessel " Mystery" were murdered at Aoba, in the New Hebrides. Commodore Wilson went down to get satisfaction, and on the 24th May ho levied a fine of pigs, yams, and taro, with which ho fed his ship's company. I wonder if any of the gallant tars felt any repugnance at feasting on the price of blood! Some few months after this the same natives murdered an American named Johnston, and they sent word that they had got the pigs ready as soon as the man-of-war wanted them. It is for this murder that we learn by cablegram the United States are determined to have satisfaction. On the next voyage of the " Mystery," on April 21st, 1879, Captain Kilgour recovered' his booJt, which was stolen by the natives when they murdered the crew. The natives endeavoured, to retain it, and shots were fired, and for this Captain Kilgour was tried at Levuka and fined £100 ! For recovering his own property ! On the 13th July, 1879, the mate of the "Agnes McDonald" was murdered at Pentecost, New Hebrides; but the murderer was not punished. In April, 1879, Charley Halget was murdered in the Solomon Islands, also one Eobert Provost. The "Danae" burnt villages in revenge. This year the mate and Government agent of the "Dauntless" were murdered in the New Hebrides. The "Wolverene" burnt some grass huts in exchange. Then followed the massacre of the crew of the " Esperanza," a"nd the capture of the "Borealis." Nothing has been done to avenge these outrages. Sir Arthur Gordon had a man-of-war to take him about the islands and convey him to Auckland, but he would not send it to capture the murderers. And the Commodore can take no steps in the Western Pacific without authority from the High Commissioner. From the murder of Captain Ferguson, of the " Eipple," to that of the boat's crew of the " Sandfly," every week has brought us intelligence of a fresh outrage. And it is only now that the " Emerald "is ordered to the scenes of all these massacres. Who can doubt that this long list of victims is the result of Sir Arthur Gordon's Exeter Hall policy, in ordering the lives of white men to be assessed in pork? And not this only, but, through Governor Gordon and Judge Gorrie, the status of the Anglo-Saxon race in the Pacific has been lowered. The former has publicly said that Fiji itself is "not a white man's country," and the latter tries to make it unbearable for them. An Englishman scarcely dares to protect his life and property in the Pacific. Besides the case of Captain Kilgour, who, being a Queeni.lander, got off lightly, there is that of Captain Waite, of the " Marion Benny," who, in the end of 1878, received nine months' imprisonment in Levuka for having fired over the heads of some presumed hostile natives. He was convicted on native evidence only. In 1879, Captain Daly, owner of the brig " Heather Bell," was sentenced to six months' imprisonment and a fine of £150 for detaining a native on board without his consent, a judgment which every one says was most arbitrary. On the other hand, when Commodore Wilson took a prisoner named Aratuga, one of the murderers of the boat's crew of the " Mystery," to Fiji for trial, Judge Gorrie said he had no jurisdiction—that the man was but acting as a soldier under the commands of his chief. In his own words, as reported in the Fiji Times of the 14th April, 1880—"I can, therefore, find no grounds upon which to found jurisdiction against this man in his individual capacity, or to hold him responsible for any offence committed against British law." So, according to -this decision, the murdering native commits no offence against British law, but the merchant captain, who endeavours to recover his lost property, must be fined £100. In Fiji itself the white race is perpetually degraded. To keep up a reputation at Exeter Hall, charges of cruelty, manslaughter, and murder are continually being brought against the planters, whom it is the fiction of philanthropists to endow with all the inhumanity before attributed to Legree and Co., of the Southern States. Now, the imported labourers, natives of a hundred different isles, know all these things. They all learn Fijian, which is now the lingua franca of the Western Pacific. They know that no retribution has been exacted for outrages committed on whites. They know that a native, if brought to Levuka on any charge, will be acquitted. They know that the law is administered by Judge Gorrie entirely in their favour and against the white race. So, when they return to their homes with the news that the white man's power of hurting them is gone, all the family or tribe take an early opportunity of having a little safe sport. Thus suddenly from many different quarters in the Pacific we hear pews of massacres. I remember well, when in September last the " Borealis," with her blood-stained decks, came into Levuka, how in half an hour there was a knot of Solomon Islanders, New Hebrideans, and others, imported labourers, who were excitedly canvassing the affair in the street. I thought then that the news that, unavenged, six men had been massacred and the vessel looted, would not increase their own feelings of respect for their masters. The memory of a savage is short; justice must strike him quickly and speedily; lex talionis is the only law he knows. To try cases in Fiji before Judge Gorrie is a mockery. The colonies should join together to protest that the property and lives of their citizens should no longer

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be at the mercy of the High Commissioner or his judicial assistant. If they were abolished altogether it would be a public benefit. Till this is done, will not one of our new and shining lights move in Parliament, " That an address be sent to Her Majesty, praying that the powers of the High Commissioner in the Pacific shall not extend over Australian vessels nor citizens, but that the latter shall bo tried for alleged offences in the South Seas in the colonial Courts; also that the men-of-war on the Sydney station shall receive instructions to obtain atonement for the murder of Australian sailors, other than by payment of pigs from the native chiefs, or the burning of a few huts " ? It becomes now a necessity for the colonies to make a firm stand, if the supremacy of the white race is to be sustained in the South Seas.

XV.-- The Hisrh Commissioneiand his Court.

[Extract from the Sydney Daily Telegraph, 17th January, 1881.] South Sea Massacees. BY "THE VAGABOND." In reply to Mr. Combes's question, Sir Henry Parkes said that he did not see what the Government could do in the matter of the South Sea massacres, but that the strongest representations would be made to the Home authorities on the subject. lam sure that the Premier recognizes the gravity of the position —of the fact that the properties and lives of Australian citizens have been sacrificed during the last twelve months without redress or compensation, and that a reign of terror for the white race exists in the Pacific. All the colonies are concerned in this, but especially New South Wales. Here in Sydney now there are widowed wives and fatherless children appealing to our sympathy and our pockets. But, however strong the representation from our Government, would it have the same weight as a resolution vof the Intercolonial Conference now sitting? And no resolution, no representation respecting the need of increased protection to Australian citizens in the South Seas, will have any effect unless it goes to the root of the matter, the powers delegated to the High Commissioner and Judicial Commissioner of Polynesia. If the colonies could fully realize the extent to which these control their commerce in the Pacific, the arbitrary style of the judicial proceedings, and the hopelessness of redress, they would make common cause for a modification or abolition of their powers. It is greatly to be feared that at present any representation from any single colony would either be put into a pigeon-hole, or sent to Sir Arthur Gordon to report upon. He, no doubt, would consider any interference with, or criticism of, his prerogative a great impertinence, and in due course our Colonial Secretary would receive a snubbing letter from Downing Street, intimating that Sir Arthur Gordon was doing all in his power to stop the outrages in question. We may look in vain for any redress from the High Commissioner. He will never depart from his theory that all the poor natives of the Pacific are innocent and peaceful, and require protection from the white planters and traders. But a resolution of the Intercolonial Conference, I think, would do good. The Imperial authorities could not disregard the joint appeal of the colonies. And it should be fully set forth what glaring disadvantages before the law an English subject suffers in Polynesia. He is liable to be " deported " at the will of the High Commissioner, and he may have his property confiscated and his life attempted by the natives. If he endeavours to defend these, he will very possibly be tried without a jury by Judge Gorrie. If a native is charged with an offence against a European, the Judge holds that he has no jurisdiction. These things are on record, and, if forcibly Irought before the attention of the Imperial authorities by action of the Conference, must have effect. It requires powerful action to counteract the evil results of Sir Arthur Gordon's rule in the Pacific. He possesses considerable influence in England, and has sworn admirers who loudly assert that he is a wise and brilliant statesman. None but those who have lived in Fiji or have had evidence of Imperial misrule there, as I have, would, until these recent massacres, have believed that Sir Arthur Gordon was anything but a Christian Governor. His Christianity has all been displayed on one side, however. Even the missionaries have given him up. The Eev. William Moore, an ex-Wesley an missionary in Fiji and a large landed proprietor there, writing in a contemporary, says, " You will see that we have no confidence in the office of ' High Commissioner' ever meeting this case." The pampering of the natives has caused them everywhere to assume a most insolent tone. Even within the last two months, since I left Fiji, this has increased. There have been many cases of assaults by natives on white men. The imported labourers care so little for their masters or the laws that they are resorting to their own customs and amusements. One of my correspondents writes, " The Santo and Solomon boys had a pitched battle two Sundays since at Vagadace, right by the judicial residence. Judge Gorrie happened to be out, however, teaching a Sunday class of coolies. There were several severely injured, and one man died a few days afterwards in the hospital. There is no mistaking the marked change in the demeanour of the foreign labourers, and the insolent tone they are assuming." The Church and the London and the Wesleyan Missionary Societies are planted in nearly every island in the Pacific. Ordinary commerce and the "labour trade" have for some years brought the majority of islanders within the influence of civilization—at least they have a knowledge of other countries and other conditions of life but their own. Is it that familiarity has bred contempt, or the knowledge that they can commit outrages unscathed, which makes the islanders so insolent now ? The massacres which have taken place during the last six months must be avenged, and the causes investigated. I, and every white man who knows the Pacific, believe that the reason is to be found in the action of professional philanthropists, who have before now trailed the honour of England in the gutter. Sir Arthur Gordon and Judge Gorxie represent these. A strong resolution of the Intercolonial Conference, or a demand for a Eoyal Commission to inquire into the causes and circumstances of these massacres, will alone meet the merits of the case.

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No. 4. [Extract from the Sydney Morning Herald, 21st August, 1880.] Murderous Outrage by Solomon Islanders. Another barbarous outrage by Solomon Island natives on a peaceable trading schooner has to be recorded. It was supposed that after the castigation given to the natives near Marau, and other places, by H.M.S. " Danae," that for some time to come we should hear little or nothing of native outrages. This, unhappily, is not to be tha- case, for we already learn that the schooner "Esperanza," of Sydney, has been taken, the crew murdered, and the vessel plundered and destroyed by fire. Captain Haddock, of the " Queen," which arrived yesterday, spoke the " Esperanza " some time before the affair at Cimho, or Eddystone Island, and had an interview with the master, James Mclntosh; also with the mate, Peter Gaffhey. They had just come from Eubiana, where they had discharged a cargo of kopra, that being the head-quarters of the fleet of Messrs. Cowlishaw Brothers, and. Captain Ferguson, to whom the "Esperanza" belonged. The. " Queen " again called at Cimbo early in June, when the chief of that place and other natives came off, and reported that the "Esperanza" had put into a place known by the native name of Collolanghangra, where a dispute, it is alleged, arose between the chief of that place and Captain Mclntosh. It was stated that the natives, who were allowed on the vessel for trading purposes, came on board in swarms. One of them seized Captain Mclntosh round the neck, whilst another struck him with a tomahawk, and he died almost at once. The mate, Peter Gaffney, who was related to the master, was butchered in a similar manner ; and the rest of the crew, four hands, made up of natives from various islands, were also killed in the native fashion. The schooner's trade, and everything the natives could relieve her .of, were stolen, and the vessel was fired as she lay in the harbour, and was quickly consumed, with the object, it is said, of destroying all traces of the affair. The chief who reported the outrage to Captain Haddock came from the locality of the massacre. Other natives had heard of it, and the news had been .received at Eubiana. The victims of this massacre —James Mclntosh and Peter Gaffney—were well known and much respected in shipping circles in Sydney. The former was once fourth mate on board the mail steamship " Australia," and leaves a widow and child in this city. Mr. Gaffney was a single man, aged 22, and he has several relatives in Sydney.

XV.-The High Commissioner and his Court.

No. 5. [Extract from the Sydney Morning Herald, 30th September, 1880.] Massacbe in the South. Seas. The Bev. George Brown, of Port Hunter, Duke of York Island, furnishes the following particulars of an attack on the trading steamer " Eipple," in which Captain A. M. Ferguson and five of his native crew were murdered by the natives of Bougainville Island, in the Solomon Group, on the 9th September :■ — " Captain Ferguson left Port Wesley (Mesko), in this group, at midnight, 18th July, for his regular cruise in the Solomons. As he intended to call at Metlik (Likiliki) on his way down channel, I availed myself of his kind offer to tow my whaleboat as far as the settlement at Metlik (Likiliki); so that I was able to visit the colonists, and also our mission-stations on New Ireland, with comparative ease. We arrived at Metlik on the 9th, and found the colonists still in great distress, and very anxious to be removed. Captain McLaughlin and Captain Ferguson, I believe, made some arrangements for their removal, and as Captain McLauchlin and I said ' Good-bye' to our old friend, as the ' Bipple' was steaming out, we received again his assurance to tell the poor fellows on shore that in three weeks' time he would be back again, and would take them all to Sydney. It was in hastening back to fulfil his promise that he was killed. The ' Eipple ' arrived off Port Hunter at 1 p.m. on Thursday last, 12th instant, and we were at once in. joyous expectation of seeing again our old friend, and of receiving our letters from home. As she steamed into port we saw her flag at half-mast; but we thought that she was probably bringing up some of the colonists who had died, as we left one or two very unwell. I sent a note down, but the chief soon came running back crying bitterly, '0, Mr. Brown, Alick ! Alick!' the name by which he is known here. He would say no more, but just sat and cried. I got the mate's note, and at once hurried on board. I shall never forget that day. The mate and men could not speak, but just led me into the cabin and pointed to the blood-stained sides and roof, and to the cuts made by the tomahawks; and then we all wept together. Then, by degrees, we heard the story. The ' Eipple ' called at a place near Cape de Gros, on the east side of Bougainville Island, on her way up here. Captain Ferguson had never been in that place before. On the Bth they bought several bags of beche-de-mer and shells, and found the natives all friendly and apparently quiet. On the 9th they commenced trading again early in the morning. At 8.30 a.m. a large fleet of canoes came off with beche-de-mer and shells, and the mate computes that altogether there were about 300 natives in and around the ship. At about 8.45 a.m. the attack commenced. It is supposed that Captain Ferguson was in his cabin, looking out on the deck, when he was struck down by a blow across the side of the head. The man who struck him must have been hiding by the side of the door, as the blow was a lefthanded one, and the tomahawk in descending cut a deep mark on the upper side of the doorway. The steward was down the after-hold, engaged in handing up some stores by the captain's orders. He heard the captain call out, ' I'm killed,' and immediately received himself a dreadful wound in the neck from a tomahawk. Hs fell back, but recovered, and, with his revolver, shot the two men who were standing over the hatchway, one of whom, it is pretty certain, was the man who struck down the captain. The mate, who was on the main hatch, was struck by a tomahawk, fell, and received several severe cuts when down; but his assailant was engaged by one of the native crew, and he soon recovered consciousness and helped in the fight. The engineer, Barnard Watt (Barney),

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first fell; the blood and brains of a poor native lad, who was at the wheel, spattered in his face; and then was fired the first shot. He was protected by the boat, and so was able to fire until his ammunition was out. He then went to the cabin for more, and there found Captain Ferguson quite dead on the floor, and a native woman, who was a passenger, also dead. The natives fought hard, and, when driven off the ship's deck, still kept up the fight from their canoes, discharging arrows from a comparatively short distance. This fight, however, was too unequal to last long, and, as the bullets from the rifles began to tell, they gave up the attack and pulled away for the shore. It was then found that four were killed, viz., Captain Ferguson, a native woman, and two natives, one of whom was taken away by the natives. The mate (Mr. Davis), the engineer, Mr. W. Pense (a passenger), and five of the crew were wounded, some of them very severely. Steam was got up, and at half-past 10 a.m. the vessel .was steamed through the passage, and stood away for Duke of York. All seem to have done their best to save their lives and the ship. The steward (a Japanese) is praised by all" for his bravery: though wounded in the most dreadful manner in several places, he fought until the ship was clear and the natives driven away, when he fainted from, loss of blood ; and now the poor fellow wins the respect and love of us all by his care of the poor men who are fellow-sufferers with him. As soon as I got the account of the affair we got the wounded men on shore, andlthen sent my boat away to New Britain to inform Mr. Stevens, one of Messrs. Cowlishawßrothers' agents, of the affair. I also sent a note to Captain Izar, H.M.S. ' Conflict,' and he at once came on board with Captain Hemsheim, and kindly offered us all the help he could give us in attending to the wounded men, or in any other way. All the poor men who were landed were dreadfully mutilated, and, from the length of time which had elapsed, the work of sewing up and dressing the wide-gaping wounds was made both very difficult and unpleasant. One poor fellow, who has no less than eight deep gashes, lingered until to-day (17th), when he died. Another one cannot possibly recover, I think, unless the leg is amputated, as his left leg is almost cut through at the knee. The white man, William Pense, has both arms broken, and received also some very severe wounds on the neck. The Japanese steward has, in addition to some smaller ones, a dreadful gash in the neck, which has laid open the whole of his neck from near the ear to the collar-bone. I hope he will recover. The excitement amongst the natives here was very great indeed, and lam very certain that very few mourned more sincerely for Captain Ferguson's death than did Torogood, a chief of this island. I never saw a native express such deep feeling. On entering the cabin he burst into tears, threw himself down on the floor, knocked his head against the side, and fairly howled in his sorrow and anger. He was very anxious then to know how far the place was, and if he and his people could be taken there to fight. Next day he destroyed his plantations, and burnt and destroyed all the clothing and other presents which had been given him, blackened his face, divided out native money, and observed every form of mourning according to native custom for a very near relative. All the natives here feel that they have lost a good friend by this sad calamity.''

xv.-The High and his Court,

No. 6. [Extract from the Sydney Morning Herald, 2nd December, 1880.] Anotheb Massacbb in the South Seas. Captain Veiee, late of the schooner " Vibilia," of Sydney, arrived at Cooktown on 22nd November, and reports the loss of his vessel on 2nd September, at the Louisiade Archipelago. All bands were saved. The vessel was. beached at Kolumna Island. The captain and five men proceeded in an open boat, and arrived on 18th October at Teste Island, where the native missionary informed him that Captain Foreman and the crew of the " Annie Brooke," schooner, from Cooktown, were murdered by Brook Islanders at Newstone Island, early in September. The vessel and a valuable cargo of beche-do-mer, the proceeds of five, months' fishing, were entirely destroyed. He also reports that a party of French naturalists, all residents of Cooktown, had been murdered at Jannes Bay, Moresby Island, early in October. Their boat and collection were destroyed without any provocation. Captain Vrier proceeded to Kerepuna mission-station, and bought the wreck of a Chinese junk taken by the Aroma natives in July last. The Rev. Mr. Chalmers supplied the necessaries for repairing the vessel, which started for Kolumna; but, making too much leeway, she bore away for Cooktown. The names of the " Annie Brooks'" party were —Captain Foreman, Purdie, McEae, Campbell, Hastings, Jeffries, two other Europeans, and three Chinese. The French party consisted of—Auguste Naudan, John Chambord, and three other Europeans. Captain Foreman's family reside in Sydney.

No. 7. [Leader in the Sydney Morning Herald, 30fcli November, 1880.] The disaster which has befallen the commander and five seamen of H.M.B. "Sandfly" is the saddest that has reached us since the massacre of Commodore Goodenough. There seems to be too much reason to believe that this catastrophe has also been the outcome, if not of a want of forer thought, of an excess of confidence in a treacherous and savage race. We know that it is always easy to be wise after the event. The fact must not be overlooked that those who would hold intercourse with native races must, to a certain extent, put their trust in them. It cannot be forgotten, however, that the Solomon Islanders have acquired for themselves a savage pre-eminence.' Even if that were not the case, the stories of massacre which have reached us from the Islands of late ought to be sufficient to teach Europeans the folly of placing themselves at .the mercy of the natives. The account of the " Sandfly " disaster is a short one, and circumstances besides those which are reported may be necessary to a complete knowledge of the case. But if the statement made by the sole survivor be correct —and of that there can.be little doubt—the unfortunate commander of the

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" Sandfly " seems to have acted with less prudence than might have been expected from an officer in his situation. It is stated, for example, that on reaching Nogu Island the company from the " Sandfly " hauled the boat up and had tea there. This being done, two of the men went to bathe, two others with the captain went along the beach, the sixth man being left to look after the boat, the firearms which the party had brought with them being left in the boat. The result was pretty much what might have been expected. The party were surprised. A crowd of about fifty natives surrounded the boat, a second set of savages attached the men on the beach, and a third the two men who had gone into the water. The commander fled to the branches of a tree, and there found a refuge for the night, but was shot down in the morning by means of his own firearms. The lesson from all this is a sufficiently simple one, and it is to be hoped that it will not be lost upon those who may find it necessary to visit the group where the unfortunate captain and men of the "Sandfly" met their fate. The case supplies us with another illustration of the fact that the policy of venturing upon an island of bloodthirsty savages without arms, and even without suspicion, may be carried too far. But it is evident that, if commercial intercourse is to be carried on between these colonies and the South Sea Islands, something besides prudential measures will have to be adopted. There has hardly been a month or a fortnight of late without its story of a South Sea Island, massacre. The natives are discovering that they can murder white men with impunity, and, thus encouraged, it is not surprising that they murder them whenever an opportunity is offered. The evil is becoming a little too common and too serious. There is no evidence that it has given much concern to the authorities at Home, but it is possible that the attack which has been made upon the British flag will produce the conviction that it is one which calls for both a prompt inquiry and for an effectual remedy. There is a growing feeling to the effect -that sufficient protection is not afforded to ordinary traders in the South Sea Islands, and atrocities like the one we report to-day will serve to show that there is insufficient protection for the officers of justice themselves. It ought not to be too much to expect that in a well-ordered nation like ours there should be ample means either for preventing these massacres or for punishing the perpetrators of them ; but, in reply to this, the naval authorities in England would say that they have a great deal else to think about just now, and that the South Sea Islands are a long way off. It must be confessed that it is much easier to complain of these South Sea Island atrocities than it is to divine the cause of them, or to put a stop to them. There are those who tell us that there is a common law of retaliation in the South Seas, and that, if the facts were known, all the misdeeds of the islanders might be traced to misdeeds on the part of the traders. Others, however, who claim to understand the South Sea islanders, tell us that there are sections of them who perpetrate atrocities for no other reason than that they delight in blood, and those who read such reports as the one which we publish this morning will have no difficulty in coming to this conclusion. The effectual cure for these atrocities is of course to be found in civilization or in Christianity. But civilization is a slow process everywhere, and it is especially slow among savages like those of the South Seas. We have been trying to civilize these races for half a century past, but the area of our operations is still comparatively small. Civilization in regions like these is more easily talked about than accomplished. The same, to some extent at least, may be said of punishment. It is easy enough to throw a few shells into such a group as the one which has been the scene of this outrage; but, if the shells do any execution at all, they are as likely to reach the wrong parties as the right ones. They may do mischief to the savages who inhabit the coast, but this is no lesson to those who fly to the interior. The whole subject is surrounded by difficulties; but for that reason it is worthy of more attention than it generally receives in England. The philanthropists of the Mother-country are generally ready with a protest when the blacks receive injuries from the whites, but, as a rule, they do not show any great concern when the injuries are in the other direction. There is a good deal that is defective in this one-sided philanthropy. It is not desirable that we should have one law for civilized races and another for savages. If we punish the whites for the wrongs they do, we are bound to see that the blacks are punished likewise. But this is not what we are doing. Savages like those who people the Solomon Group have for some time past been showing the world that they can kill and eat white men, and go unpunished.

XV.-The High Commissioner and his Court.

No. 8. [Extract from the Sydney Morning Herald, 29th September, 1880.] Foe the sake of natives, as well as of traders, the Solomon Islanders who so savagely murdered Captain Ferguson and three or four brave men who perished with him, ought to bo promptly and. severely punished. It will be a serious calamity if atrocities like this are allowed to be perpetrated with impunity. Savages have but one way of regarding immunity from punishment: they look upon it as an indication of weakness on the part of the whites, whom they delight to ill-treat, and from it they naturally draw encouragement to continue their sanguinary courses. That the natives of some of the islands of the South Seas are taking this view of the license which they enjoy, may be inferred from the increasing provalency of massacres in Polynesia. In the Solomon Islands especially, murders by the natives have been painfully numerous of late, and there seems to be too much reason to fear that, unless a wholesome lesson is administered to these cannibals, a reign of terror will be established before very long. The massacre of Captain Ferguson and his comrades is one of the saddest that we have had to record for some years. It is difficult to account for an outrage which, so far-as we are able to learn, was wholly unprovoked. The theory has been that such acts of hostility to white men have a cause of some kind or other. It has been said that they cannot be accounted for merely by an inborn love of cruelty, or by a natural hostility to strangers, but are inflicted in return for wrongs that have been inflicted upon the natives. The law of retaliation, we are told, is common

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•> law among the natives of the South Seas; by virtue of it one man is punished for the crimes of another, and a whole people are held responsible for the misdeeds of an individual. It was said, as our readers will remember, that the inflicting of five wounds and no more on the body of Bishop Patteson made it certain that he had been murdered in revenge for the death of five islanders. Another notion has been that the atrocities in the South Seas are usually originated by some two or three ringleaders, who stir up the islanders for the purposes of their own profit or revenge. It is now becoming clear that these explanations of..Polynesian massacres will have to be modified or given up. The " Eipple " was attacked by no less than three hundred natives, and the only conclusion to be drawn from the sad story which has reached us is that this murderous horde was moved only by a savage thirst for blood. In former times, when abuses by traders were doubtless too frequent, there was some reason for the belief that massacres were committed in revenge for wrongs received. These abuses, however, have now for the most part ceased to exist. The great majority of the traders in the South Seas are men of character and respectability, and the trade itself has for some years past been under strict Government control. Captain Ferguson especially was known throughout the islands not only as an honest trader, but as a philanthropic man. On many occasions he distinguished himself by his courage and self-denial, and was the means of saving a large number of lives. From the Solomon Group he was to sail on a mission of benevolence to the unhappy island where the remnant of the colonists of the Marquis De Ray were in a state of destitution, and, from the evidence which has reached us, it would seem that he was detained at Bougainville Island as much in the interest and desire of the natives as for purposes of his own. Under these circumstances, his murder was marked by peculiar features of atrocity, and it will be an ill omen for the future if such an outrage as the one in question is allowed to go unpunished. It is easy to see how a massacre like that of Captain Ferguson might have been avoided. It is said that the captain ought to have been on his guard; that traders should on all occasions treat South Sea Island natives as potential murderers; and that it was a fatal mistake to allow so large a number of islanders to board the vessel at all. This may all be true. The policy of trusting a set of bloodthirsty savages may be most ill-advised; but after the event it is generally easy to see what ought to have been avoided. Successful traders find it necessary to trust the natives up to a certain point, as well as to watch them. It is also said that those who trust their lives among savages must take the consequences. As long, however, as British subjects are engaged in legitimate trade, they are working for the benefit, and are entitled to the protection, of their country. These colonies reap no small advantage from the South Sea Island trade, and they expect to reap larger advantages hereafter. In a remoter way the trade of the islands is as necessary to the Mother-country as to the colonies. Where we push our trade we should have some legal machinery for protecting our interests. In the South Seas this machinery is at present a most imperfect one. In some parts of the islands, indeed, it does not exist. We may go farther and say that the protection to life and property is smaller in some parts of the South Seas than it used to be. In a general way it is the business of the High Commissioner to protect the natives against outrages from the whites, and also to see that the whites are protected from outrages by the natives. But events have shown that even the first of these functions has been very imperfectly carried out, and in too many instances the second has been found to be inconvenient or impossible. A year or two since, we had to report the cases of several whites who were in custody on the charge of having perpetrated crimes in the islands, but who had to be liberated because the Court before which they were brought had no jurisdiction. British subjects have in too many instances had to take the law in their own hands, or to place themselves at the mercy of lawless savages. Formerly it was understood that it was the business of Her Majesty's ships-of-war to be travelling police-stations, and it may be that they are still looked upon in this light; but by the authorities at Home any such action on the part of Her Majesty's ships is regarded with grave suspicion. Last year the First Lord of the Admiralty, although declining to censure a lieutenant who tried and hanged a native for murdering a British subject, expressed his regret that such a procedure had been resorted to. An English journal, commenting on this matter at the time, remarked that there could be no greater error in policy than to convert Her Majesty's ships into travelling police-stations, with power by a drum-head CourtMartial to condemn the natives of the Pacific Islands to death. It will thus be seen that not only is there no machinery of justice for British subjects in many parts of the islands, but that there is extreme unwillingness to sanction the only machinery that can be sent there. What, then, is to be done ? We all remember the outcry that was made a year or two since when a missionary at New Britain, in the absence of the protection of the law, became his own protector; and the outcry was not an unnatural one. The authorities have found that the action of the missionary concerned was not unjustifiable under the circumstances; but we should none of us like to see a sort of Lynch law set up in the islands, either by missionaries or by traders. It is evident, however, that unless British subjects who trade with, or reside at, some parts of the islands, protect themselves, they must remain without protection. This is not a satisfactory state of things. Such British subjects as Captain Ferguson are not invaders, for the stations at which they trade are usually formed with the consent of the natives. They have, therefore, a right to judicial protection against the excesses of the islanders, as the islanders have against their excesses. As matters stand at present there is insufficient protection on cither side, and neither the Home authorities nor the authorities of the colonies are greatly concerned about increasing it. In a recent debate in the House of Commons strong words were spoken against supposed severities inflicted by British subjects on the natives of barbarous countries, but nothing was said as to the necessity of the Imperial Government doing someftdng to take this responsibility out of their hands. In England politicians have too much to do to allow of their concerning themselves very greatly about what may become of British subjects in the South Seas. This is one of the matters on which the English Press maintains a studied indifference. Colonial Governments have not begun to consider it a part of their duty to protect the traders of the South Seas ; but the subject is one which they might conveniently consider, and which they might press upon the attention of the authorities in Downing Street.

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No. 9. [Extract frcm the Sydney Daily Telegraph, 3rd December, 1880.] It is gratifying to learn that the naval authorities have awakened to the demand for retribution against the Solomon Island savages who committed the atrocious outrage on the commander of the " Sandfiy" and his boat's crew. It appears that H.M.S. "Emerald" is to be despatched immediately for the scene of the outrage, with orders to make an example of the guilty islanders. We must confess to a sentiment of hope that the captain of the "Emerald" will not neglect to fulfil his instructions to the letter. There are many people who regard these Polynesians much as mere children, and who are ever ready to produce excuses for the most cunning and cruel murders committed by the islanders. The point is, however, as to how the Pacific Islands are to be made available for civilized man if crimes such as the last one committed by the Solomon Islanders are allowed to go unpunished. Gentle means have been tried, and have signally failed. The only course now open is to bring the teaching of fire and sword to bear-upon the minds of the barbarians. Moral suasion and rosewater arguments have clearly no application here, and the sooner the Imperial Government come to appreciate this feature of the situation the better for the advancement of civilization in the Pacific. Adventurous Englishmen are bound to find their way to the various archipelagos that besprinkle this ocean. If they are not efficiently protected against the savagery of the aborigines, in the end it will be the old story of innumerable cruel murders, and the staving-off of utilization of these oceanic patches of fertile soil to some remote date.

XV.-The, High Commissioner and WiS Court,

[Extract from the Sydney Daily Telegraph, 4th December, 1880.] It is assuredly not too soon for the " Emerald " to be moving towards the Solomon Islands. The cruiser " Beagle " has brought intelligence of another massacre by the inhuman inhabitants of this archipelago. Captain Murray, of the schooner "Lcelia," two white men, and a native, on this occasion, were the victims. The necessity for inflicting severe chastisement on these savages is now too obviously imperative to need further enforcement. The only question to be considered is as to what punishment would be condign in the circumstances. Clearly the old programme of shelling a few forsaken villages must be discarded. The savages must be hunted down somewhat, and made to feel that British reprisals do not always consist in quasi-pyrotechnic displays. The shelling of villages customarily involves merely the destruction of a, few miserable habitations that can bo .rebuilt in a day, and the excitement of some evanescent emotions of terror in the minds of the savages who witness the process from afar off. This method of dealing out sharp justice to. the Solomon Islanders must on this occasion be abandoned ; else there will be no end to the horrors of which we are constantly hearing. The course that the captain of the "Emerald" is called upon to pursue certainly does not form part of a civilized programme, and no* doubt that gallant officer would fain be relieved of the unpleasant duty that is thrust upon him, for it is nothing less than the execution of the lex talionis to the very letter. Our people have been cruelly and relentlessly massacred, and the Solomon Islanders must bo dealt with in like fashion. All ideas founded on Exeter-Hallism must be thrown to the winds. If they are not, the " Emerald " might as well remain at Farm Cove. The crew of the " Sandfly " will for the time being join the "Emerald," and they will be in a position to recognize and point out the offending tribes. In this way the uncomfortable impression will be removed that the innocent are being punished for the guilty. Those who are responsible for the massacre will be made to pay the penalty, and their punishment, it is to bo hoped, will be such as to deter other savages from similar acts.

[Extract from the Sydney Daily Telegraph, 6tli December, 1880.] We wonder what the authorities in England will think of the conduct of the High Commissioner of the Western Pacific, and of the Commodore of the naval squadron in these seas, when they hear of the savage atrocities that have been committed by the natives of several of the islands in the South Seas during the past few months, without any attempt having been made to interfere for the protection of the lives of Her Majesty's subjects. If the Imperial Government is not thoroughly demoralized by the cant of Exeter Hall, these officials with high-sounding titles, whose neglect of duty is so painfully apparent, should hear something, if not to their advantage, at all events to the advantage of those whose lives are at the mercy of their interesting proteges. There have been some seven or eight massacres within the last three or four months, and we have not heard that the slightest effort has been made to check the series of slaughters. No remonstrance has been made with any of the chiefs of the cannibal islands, and not even a missionary has been sent to convert these people from the error of their ways. The High Commissioner might just as well have been in London with his friends at Court, or at Timbuctoo, as at Fiji or New Zealand. This gentleman, who has been recently appointed Governor of New Zealand, has taken the natives of the South Sea Islands under his special protection, so that the whites find their colour to be a disadvantage. The gravest complaints have been made in Fiji of the effect of the policy of the High Commissioner, who is virtually dictator in these islands. The results of that policy we have seen in the repeated murders that have taken place, without apparently any provocation having boon given. The impunity with which the treacherous savages of the South Seas have committed atrocities has of course had the effect of increasing their audacity: They evidently think either that the British Government is careless of the lives of its subjects or is powerless to punish. A few weeks ago a message appeared in the Sydney papers, purporting to emanate from Hailey, the chief of the island of Coolangbangara, describinj^in exulting terms the massacre of the crew of the " Esperanza." The shrewd savage laughed at the idea of his being punished for what he had done by a man-of-war, which only fired big guns, made a great noise, and smashed cocoanut-trees. He recounted all the vessels that had been taken and their crews murdered, and yet no one punished; and why, he asks, 26—A. 4.

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should he be punished? Whitefellow was, in his opinion, only like a woman as far as fighting went, and he wished a man-of-war to come so that he could get more heads. This miscreant's boasting is the practical commentary upon the British policy in the South Seas as exhibited by Sir Arthur Gordon and the Commodore of the squadron. A man-of-war did go to one of the Solomon Islands ■ —the unfortunate " Sandfly" —and the boast of Hailey was realized. More men were murdered, and more heads taken to hang up alongside of those that had already been obtained. The " Sandfly," forsooth, was among the islands surveying, as if among peaceable islanders instead of among the murderers of so many white men. The particulars of the horrible massacre of the crew of the "Bsperanza" appeared in the Sydney papers two months ago ; and what lias been done to teach Hailey and those like him that white men are not to be rnurdered with impunity ? Positively nothing. We would have thought that this massacre, and the insolent defiance of the chief who could bo identified, would have induced some action on the part of the High Commissioner or Commodore Wilson, even if they thought the previous atrocities unworthy of their serious notice. Yet, so far as the public are aware, the news of this massacre, like that of those which preceded it, was received with perfect indifference. The " Wolverene " and three or four other vessels of the squadron of course put in an appearance in Hobson's Bay, and the crews took part in the formalities of the Exhibition opening on the 2nd of October. Their participation in these idle pageants, when they should have been doing the best to preserve the lives of their fellow-subjects at' the islands, was bad enough; but what are we to think of their subsequent procedings, after the news of the "Esperanza" tragedy had been received, and the taunting message of Chief Hailey had been made public ? Why, the Commodore takes his vessel off to Adelaide ! What did he mean by turning his ship's bow to the west, when he should have gone to the east ? Eecent telegrams have kept us informed of the gallant uses to which the officers arid crew-of the " Wolverene " have been put in Adelaide. The officers have been attending balls at Government House, and they and the crew have been playing in cricket-matches ! Here are nomad heroes with a vengeance, deliberately forsaking their plain duty and leaving their countrymen to bo murdered at the Solomon Islands. That these last murders of the captain and several of the crew of the " Sandfly" would have been averted if the High Commissioner and Commodore Wilson had done their duty in the case of the "Esperanza," and the other vessels whose crews were massacred, is plain enough. What that inflated gentleman who is dubbed High Commissioner was doing we do not know, but we know how the Commodore and his crew were employing their time. What the " Emerald" and the other vessels of the squadron have been doing we do not know. For some time recently the " Emerald " has been lying snugly in Farm Cove, and now the " Cormorant" has come in to follow suit. We do not grudge the officers and men of these vessels a well-earned leisure; but what on earth do they mean idling their time here, when the blood of British subjects cries up from the ground at the Solomon Islands, and every new arrival brings us intelligence of fresh atrocities ? The people of Great Britain pay a heavy bill for their navy, and this is how that portion of it in the South Seas earns its wages. When these matters come under the notice of the House of Commons, as of course they will in due course, strict account will be required of the conduct of those concerned. The " Emerald " is to leave to-day, we understand, for the scene of the massacre of the " Sandfly's " captain and crew. If it is only to repeat the old farce, she had much better reman where she is. To sail round an island and shell villages is a proceeding worthy of all the contempt with which "big fellow King Hailey" speaks of it. A great deal of nonsense has been written about the "difficulty" of dealing with these massacres. If they occurred on the coast of a continent or large island we could understand it, but on small islands the ease is quite different. Of course it will be difficult so long as the captain of the man-of-war will not stay to do his work effectually, but is always so anxious to get back to the capitals of the colonies. The captain of the " Emerald " can do the work well enough if he is allowed, and if he will take the trouble. He must have as many of the " Sandfly " men with him as possible, and especially Savage, the man who had such a marvellous escape. He can easily obtain sufficient evidence from the friendly chief who saved Savage's life to identify the tribe which took part in the massacre. He must at all cost and hazard get hold of the murderers, so that they may be dealt with as they deserve. The other murderers, Hailey included, must be looked after, and the natives taught that they can no longer indulge in these murderous outrages with impunity.

XV.-Tho High Commissioner and his Court.

[Extract from the Sydney Daily Telegraph, 7th December, 1860.] In another column appears a letter from the Rev. A. N. Murray, missionary, in reference to the recent massacres by the natives of the Solomon Islands. Mr. Murray's high character, and his experience among the savage tribes of the South Sea Islands, entitle his remarks to consideration and respect. He charges us with overlooking the other side of the question in our remarks, whilst dwelling on the necessity of inflicting such punishment upon the perpetrators of the recent outrages as will deter the natives of these islands from committing any such atrocities in future. We may with truth reply that the missionary is not the most impartial judge in these cases —that he is too prone to regard the natives as his protegj'.s, and to find excuses for their conduct. The missionaries' sacred character appeals to the superstitious reverence of the natives, and, except when jrhe passions of the latter are aroused, or when among str av y, natives, they have very little to fear. With the traders and the crews o4vesseis ne casa is very different. They find that they must be constantly on the watch against attack, and that even when they have given nrr provocation the natives may be covetous of the goods they see and bent on plunder, or bloodthirsty, or they may be excited by the injustice and the violence of white men previously. Among savages, as among civilized people, there are numbers whose evil passions can only be restrained by a fear of the consequences. Among our own population unfortunately there are too many who, under similar circumstances,

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would act just as the savages of the Solomon Islands have acted, and it would be just as absurd in their case to raise the plea that they were provoked by wrong-doing into bloody retaliation. . We quite agree with Mr. Murray that many of the atrocities committed by the natives of the South Sea Islands are simply acts of retaliation, and that in the infliction of punishment we should bear this in mind. We did not refer to this fact, because it was not essential to the view we took. The object of our notice of these massacres was not to induce an indiscriminate slaughter of the natives in revenge for the cruel murders committed by them, but to rouse up the authorities to a sense of their duty. If crime was rampant in the colony, and allowed to go unpunished until impunity engendered greater audacity, we should call the police to account. There is a very expensive system of police provided for the Pacific, and yet the natives are constantly robbing and murdering the white men who go to the islands. We say, where are the police, and what are they about to allow this state of things ? It may be that spine of these atrocities have been perpetrated in retaliation for grievous wrongs inflicted by the white man. All the more reason, say we, why the police should be at their posts doing their duty. All the'more disgraceful, we contend, that Her Majesty's men-of-war should be absent from the localities where they are wanted, and that the High Commissioner did not issue orders months ago for one or more of these cruisers to visit the islands and restore peace and order. When they should have been at the islands they were enjoying themselves at festivities in the capitals of the colonies—a modern illustration of Nero fiddling while Borne was burning. We want the authorities to do their duty, and to do it properly. We do not counsel an indiscriminate attack upon villages and men, women, and children, but a patient and intelligent hunting-out of the murderers, and a certain and speedy punishment. Speedy action may do some good for the wretched savages themselves, for we observe that these proteges of Mr. Murray's have taken to wholesale massacre among themselves.

XV.-The High Commissioner and his Court.

[Extract from the Sydney Daily Telegraph, Bfch December, 1880.] The Solomon Islands Massacres. To the Editor of the Sydney " Daily Telegraph." Sib,— Wo have had scarcely time to recover our equanimity when our feelings are again shocked in hearing of a renewed atrocity in the islands of the Pacific. In giving vent to your feeling on the subject, you indignantly exclaimed, "What are 11.M.5. 'Emerald' and others doing in Sydney 'Harbour, while such outrages as these are being perpetrated on the British subject and against the British flag?" Was the subject so shocking in its surroundings that you did not care to dive into the moral filth that surrounds it? You exclaim, "Why is it that the British flag is thus reviled and singl-edout amongst the savages of the Solomon Islands? " I assert that the reason can be assigned to one cause only, and I look upon it as the foulest blot resting on the British flag. It is the abominable practice of slave-stealing carried on under the name of trade. These islands are the favourite recruiting grounds, and so pernicious has the trade become that it is not safe for a vessel flying the English Hag to frequent the places. I have been an observer of events in those islands, so far as information can be obtained through the Press, and no observer of such can be at all surprised to hear of these massacres, the most unfortunate part of which is, that it is not the wretches who have decoyed their men and boys, kidnapped their women, violated all that is as dear to the savage—and in many cases more jealously guarded and priced —as to the highly boasted and civilized white men, that have suffered in these massacres. Sir, the subject is a moral cesspool: why should it be tolerated ? Why should valuable lives be endangered through the abuse of this infernal traffic in human flesh? Stay! I may be told such things are not possible, the thing generously guarded from abuse by Act of Parliament. Greater the reproach to us that an Act of Parliament is necessary to do so. I believe that none but those who are directly interested in this cursed traffic can for one moment conceive the terrible abuses that are perpetrated, and the subterfuges adopted to deceive and wrong these unfortunate' islanders. Ido not say that they are angels in all their transactions with others. I think the same may be safely said of those who have traded with them. They are no better than the class of white men they have had to deal with has made them; they have been treated and dealt with as savages, as beasts of the field, and they have been only true to nature. Nothing belonging to them has been held sacred ; on every opportunity their wives have been violated and abused. The account of Savage, the hero of the day, goes to confirm the above, that their women were guarded with jealous care. From New Guinea we have a confirming report, that it is almost impossible to induce the natives of these isles to leave by fair means. At the present time the mate and charterer of a vessel just returned from a labour cruise are under charge for malpractice in connection with this revolting traffic in human flesh. I can hear some say they are only niggers, and are not fit to be at large, save as slaves. That idea is exploded. We need not leave the islands of the Pacific to find facts to rebut this. Since writing the above I learn that a man-of-war is to be despatched to these unfortunate islands to wreak vengeance on those benighted savages ; and this is just what, in your wisdom, you desired should take place. I cannot agree with you that it will have the effect of accomplishing what you desire, while black-birding is made lawful by the British nation, and she allows vessels to carry slaves in the Pacific Ocean, flying the Union Jack, whilst on the coast of Africa and the Indian Ocean the same flag boasts of being a terror to slave-traders. This is why the British flag has lost its respect with the savages of the islands of the Pacific. It will scarcely be necessary to make out a case to go through the long list of massacres on both sides, from the atrocious brig " Carl " butchery. It makes one's blood curdle to thinlt that men go there in the guise of bishops to enable them to accomplish their villainous purpose for the sake of lucre. I do not say that the foregoing will supply a full justification on behalf of the islanders for committing the late disastrous outrage, but I think it has furnished a means whereby they have been educated, up to their present unenviable

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notoriety. Noble lives have already been sacrificed, and will continue to bo so while things are in statu quo. I have no doubt but that retribution will be dealt out unsparingly by the shipmates of those unfortunate men ; but I question whether it will make the natives any more friendly, once they have received their chastisement. This, Sir, is our boasted civilization in a land where men and women read and pray. Yours, &c, Illawarra, 6th December. J.G.K.

XV.-Tho High Commissioner and his Court.

[Extract from the Sydney Daily Telegraph, 9th December, 1880.] In our issue of yesterday appeared a letter signed " J.G.K.," in reference to the recent massacre at the Solomon Islands, the writer of which is evidently a strong sympathizer with those interesting savages who treacherously attack their victims, mutilate their bodies, and eat portions of them. He thinks that the "cursed labour traffic" is at the bottom of these massacres, which are committed in retaliation for the forcible abduction of the natives and interference with the women. lie adduces no proof whatever of his statements, but is clearly under the impression that the abuses of several years ago are the causes of the atrocities committed by the Solomon Islanders now ! An article in another column gives us the experience and the opinions of Captain Woodhouse, of the schooner " Ripple," on this subject. He states that since the Labour Act was passed, six or seven years ago, the unlawful trade that was then carried on has ceased. So far from the natives of the Solomon Islands having any distrust of the British flag, they' show the utmost confidence in its protecting power for themselves, for they venture on board English.vessels without any hesitation. The Eev. Mr. A. W. Murray states that the British flag is held in higher respect than that of any other nation, because of the confidence that is felt by the natives in British justice and fair consideration. It is very clear, then, that it cannot be true that the abuses of the labour traffic have so exasperated the natives that they commit these murders- in retaliation, for they would naturally take care not to trust themselves on board British vessels, and they would hardly respect a flag associated with such disgraceful practices as are referred to by"J.G.K." The latter, misquoting some of our remarks, states that the abominable practice of slave-stealing is the cause of the British flag being " reviled " and hated by the natives. Ho quite misunderstands us. What we said was that the British flag had ceased to command the same respect as the flags of other nations, because the natives found that they could commit crimes with impunity upon British subjects. In fact, under the regime of Sir Arthur Gordon things are quite reversed. The white man is rigorously punished for any wrongdoing to the brown man, but the latter is never punished at all, no matter what he does. If the white man attempts to resent any action of the natives, he knows he will be called to strict account, and even if he defends his life he is running a risk of putting his head into the halter. The British flag may be regarded with " respect "in the sense in which Mr. Murray uses the word, although "J.G.K." thinks differently, but it is not the respect with which any fear is mingled. It is now the flag which invites attack, because no punishment follows. The unfortunates who sail under it are practically in the position of men whose hands are tied behind them, because some of their countrymen have put their hands to a bad use. Our correspondent says we are " desirous of wreaking vengeance upon these benighted islanders." If he means by this that we wish to see the perpetrators of the murders brought to punishment, and hung up as a warning and terror to_pther savages, then he is right. But this is no more vengeance than hanging Scott or Ned Kelly was. The suggestion that these savages are so benighted that they are not murderers in the ordinary sense is ridiculous. They are perfectly well aware of the crimes they have committed, and of the penalty which white men exact for them, and any plea of ignorance is absurd. If they have had any provocation, or were first attacked, the case would be different. A judicious officer will take care not to act until he knows for certain that there is no mistake. Let the guilty be punished when their guilt is clearly established. We hope there is nobody prepared to waste any sympathy upon these murderers, though nothing should surprise us after the exhibition in Melbourne in favour of reprieving Ned Kelly. British subjects have a right to protection in the South Sea Islands, just as much as in South Africa, or on the Gold Coast, or in Afghanistan. The outrages committed by King Coffee of Ashantee were very properly punished by a body of British troops under Sir Garnet Wolseley, in 1874, and Coomassie, his capital, was burned. These outrages were not more flagrant than the South Sea massacres. It will be a bad thing for the loyalty and devotion of the colonists if they are compelled to the conclusion that there is less consideration shown to them than there was to the traders on the Gold Coast of Africa. If the British connection means that the trade of New South Wales with the South Sea Islands is to be abandoned or only carried on at the risk of life, then we say the people of this colony will have to consider how best to protect their trade themselves. We do not know what action the Government are taking in this matter, or whether they are taking any action at all; but we do trust that they will properly represent the interest of New South Wales, and that the Governor will make such representations as will cause the High Commissioner to realize the necessity of his teaching his proteges to behave themselves. The statements of Captain Woodhouse in another column, to which we have already referred, show very clearly that there has been gross exaggeration as to the alleged provocation to the natives of the Solomon Islands. The slave trade of several years ago has ceased, and the islanders are thoroughly protected against any such abuses as were rife some years ago. The traders find it to their interest to keep on friendly terms with the natives who trade with them. No doubt there may be instances of white men on these trading vessels misconducting themselves, but, as a rule, care is taken not to give the natives any offence. Whatever may be thesreal truth as regards these atrocities, it is very clear that one of Her Majesty's vessels should long ago have been sent to the scenes of the massacres that have so shocked the public, to ascertain the true state of the case, and punish the guilty. We hope it will not be forgotten or overlooked, when the news of these repeated atrocities reaches England, that three or four months ago several massacres had taken place of the captains and crews of peaceable traders,

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and that it has only been since the captain and a portion of the crew of the " Sandfly," a war schooner, were murdered that the High Commissioner and the Commodore have seen the necessity of sending a war ship to the scenes of the massacres. Of course they may have had very good reasons for this inaction ; but we wish the British Press and the members of the House of Commons to know the facts, so that they may be prepared to discuss them properly. During the past two or three months, when massacre after massacre has taken place, the men-of-war on the station have for the most part been comfortably anchored in the harbours of the colonial capitals, and the men belonging to them have been taking part in the ceremonials attending the opening of the Melbourne Exhibition. Not a solitary man-of-war has been despatched to the islands until the " Emerald " received orders to go. She was to have gone on Monday, but she did not leave until yesterday. We trust that her visit may be more effective than that ot-the "Cormorant" was.

XV.-The.High Commissioner and his Court.

[Extract from the Sydney Daily Telegraph, 10th December, 1880.] 11.M.5. "Emeeald" left Sydney on Wednesday for the Solomon Islands, and last evening the " Wolverene," Commodore Wilson, arrived from Adelaide. It certainly does seem, when so very little extra time would have been wasted, that it would have been better had the "Emerald" remained until the arrival of the " Wolverene." A personal interview with the Commodore, and a consultation upon the best means to be employed in dealing with the natives of the Solomon Islands, would certainly have been advantageous to Captain Maxwell, of the "Emerald." The question is one that should have been carefully considered and discussed, for it is surrounded with difficulties. As it is, we understand that the captain of the "Emerald" has been left by the Commodore.very much to his own discretion in dealing with the natives of the Solomon Islands—the worst position in which he could possibly have been placed. Whatever he does will be found fault with. If he is prompt in finding out the murderers and executing summary punishment upon them, he is sure to be assailed with a chorus of groans by the friends and the apologists of the natives. On the other hand, if the visit of the "Emerald" be as little good as the visit of the "Cormorant," then Captain Maxwell will incur the censure of public opinion. The fact that the Commodore and the captain did not meet before the departure of the latter would not be a matter of much moment if the " Wolverene " were to follow the " Emerald " speedily to the scene of the late massacre. Wo certainly understood that the Commodore in hurrying on Jio Sydney did so with the intention of proceeding to the Solomon Islands. We now learn with mingled astonishment and regret that the Commodore has no such intentions—unless his presence is urgently required. Well, we should have thought, if ever there was a time for an imposing demonstration of the British vessels-6f-war at those islands, that time was the present. There have been sevenor eight massacres at these islands, and obviously it will take the " Emerald " a very long time to inquire into all the circumstances, and find out and punish the guilty parties. In the meantime the "Wolverene" and the "Cormorant" will really be doing nothing but increasing the piles of bones under them at their anchorage at Farm Cove. What earthly useful purpose are they serving here? Can any one tell us? That the "Wolverene" at such a time should come to Sydney just late enough to miss meeting the " Emerald," and with no intention of going to the South Seas, is something we cannot understand. There is plenty of work for these throe war-vessels; and why are they not sent to do it ? What enemy have they to watch in Sydney Harbour ? What can the public think of this inaction of the Commodore, which must bring a blush into the faces of his men? The idea is so outrageous that we refuse to believe it. The Commodore must have some good reason for remaining for a short time in Sydney Harbour. Probably he is waiting for specific orders from Home, and expects to receive them in a day or two, when he will follow the "Emerald." It could never have been intended that only one man-of-war should go to the various islands where the massacres were committed. The advantages of going in force are so many and so palpable that common-sense refuses to believe that British captains are so dull as not to see them. Why, in the cause of humanity itself, the force sent down to punish the perpetrators of the cruel outrages should be such a one as to overawe the turbulent natives and to strengthen the hands of those peaceably disposed. With the three men-of-war at the Solomon Islands the great object of the expedition would be speedily attained. The friends of the whites would be strengthened, and their enemies would be overawed. The savages would not soon forget so memorable an occasion, and in future there would be less trouble with them. In judging of the conduct of the Commodore and the captains of the men-of-war, it should be borne in mind that, according to recent regulations that have been issued, they are precluded from taking the law into their own hands. They must send home to England for instructions. If this is so, one need not wonder that the British flag is regarded with indifference, if not with contempt, in the Western Pacific. But is this the case ? Has Sir Arthur Gordon, the High Commissioner, no powers intrusted to him to instruct vessels-of-war to suppress outrages and punish the guilty, whether white or black ? Have the captains of war-vessels no discretion at all allowed them to take measures for the preservation of the lives of British subjects engaged in lawful trade ? We refuse to believe any such absurdity. Mr. Gladstone's administration of affairs in Ireland has not been a success, and the policy of his Government in the South Seas has been disastrous. The coincidence is curious, and is suggestive of some radical defect. In the latter case a policy of kindness and consideration for the natives has, without vigour and firmness in repressing outrage, proved anything but a kind and considerate, policy for the white traders. ■%

[Extract from the Sydney Daily Telegraph, 13th December, 1880.] The subject of the late frequent massacres at the South Sea Islands has formed the subject of comment by the Melbourne Argus, and our contemporary cannot understand why these atrocities

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are tolerated, without any effort being made to punish the perpetrators. The interest of our Victorian neighbours in this subject is of course much less than our own, seeing that the massacres have almost all been of the crews of Sydney vessels. Melbourne does very little, if any, trade at all with the Solomon Islands, and the public there feel less keenly on the subject than do the public of Sydney ; but they cannot avoid condemning the miserable policy which permits murders of white traders without any attempt to interfere even, far less to punish. The Argus quotes from a letter published in its columns, written by Mr. Walter Coote, who has recently visited the islands, " and is acquainted with the feelings prevailing amongst their inhabitants." Mr. Coote says that the natives of many of the islands consider white men " all same woman," and that the boasted men-of-war are " myths." After hearing a great deal about these formidable men-of-war, they view with contempt such an insignificant little vessel as the " Sandfly," and her class of vessels. Mr. Coote goes on to remark, " I admit that the so-called ' Exeter Hall' feeling is very strong with a certain section of the authorities in these matters, but I know that it is really a mistaken policy, for the only lesson these people will understand is the lesson that superior force can teach. Had our men-of-war been even moderately active in their island cruises, had they merely hovered about now and again in the neighbourh od of these places, their presence would have been known everywhere, and their power felt." Mr. Coote seems to have forgotten the visit of the " Cormorant," and the feats performed by her captain and crew in shelling some villages, and the terrible retribution exacted by Commodore Wilson, in the " Wolverene," for the massacre of the crew of the " Mystery," in the shape of pigs and yams. The natives have seen English men-of-w Tar, and "big fellow King Hailey" expressed his contemptuous opinion of them by challenging them to come, so that more heads could be obtained. Men-of-war whose fighting men would not venture on shore, but which kept off at a safe distance, and fired big guns with little injury to anybody, were not likely to inspire respect. If the natives of the Solomon Islands have any burlesque poets, they have had a capital chance of amusing their brown brethren with the valorous deeds of the whites. The captain of the naval force will figure as a kind of General Boom, exclaiming, " The enemy ! the enemy ! let me get at the enemy !" but expending all his valour in a harmless cannonade—all sound and fury, signifying nothing. The remarks of Mr. Coote about the pernicious effects of the Exeter Hall policy bear us out in our strictures upon it. That policy has left the white man at the mercy of the natives of the South Sea Islands. He dares not resent any injustice or an attack upon him, for fear of the consequences. He carries his life in his hands when he goes to these islands. If he is not the victim of a massacre, he may be tried for his life because he defended himself from attack. There is no attempt made to punish the perpetrators of any atrocity upon him. Repeated massacres of traders have not caused any effort to be made to punish those concerned in them. It was only when the captain and some of the crew of one of Her Majesty's war schooners were treacherously murdered that the apathy and indifference of the High Commissioner and of the Commodore were dispelled. The interesting savages of the Solomon Islands might have gone on for an indefinite period in their career of atrocity had they not been so silly as to interfere with the crew of one o_ the lilliputian men-of-war. On the principle that, as Sydney Smith observed, it required the sacrifice of a bishop to get rid of a crying evil, so nothing less than the massacre of an officer and several men of Her Majesty's navy was sufficient to rouse up the authorities to action. But who are the authorities? It is difficult to find out. It has generally been understood that the High Commissioner, subject to the British Government, was the chief authority, and that the Commodore received instructions from him, or, in cases of emergency, acted on his own discretion. We have been under the impression, too, that His Excellency the Governor of New South Wales had some voice in the matter, when the persons massacred were citizens of New South Wales, and their vessels were Sydney traders. But we have no certainty who are the responsible authorities in this case, or if there are any at all. There certainly seems to be no system at all. We understand that the "Emerald" has been ordered to the Solomon Islands by the Commodore on his own responsibility. In this case, therefore, the High Commissioner has taken no action any more than he took in reference to the previous massacres. Is it his duty to preserve order at the islands, and has he neglected his duty, or is it nobody's duty ? We understand that the Commodore must send to England for instructions in any given case ; but we think there must be some mistake here. Once on a time authorities in England have attempted to carry out a campaign by orders from the Foreign Office. But surely that era of stupidity is past, and the policy is not repeated at this time of day in reference to the South Sea Islands. The instructions from the authorities in England can surely never authorize the extraordinary apathy and indifference of the commanders of Her Majesty's vessels in these seas. They no doubt are expected to give a strict account of their conduct, and it is proper that this should be so. But because the British Government is strict in looking after the conduct of its officers, that is no reason why the latter should altogether neglect their duty. Do the instructions from Home authorize captains of Her Majesty's ships-of-war to keep aloof from the localities whore their services are required ? Do they warrant them in lending a deaf ear to the news of repeated murderous outrages, and in idling their time in the harbours of the capitals when their countrymen are being butchered at the South Sea Islands ? It is impossible that this can be so. We cannot believe that the authorities in England are guilty of such insensate folly as to paralyse justice in the South Seas by any such policy. We may depend upon it that the British Government will demand a full explanation of the conduct of those national defenders who have neglected their duty ; and, if the Government is lax in doing so, there are men in the Imperial Parliament who will §ee that their conduct is inquired into, and justice done to the colonists.

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[Extract from the Sydney Daily Telegraph, 16th December, 1880.] Massacbes in the South Seas. To the Editor of the Sydney " Daily Telegraph." Sib, — Sydney, 15th December, 1880. I have read with considerable interest, and not a little surprise, the letters of your correspondents, " J.G.K." and "A. N. Murray," on^.the-'above subject. That " J.G.K." knows very little of the subject of which he writes must bo> evident to any impartial observer of recent events in these islands. He makes a number of assertions which have not even a basis of truth. For instance, ho asserts that the cause of the continued atrocities "is the abominable practice of slave-stealing, carried on under the name* of trade;" and further, that "these islands are the favourite recruiting grounds." That natives were kidnapped in the Solomons years ago no will deny; but that anything approaching kidnapping has taken place during the past seven years Ido not believe. As a matter of fact the Solomons are not, and never have been, the "favourite recruiting grounds." Natives are principally recruited from the Banks, Hebrides, and adjacent groups, and a recruiting vessel in the Solomons is somewhat of a rarity. Eecruiting labour for Fiji and Queensland is carried out under such stringent regulations that it is well nigh impossible for natives to be taken away against their wills. Not only has the Government agent accompanying each vessel to be satisfied that the "recruit" comes voluntarily, but on arrival in the colony the immigration agent of the port of arrival examines him as to terms of his agreement, rate of wages, &c. "J.G.K." proceeds to say that the islanders guard their women " with jealous care," and that the traders have much to answer for in this respect. If " J.G.K." will ask any one who has been amongst them—traders or naval officers, I care not which —he will learn that for laxity of morals in this respect the South Sea Islander is without a rival. Both of your correspondents agree in insulting the men engaged in trading in the labour traffic in these islands. Speaking from personal knowledge of very many of them, I can say that on the whole they are as respectable and honourable a body of men as can be found in any trade. Does " J.G.K." mean to say that men like the late Captains Ferguson and Murray, and others whom I could name, and who have been ruthlessly butchered by these savages—men who throughout the islands bear honoured and respected names—that these men are no better than the savages ? At Mr. Murray's letter lam hardly surprised: in all new countries the missionary and the trader have ever been antagonistic. ' But if the labour trade is, as Mr. Murray would wish to make out, the principal cause of the continued atrocities, how comes it that we never hear of the crews of French vessels being attacked? Perhaps Mr. Murray can answer. Hundreds of natives are recruited yearly for New Caledonia, under much less stringent regulations than those of Queensland and Fiji; yet no Frenchmen are murdered. Since the rule of Commodore Goodenough commenced in the South Seas we have heard of nothing but atrocities; and so long as the policy initiated and carried out by him is continued we can expect to hoar of nothing else. Years ago the very name "man-of-war " was dreaded by the islanders ; now it is laughed at contemptuously. With them forbearance is weakness, and, until a man-of-war inflicts summary chastisement on some band of murderers, wo may expect to hear of more valuable lives and property being sacrificed, and more skulls being taken to adorn the " big canoe " house. News travels amongst the natives as it does amongst white men, and, if an example had been made of the murderers of Lieutenant Bower and his men at the time, it would by this time have been known throughout the group, and would have done more to quell further outrages than the visits of a fleet of men-of-war and their paltry fines of pigs. In conclusion, I hope that, despite the wail of the missionary and the power of tho Exeter-Hallites, the " poor nigger " will soon be taught that he cannot longer be allowed to plunder and murder as he pleases. I am, &c. QuEBNSLANDEK.

XV.-The High Commissioner and his Court.

THE HIGH COMMISSIONEE'S EEPLY. No. 1. Memorandum by Governor Sir A. H. Goedon. The Governor transmits herewith to the Premier, for the information of the Cabinet, a memorandum lately written by Her Majesty's High Commissioner for the Western Pacific. The Governor would wish this memorandum to form part of any papers presented to Parliament with reference to the proceedings of the late Intercolonial Conference. Wellington, 2nd March, 1881. Abthue H. Gordon.

The High Commissioner's Reply.

Enclosure. Memorandum by the High Commissioner £or tlio Westebn Pacific. I have received from tlie G-ovemor of New South. Wales a copy of the Minutes of the Proceedings of the Intercolonial Conference, lately held at Sydney. Among them will be found (p. 10, pp. 12, 13) the Report of a Committee chosen tp consider a resolution calling attention to the state of affairs in Polynesia, proposed by the Hon. A. H. Palmer, and4o examine the papers relating to the appointment of a High Commissioner for the Western Pacific. On hearing that the Conference was.-^bout to enter on sucli an inquiry, I conveyed to Lord Augustus Loftus the expression of my opinion that some communication should be addressed to mo upon the subject, and stated my willingness to afford any information which the Conference might require, and without which it was, I thought, improbable that the members of the Committee could attain an accurate knowledge of the matters on which it was directed to report. My telegram was communicated to the Conference by Lord Augustus Loftus, who was, in reply, requested to inform me of the appointment of the Committee, and that the Conference would willingly receive any information which I might desire to communicate to it. Though very ready to furnish the Conference with papers or

See pp. 191,192, 193.

A.—4,

208

statements of fact asked for by it, it was of course impossible for mo to submit, unsought for, anything like defence or explanation of my own proceedings or conduct, to a body to which I was in no way responsible, and with which I had no official relation. I therefore replied by asking Lord Augustus Loftus to thank the Conference for its communication, and inform it that I should bo happy to afford any assistance or information which might be desired. Of this offer no advantage was taken by the Conference ; and on tho same day on which it was made, the Committee presented their Beport, in the preamble to which it is stated to have been prepared, "having before them the Commission to Sir A. Gordon, the High Commissioner and Consul-General for the Western Pacific"—a statement m which it appears to me that some error must be involved.* The resolutions recommended by the Committee wore, with some modifications, adopted by tho Conference. ■,■■,-, These resolutions have been submitted to the consideration of tho Imperial Government, from which they will no doubt receive that respectful attention which is due to any recommendation emanating from such a source. It would bo out of placo here to discuss them ; but the Appendix to tho Boport of the Committee contains matter which may with advantage receive some immediate comment from me. The contents of that Appendix are somewhat singular. No statistical table is given from which information could bo drawn as to the comparative frequency of murOers among Europeans in tho Pacific at different times, or the proportions which such murders bore to the number of European residents in those seas now and formerly ; official or authentic accounts of massacres recently perpetrated are altogether wanting; and other evidence in support of the resolutions of the Committee will be as vainly looked for. All tho information given with regard to outragea recently committed, is contained in a telegram without date, and addressed to some unnamed individual^ reporting the murder of the crew I of the " Prosperity," and four newspaper paragraphs containing details of other murders. These paragraphs are undoubtedly written in good faith, and no doubt contain the best account obtainable by the editor of the transactions to which they refer ; but itis often found, on subsequent examination, that such narratives are,, owing to very obvious causes, not always to bo relied on as strictly accurate. '' The Appendix further contains two leading articles from tho Sydney Morning Herald (pp. 27, 28), which, though based on erroneous assumptions, are fairly and temperately written; and no fewer than eleven extracts from tho Sydney Daily Telegraph (pp. 23 to 25, and 29 to 35), censuring in strong terms the High Commissioner, the Commodore commanding the Australian squadron, the Chief Judicial Commissioner, and the Government of tho Colony of Fiji There is also a letter, in a similar strain, addressed to the Secretary of the Conference by a person of the name of Thomas, the avowed author of two of the extracts taken from the Sydney Daily Telegraph, with which newspaper I am informed he is closely connected—a statement which the internal evidence afforded by the remainder of tho extracts from that journal would incline mo to believe to bo well founded. It is not easy to understand tho object of tho Conference in reprinting and giving official circulation to these articles. ■ It is certainly not to convoy information as to facts, for they contain none. It cannot bo to exhibit tho stato of popular opinion in Australia, for tho extracts are almost exclusively taken from a single Sydney journal; and oven in the choice of these extracts care has been taken to limit them to such as reflect but one opinion; the anonymous letter of "A Quocnslandcr" (p. 35), containing little but invective, being inserted, whilst that of a man so competent to speak on the subject as tho Rev. Mr. Murray, referred to at page 31, is omitted. I am not well acquainted with Australian journals, but I know that some of them entertain different views from those advocated by tho Sydney Daily Telegraph. Yet it would bo inconsistent with tho respect due to a Conference consisting of tho leading officials of the Australian Colonies to supposo that they intended to imply their own adoption of statements they have had no means of verifying, their concurrence in recommendations that the Solomon Islanders should be " cruelly and relentlessly massacred,"§ or their participation in attacks on officers of tho Imperial Government, on high judicial authorities, and on the Government of a colony unrepresented at the meeting of the Conference. _ _ But, whatever the motive of the publication, the fact remains that grave charges against tho High Commissioner for tho Western Pacific, the Commodore commanding on the Australian Station, the Chief Justico of Fiji, and the Government of that colony generally, have been reprinted at tho public expense, by order of tho Conference, and have boon presented by command of tho Governor to the Parliament of New South Wales, and probably to tho Legislatures of other colonies, thus giving to them a wide-spread official circulation. Those facts, and tho deduction which will inevitably, if erroneously, be in many quarters drawn from them, that tho Conference adopts the charges made, render it, I think, desirable that their want of foundation should at once be made apparent. The charge preferred against the High Commissioner is twofold. It is alleged that he has, on tho one hand, shown undue leniency towards the misdeeds of natives, and, on the other, has shown equally undue harshness m the punishment of British subjects when charged before him with offences against natives. The jurisdiction of the High Commissioner extends over all British subjects in tho Western Pacific, but over British subjects exclusively. He has no authority whatever to deal, whether judicially or in his executive capacity, with the offences of natives of islands not under the dominion of the Crown. The High Commissioner has on more than one occasion pointed out to tho Imperial Government that, unless a jurisdiction wore created competent to take cognizance of offences committed against British subjects in the Pacific, boyond Her Majesty's possessions, tho infliction of punishment on British subjects for outrages against natives in the same regions, when such cases came before the High Commissioner's Court, was sure to excite on their part not unnatural irritation, and a sense of being treated with injustice : for it is hardly to bo expected that men of tho class to which most British subjects in the Pacific belong should understand that Great Britain has an interest m their good conduct, and the maintenance of legal restraint over their actions, quite apart from any sympathy with natives or care for their protection. The reply returned to such representations has invariably been that, in tho opinion of the Law Officers of tho Crown, insuperable obstacles exist to any assumption of jurisdiction by Her Majesty over others than British subjects beyond the limits of Her Majesty's dominions. Nevertheless, although Her Majesty's Government does not see its way to overcome the real as well as the formal and technical difficulties with which any such exercise of authority is undoubtedly surrounded, the necessity for exceptional dealing with exceptional circumstances is not, I think, unrecognized. Meanwhile, however, tho High Commissioner is absolutely powerless to take judicial cognizance of any offence committed by a Polynesian native not also a subject of Her Majesty. Should the proceedings of any native community bo such as can be deemed acts of war, they can be dealt with as such by Her Majesty's naval force on the station. Until a few months since, the Commodore acted m such matters entirely independently of the High Commissioner, and on his own responsibility alone. ■ Lately, he has been instructed wherever possible, to consult the High Commissioner before proceeding to active hostilities ; but no proposal made by him has ever been objected to by the High Commissioner, between whom and tho Commodore there exist the most entire confidence and agreement. Although, however, his concert is in certain cases required, the High Commissioner has no control whatever over tho movements of the Australian Squadron, nor can he direct the course, or hasten or retard the sailing, of a single vessel. , " '• . It is therefore, manifest that the High Commissioner has had no opportunity of showing either leniency or severity towards natives, and that it has been made a matter of reproach to him that he has not exercised a jurisdiction which ho has been strictly forbidden to assume, and that he has abstained from issuing orders which he has no right to give, and to which he'could neither enforce nor claim obedience. The charge of undue harshness towards whites has next to be considered. *Mv Commission as Consul-Genoral, ana my full powers under tho Groat Seal, have never been published or communicated to anv Colonial Government ; nor am I awaro that my Commission as High Commissioner has been so, though such may bo tho case. y + This teleVam is said, but evidently erroneously, to be addressed to the Hon. A. H. Palmer, who is referred to in it as a third party. "As JfcPalmor is in Sydney, please get him to ubc influence." This is not the language of a telegram addressed to Mr. Palmor himself. I "Th^couraothiTtho Captain of H.M.S. 'Emerald' is called upon to pursue certainly does not perform part of a civilized nro"r ammo Our pooplo have boon cruelly and relentlessly massacred, and tho Solomon Islanders must be dealt with in like fashion. All ideas founded on Bxeter-IIallism must bo thrown to tho winds. If they are not, the ' Emerald might as well remain at Farm Cove" (p. 30),

XV.—The High Commissioner and his Court.

The High Commissioner's Reply.

See pp. 19S, igg.

See pp. 194-195 and 201-20G.

See p. 207. See p. 203.

See p. 201,

209

A.— 4

The whole of the cases referred to at pp. 23, 24,* were tried during my absence in England, and, even assuming them to be accurately described (which it will presently be shown they are not), they would not in any way affect the High Commissioner. Since my return to Fiji, in 1879, the cases brought to the cognizance of the Courtt have been, but four, in only one of which a white man was concerned. That white man was the Kcv. George Brown, who has certainly no reason to complain of undue severity on the part of the High Commissioner's Court. Two oi the other parties tried before the Chief Judicial Commissioner since September, 1879, were coloured subjects of Her Majesty. Of these, one was convicted of murder, and sentenced to death ; the other, charged with theft, was acquitted, the only evidence against him (his own confession) being shown to have been, extorted by threats and torture inflicted by Europeans. The fourth case was that of Aratuga, a Polynesiaivconcerned in the murder of the mate andlabotueagent of the " Mystery," who was brought to Fiji as a prisoner by Her Majesty's ship " Conflict," and was put on his trial before the High Commissioner's Court, ill the hope that some ground for claiming jurisdiction over him would be discovered. But no escape could be found from the conclusion that he was beyond the authority of the Court, a view the correctness of which has been Emphatically confirmed by the highest legal authorities in England. Another case, that of a half-caste Tongan, charged with the murder of another half-caste, and of the captain of a German vessel, was never brought before the Court at all, it being clear that it was equally out of its jurisdiction, and the man was handed over to the Tongan authorities to be dealt with by them. It hence appears that, whilst a harsh exercise of the judicial powers he undoubtedly does possess over British subjects is imputed to the High Commissioner, but one white man has been, judicially before his Court since the return of the High Commissioner to the Pacific, and that he was treated with marked indulgence. This branch of the accusation, therefore, fails like the other, being as destitute of evidence to support it. I should wish to believe these charges to proceed from the levity of ignorance rather than from conscious malice ; and it may be well here to note that the objects of the Western Pacific Orders in Council, and of the institution of tho High Commissioner's Court, appear to have been frequently much misunderstood. It was not by any means "to see that whites were protected from outrages by natives" (p. 29), and but in a secondary sense "to protect natives from outrages by whites " (p. 20), that that Court was formed. It was principally designed to provide means for tho settlement of disputes between white men themselves, and to prevent Her Majesty's subjects from breaking Her Majesty's laws. It was found th'at in Samoa, in Tonga, in the New Hebrides, and in other places, small communities of British subjects were springing up, over which no Court had jurisdiction, and no law had force. Debts were incurred, and the debtor could at pleasure evade his creditor's claim. Contracts were entered into, tho performance of which could not) be enforced. Wills were made which could not be proved: disputes arose as to successions, which could not Bo' settled. Crimes were committed, which either escaped punishment altogether, or were dealt with by a Lynch law demoralizing to those engaged in it. It was primarily to remedy this state of things that the Deputy-Commissioners' Courts under the High Commissioner were established at Apia and Nukualofa. It was no doubt also a,n object that the letter and spirit of the Western Pacific Acts should be carrried out by Her Majesty's subjects, and that tho Court should enforce their strict observance ; but no one who looks carefully at the Orders in Council can fail to perceive what was their primary object—the establishment of a Court to which British subjects who had no locus standi before any other judicial tribunal might resort. It may be said, and truly, that largo executive and g?msi-legislative powers have been lodged in the hands 6"f the High Commissioner, distinct from his judicial authority. Their grant was prompted by the belic'f that the State would fail in its duty if it neglected to claim and to exercise control over British subjects who had escaped from the restraints of all constituted authority, and few will say that such action was uncalled for. The same charges of ovcr-lenicncy on the one hand, and over-severity on the other, that are brought against the High Commissioner, are also preferred against Chief Justice Gorrie. Of these, the former may be met by the same simple and complete answer that, as regards other than British subjects, he has no jurisdiction. He has, in the case of Aratuga, endeavoured to establish such a jurisdiction, and has failed to do so. The' charge of over-severity can only be properly appreciated after a careful examination of the various cases tried before the Court, an examination the want of which is certainly not supplied by the misleading paragraphs to be found on pages 28 and 24 of the Blue Book containing the Minutes of the Conference. Captain Kilgour was punished not for " recovering a boat which the natives endeavoured to retain" (p. 24), but for destroying villages belonging to a tribe which, as it turned out, had committed no offence, and for levying war on his own account while one of Her Majesty's ships was in his immediate vicinity. Captain Waite's case is also gravely mis-stated. Captain Daly, whose treatment is termed " arbitrary," but against whom two previous sentences are recorded in the Supreme Court of New South Wales, was convicted of what is euphemistically styled " detaining a native on board without his consent" (p. 24), or, in other and plainer words, kidnapping him—an offence which may not appear to unprejudiced persons' one of so venial and trifling a character as it does to "everyone" of the clique, to the passions and prejudices of which expression is given by the article in question. It is not my intention to enter into an examination of Chief Justice Gome's proceedings, or to attempt to review, extra-judieially, the sentences deliberately pronounced, after full and careful inquiry, by a competent Court, presided over by a fearless and enlightened Judge ; but I think it only right to record my own grateful appreciation of the services he has rendered as Chief Judicial Commissioner, and my entire conviction of the correctness of the judgments he has pronounced. I am, moreover, confident that most men will concur with mo in regretting the official circulation of anonymous attacks on the Chief justice of the Supreme Court of an Australasian Colony. Had reflections upon the conduct on the bench of a Chief Justice of any one of the older colonies, whether groat or small —New South Wales or Victoria, Tasmania or Western Australia—been published in a similar manner, the impropriety of tho act would have met with universal reprobation, and that the more emphatic, if the colony, the chief judicial authority of which was thus assailed, had happened to be unrepresented at the meeting of the Conference. The charge of culpable indifference to the lives of Englishmen, which is that brought against Commodore Wilson in the articles of the Sydney Daily Telegraph selected for republication, is one which that distinguished officer may well afford to treat as lightly as that of cowardice preferred against him by the same journal, but which the Committee has not included in its collection of extracts. Notwithstanding the contempt with which ho must regard such slanders, the gravity unfortunately given to them by their official publication may not impossibly induce him to take some public notice of the attack. I will not attempt to anticipate tho observations ho may think proper to make, should he do so, but will content myself with the remark that there appears to be nearly as much misapprehension as to the degree of protection which British subjects are entitled to anticipate in savage regions, as with regard to the functions' of the High Commissioner. Strictly speaking, none but those who are employed on. public duty are entitled to such protection. Where, as in the recent case of the " Sandfly," men, not of their own free will, but in the service of the. State, and in obedience to the command of its constituted authorities, are placed in situations of peril, the Government they serve may be said to be bound to protect them, and to punish injury done them whilst employed in its service ; but where men for their own personal objects, and in defiance of warning, withdraw themselves from the operation of the institutions of their own country, they take their lives in their hands, and have no right to expect to receive the forcible support of tho State whose sheltering protection they have left. Private parties cannot be allowed thus at their own will to force the hand (if such an expression may be used) of their Government. This is clearly understood in other parts of the world, and I know not why different maxims should prevail in Polynesia. The doctrine that wherever a trader thrusts his way he is to be followed by a man-of-war for his protection, and that, if ho. loses his life in the pursuit of his enterprise, the naval force of the country is to be employed to avenge his death on, the countrymen of those who have killed hiffi, is an altogether novel one. When in Melbourne, in 1878, I explained this at some length to the promoters of an association for an expedition to New Guinea, then contemplated, and stated that it was "my duty formally and emphatically to declare that the British Government disclaim all obligation to protect or interfere on behalf of persons voluntarily placing themselves

XV.-?*fla High Commissioner and his Court.

The High Commissioner's Reply:

See p. 200.

See pp. 194.195.

* See pp. 104,195. +1 do not take into account petty eases between British subjects themselves, he;iid before the Doputy-Conimissioners' Courts at Ar>ia and Nukualofa. ..--..* a.- - .

27—A. 4.

A.—4

210

in positions of danger in a savage country, and that those who enter on such enterprises do so at their own risk and peril." I subsequently received official intimation that the language I then used was entirely approved by the Imperial Government, of which it correctly expressed the views. Such also has most emphatically been the language of the United States Government, and of the jurists of that country, who have very clearly laid down that those engaged in such adventures forfeit all right to claim the protection of the State. But, though such protection cannot be claimed as a right, there are no doubt many cases in which it ought to be, and, practically, would be, given. Each case must, however, depend on its own merits, and those merits it is often no easy task to ascertain. It by no means follows that, in every iastan.ee where a white man's life has been taken, a casus belli has been established. It is often difficult to assign any immediate cause for the act, and there is too frequently an entire absence of reliable evidence as to the attendant circumstances. In many cases, I havo no doubt that massacres are perpetrated, to gratify a mere savage thirst of blood, or to satisfy the cupidity excited by a display of tempting goods : but this is not always so. The murder may have taken place in some tribal broil; it may have been the result of previous quarrels ;it may even be the just punishment of a grave offence, or the natural result of serious provooation. It may have resulted from a breach of customs having the force of law, of the consequences of breaking which the murdered man may have been himself well aware. The punishment of death is naturally, and indeed necessarily, often resorted to by barbarous nations, who have no means of carrying out long sentences of imprisonment or other secondary punishments. It is true that in England^murder and treason are now the only capital offences, and that we are apt to regard the infliction of death for other crimes as unjustifiable ; but it can hardly he a subject for wonder or complaint if among savage tribes punishments should be as sanguinary as among ourselves fifty or sixty years ago. Where a white man is put to death by savages for an offence which, if committed by one of themselves, would, with the general assent of the community, have entailed a similar penalty, it would generally (though not always) be difficult to say that an " act of war" had been committed. The questions thus raised are numerous and intricate, nor, is it my object now to follow them up in detail, but merely to point out that the apparently popular notion that, whenever an English trader or traveller is killed in Polynesia (though not if he be killed in any other savage region of the world out of the Queen's dominions), it is the duty of Her Majesty's Government to despatch an armed force to avenge his death, is not altogether a sound one, and that the expediency and propriety of such action entirely depend on the special circumstances of each particular case. The graver charges of neglect of duty, and misuse of power, on the part of the High Commissioner, the Commodore, and the Chief Judicial Commissioner, being disposed of, the loose and inaccurate assertions on particular points scattered through this Appendix are in themselves little worthy of notice ; but it may perhaps not bo amiss to correct a statement so easily susceptible of correction as that on page 23, where we are told that " the natives are protected* by a High Commissioner and many Deputy-Commissioners, costing Great Britain some £20,000 annually." jSfow, the fact is that there are but tivo Deputy-Commissioners, one of whom receives a salary of £450, and the other a salary of £100, in addition to his pay as Her Majesty's Consul at Samoa. The Chief Judicial Commissioner receives £300 a year in addition to his salary as Chief Justice. The High Commissioner and Assistant High Commissioner draw no salary; and the whole cost of the working of the High Commission, including the expenditure incurred in the employment of Her Majesty's ships in passages, &c. has not in any year since its establishment amounted to £3,000, the amount annually voted for the purpose by the House of Commons. Though not very closely connected with the subject of these outrages, the extracts from the Sydney Daily Telegraph, and acknowledged letters of Mr. Thomas, which the Conference has deemed worthy of reprinting, will be found to contain a good deal of severe censure on the Government of Fiji, in respect of the policy it has pursued in the internal administration of that colony. It is a policy which in India, as well as in Fiji, is misunderstood and misrepresented by those who, arrogating, on the score of their colour, an unlimited deference and obedience from their darker fellow-subjects, condemn institutions and chafe under restraints which are fortunately maintained with unimpaired rigidity by those to whom the destinies of that empire are confided. India is a groat continent containing many millions of inhabitants ; Fiji, a small group of islands inhabited by less than 120,000 people : but the same principles of government apply to both. The circumstances of the acquisition of Fiji, like those which have attended the rise of English power in India, impose a moral obligation to govern in the interests of its people. Fiji, like India, is no mere colony of white men planted on an empty waste, or for the first time cultivating a land hitherto only roamed over by nomadic savages. It is the home of a large and industrious settled population, who own and till the soil and possess a social and political organization, by means of which the country is easily, peaceably, and cheaply governed.- In Fiji, as in India, policy teaches the same lesson as justice, and proclaims, in tones not to be mistaken, that, when a native population outnumbers by more than fifty to one the strangers dwelling among them, it is not safe, even if it be practicable, to tako out of their hands large powers of local self-government, and that to do so would inevitably cause widespread discontent, and, in the end, armed collision. Both in India and Fiji, however, there are those who would grant to every white man, however irresponsible, the privileges belonging to the members of a ruling caste, who regard as " insolence" any independence of action on the part of the native landholders of the country, and as treason to white supremacy the retention in native hands of executive or judicial power—who would rather see crime committed with impunity than permit the saoredness of the " dominant race " to be profaned by the touch of a native constable (p. 22). It is not surprising that to such men the policy pursued with marked success in Fiji should be distasteful, or that they should express their disapproval loudly; but it is, I think, to bo deplored that their reflections on the Government of a colony not represented at the Conference should be republished under the auspices of that body. What would be thought of the good taste or propriety of the conduct of this Government, if it had reprinted and laid before the Legislature newspaper attacks on the internal administration of an Australian colony—the letters, for instance, which have lately appeared in the Sydney Press as to the alleged systematic and wholesale murder of natives in Queensland; or the attacks upon members of this or that Cabinet which might be gathered from the Victorian Press during the heat of an election contest ? Yet what has been done in this instance is practically very similar ; and Fiji, as an Australasian colony, not less sensitive to her rights and dignity than those of larger area and some years' longer history, has a right to ask why, if her affairs woro to be a topic of" discussion, she was not herself invited to take part in the Conference ; and is entitled to protest against a course calculated to excite popular prejudice against the highest officials of her Government, especially those occupying the bench of justice. I cannot conclude this memorandum without expressing my regret that the Conference should not have availed itself of my offer, at least so far as to make some inquiry of me into the nature of the powers possessed by the High Commissioner. Had this been done, Ido not think its members would have collected, and thought worthy of republication, allegations which they would have known to be based on misapprehension. But I still more regret that, i f it was originally intended that the subject of those powers should he discussed at the Conference, it should not have been mentioned in the circular sent to the different Governments, as a matter to which attention was to bo invited, and that no intimation should have been given to the High Commissioner himself. The subject was certainly one of sufficient importance to warrant such mention, if its introduction was contemplated. If, on the other hand, the question was raised without previous concert, it is, I think, still more unfortunate that the Conference should not have declined to enter into its consideration, without, previous communication with those from whom alone it eould obtain accurate information on, at all events, some of the points raised, and that it should have allowed itself to be made a medium for the dissemination of slanders* on men holding high and responsible situations, who had received no intimation of the intentions of tho Conference to investigate the nature of the functions committed to them by the Crown. Wellington, 26th February s lBBl. A H G

XV.-Thc High Commissioner and his Court.

The High Commissioner's Reply.

See p. 194.

* That the protection of natives is not the primary object of tho High Commission I have already shown,

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No. 2. [Governor Lord Augustus Loftus to the Colonial Secbetaby, Isfew South Wales. Sie, — Government House, Sydney, Bth March, 1881. I have the honour to enclose to you copy of an official letter which Commodore Wilson has addressed to me, referring to certain resolutions published in the Minutes of the Proceedings of the Intercolonial Conference lately held in this capital; as also to certain documents annexed thereto, which reflect disparagingly on him as the Naval Officer in command of this station, and on the duty of the Navy generally in these seas. I consider that it is due to the Commodore that the same publicity should be given to his letter as was given to the resolutions of the Intercolonial Conference, and to the documents to which I have referred. I have, &c. Augustus Loftus.

XV^The High Commissioner and his Court,

Commodore Wilson's Reply,

Enclosure. Commodore Wilson to His Excellency the Goveenob, New South Waloe. My Loed, — H.M.S. "Wolverene," at Hobart, 16th February, 1881. At the termination of the sittings of the Intercolonial Conference, yoti were good enough to send me the Blue Book containing the minutes of its proceedings, and the resolutions which the Conference arrived at on the various subjects investigated by it. Amongst these resolutions was one which both touched my functions as the Naval Officer in command of this station, and the duty of the Navy generally in these seas. 2. On the merits or demerits of this resolution I do not propose to comment, and only refer to it as leading up to the point to which I most decidedly take exception. 3. Appended at the end of the book are certain scurrilous documents, being either anonymous letters from an individual signing himself " The Vagabond," or taken from a second-class Sydney newspaper. These productions, which not only reflect on myself and the Royal Navy r also animadvert on an Imperial officer of the highest rank. 4. Without exception, those documents, which I must suppose form the principal groundwork upon which the Conference founded its resolution touching the Navy, are scurrilous libels, devoid of truth either in teflfer or in facts, and are quite unworthy of a place amongst State papers, probably the most important these colonies have ever printed. 5. I was quite aware that these miserable productions were appearing in the Sydney Daily Telegraph before I left there in December last, but the opinions expressed therein were to me cf no importance or interest. I cannot sav I read any of them before they were placed in the conspicuous position they now hold, and were forwarded to me "by your Excellency as part of important official documents. 6. I feel certain that, when the enlightened statesmen who now hold office under your Lordship realize that such unworthy matter has found its way into the Minutes of the Proceedings of the Intercolonial Conference, they will be much annoyed, feeling as they must that the importance given to such incorrect and irresponsible effusions must datract from the value of other better-digested measures, and depreciate the entire Blue Book in proportion. I have, &c. J. C. W tilsos, Commodore.

No. 3. The Pebmieb, New South Wales, to the Colonial Shceetaby, New Zealand. Sib, — Colonial Secretary's Office, Sydney, 11th March, 1881, I have the honour to enclose two copies of correspondence, containing communications from His Excellency Sir Arthur Gordon, G.C.M..G. and Commodore Wilson, with reference to certain portions of the Minutes of the Proceedings of the late Intercolonial Conference in Sydney. I have to add, that copies of both sets of correspondence have been laid before the Parliament of this colony. I have, &c. The Hon. the Colonial Secretary of New Zealand, Wellington. Heney Pabkes^

SfieNtfs, l&n£i.

No. 4. Mbmoeandum by Sir A. 11. Gokdon. The Governor transmits herewith to the Premier, for the information of the Cabinet, the copy of a letter recently addressed by Chief Justice Gorrie, Chief Judicial Commissioner under the Western Pacific Order in Council, 1877, to Her Majesty's High Commissioner, with a view to its communication through him to the different Governments which took part in the late Intercolonial Conference at Sydney, and copies of which have accordingly been forwarded by the High Commissioner to the Governors of those colonies, of which New Zealand is one. The Governor would suggest that this letter should be included among any papers on the subject of the Conference which may be laid before the Legislature. Wellington, 19th April, 1881. Akthtjr H. Gobdon. i?

Chief Justice Gorrie's Reply,

Enclosure. The Chief Judicial Commissionee, Western Pacific, to the High COjimissioneb. Sib,— Suva, .Fiji, 18th March, 1881. I have the honour to state that I have by chance seen a copy of a Blue Book of New South Wales, containing a report of the Minutes of Proceedings of an Intercolonial Conference held at Sydney in January last. 2. This Conference dealt with certain matters relating to the High Commission, and agreed to certain resolutions. 3. With the second of these, "That more effectual means should be devised for the punishment of natives of the said islands, for any crimes or offences committed by them against British subjects," I most cordially concur, as it is a matter which both your Excellency and myself have urged upon the attention of the Imperial Government almost since the initiation of the High Commissioner's Court.

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4. The third resolution is to the effect, " That, in the case of capital convictions by the High Commissioner's Court, appeal should be allowed to the Supreme Court of some one of the Australian Colonies, to be selected by the High Commissioner." 5. As this resolution necessarily affects most the Judicial Commissioners, I venture to offer the following observations upon it. 6. Any. Judge who has to try a capital case would, 1 imagine, bo only too glad to be relieved of some share of the dread responsibility of a sentence of death. 7. Especially must this feeling animate a Judge who is obliged, by the law he administers, and by the necessities of the case, to be the judge both of the facts and the Jaw. 8. The Supremo Courts of the sister colonies have been, and arc, presided over by singularly able men, of whose personal fitness to discharge any professional duties, of however high or arduous a nature, not a question can be raised. I have seldom read a better judgment than that given by the Chief Justice of New South Wales, in which he vindicated the right and duty of" the. Supreme of Justice to keep themselves free and unfettered in the performance of their high functions, by punishing for contempt those who impugn the motives and malign the characters of the Judges. 9. But the peculiarity of the High Commissioner's Court, that the Judicial Commissioner in a capital case must necessarily bo judge both of the facts and the law, with only the assistance of Assessors in regard to the formed, would, I apprehend, be an insuperable barrier to any such appeal as is proposed. 10. The Supreme Courts of all the Australian Colonies administer the law of England without the modifications of law and procedure necessary in the region of the Western Pacific, which have been imposed by Order in Council. A trial for murder, without a jury, would be alien to their system of jurisprudence, and, to enable them on appeal to find a murderer guilty without such trial, they must have additional powers. But to give such powers by Order in Council would not bo palatable, or, probably, possible, in a constitutional colony : and the delegates know best whether there would bo any chance of passing such a Bill through their respective Legislatures. 11. Moreover, unless wo are to shut the door of justice on the whole native race of the Pacific, as against evildoers amongst Her Majesty's subjects, and undo the good work which the High Commissioner's Court has already done, we must, and do, under the powers of the Orders in Council, receive evidence on affirmation of those who are either not Christians or only nominally Christians, and do not understand the nature of an oath in the technical sense of the English law, weighing such evidence to the best of our ability in the equal scales of justice. But this, also, would be' repugnant to the procedure of some, if not a/11, of the Supreme Courts of Australia. 12. An appeal accordingly from the High Commissioner's Court to such a tribunal, would be from a Court which in these particulars administers justice from a higher standpoint, to one which does not, and cannot with its present or any powers which it is likely to obtain for the purpose, administer justice on the same principles. 13. Another difficulty I foresee relates to the execution of the judgment. The person accused of murder, if taken to Australia for judgment, ought, if the judgment bo confirmed, to bo executed there. I have noted how in one colony the fate of a notorious murderer and bushranger excited sympathy ; in another, the keen and clamorous interest created by sentences of death. I can well imagine the public outcry if a colonist were condemned to death, without the intervention of a jury, for murdering a Polynesian in a -far-off island, and how an attempt would be made to force the hand of the Governor and his Council (who, as it was not a colonial crime, would have no constitutional right whatever to interfere) to prevent the execution on their own soil. 14. The proposal of the delegates bristles with difficulties. It is by Imperial Courts, and Imperial Courts alone, that justice can be properly administered in the Western Pacific, and any appeal, where such is-necessary, must be to Courts dealing with evidence on similar principles, and accustomed to trials with Assessors even in capital cases. 15. So much for the proposal itself; but I have something also to say upon the reason for such a proposal being made at this particular time. 16. Only one capital case has been tried in the High Commissioner's Court since its institution —that of a half-caste Australian, tried and condemned at Rotumah, for the murder of a native of Rotumah before its annexation to this colony. In this case, the sentence of death was commuted by your Excellency to twenty-one years' penal servitude. 17. No white man has yet been tried for a capital offence in the Western Pacific ; and, if the baser sort are not incited by the attacks of slanderers on the Court, and the encouragement given to them in quarters whore we might have expected better things, I sincerely trust that the wholesome respect for law inspired by the existence of the High Commissioner's Court after only five or six important trials (followed by no severe punishments), will be sufficient to prevent any murder by British citizens in the Pacific. 18. As there seems to bo no other cause for this particular resolution at this particular time, it has occurred to me as possible that the delegates have been influenced by the libels which they reprint, and have appended to their report. If so, then the proposal would not merely be one to insure a better administration of justice, but is a littledisguised impeachment of the High Commissioner's Court itself. 19. Your Excellency will recollect that " The Vagabond," who signs some of these productions, and appears to have inspired the remainder, is the person who was last year brought down to Fiji for a few weeks, and, without knowing anything of the colony or the affairs of its government, or the administration of justice in it, sought notoriety by assailing your Excellency and myself, in a public lecture, with abuse so foul and violent that oven the local journals most hostile to the Government shrank from reproducing it in what purported to be a report of the proceedings. 20. The respectable part of the audience rose and left the hall, and he was thereafter shunned even by most of those who had taken him by the hand when he first came. He left the colony baffled and most bitter, and to that bitterness, born of his, failure to stir up sedition hero, he has given abundant vent through the Australian papers. 21. No doubt the writer saw many things in this colony which could not but shock a person of his views. 22. Ho saw that no means were taken to encourage or cajole the natives to strip themselves of the possessions solemnly guaranteed to them by the Queen, and that the maxim that (as he puts it) " the land is for the white man " was not one accepted by the Government of the colony. He saw Her Majesty's Fijian subjects a well-ordered society ;he saw their rights and property respected; ho saw them contented and peaceful and industrious, with a fair prospect of rising with that rising prosperity of the colony—a prosperity which the contentment of tho natives insures, and which their discontent would imperil or destroy. He saw an absence of all those costly precautions which elsewhere mutual distrust has rendered needful, and of that sullen ill-will which a sense of injustice has too often elsewhere engendered. 23. For offences such as these, we are not likely to be forgiven by this man, or others of his sort. But I think we are entitled to ask why the delegates should have received, arid, without inquiry as to their truth, reprinted, his outpourings of bombast and falsehood. 2-1. It is a maxim with public men at Home, that they do not take any serious step in grave concerns without having well-ascertained facts upon which to stand. Here we have a resolution of a meeting of colonial delegates supported apparently by nothing better than anonymous libels, or tho random charges of an alien adventurer! 25. I must enter my protest against the character and good name of Judges, who have grown grey in Her Majesty's service, and who fill positions such as those which for many years I have had the honour to hold, being thus trifled with, either by colonial delegates or by any other body of men. The delegates are now more responsible for tho libels than even tho author himself. As his, they would rapidly, and before this time, have sunk into oblivion: accepted and recirculg>ted by the delegates, they may live some little time longer—not, however, to my hurt, but to the shame of those who have reproduced them. I have, &c~ John Gobp.ib, Chief Judicial Commissioner for the Western Pacific. His Excellency the High Commissioner, &c.

Xy.~The.Hig_ Commissioner and his Court.

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No. 5. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbeeley to Governor Sir A. H. Gobdon. (No. 13.) Sib,— Downing Street, 11th May, 1881. I have had under my consideration the resolutions agreed to by the Intercolonial Conference, held at Sydney in January last, with reference to the relations of British subjects with the natives of the Westei-n Pacific Islands, and to the office and functions of the High Commissioner for the Western Pacific. Her Majesty's Government highly appreciate the ability and earnestness with which Sir A. Gordon has discharged the responsible duties devolving on him as the first High Commissioner. They are, nevertheless, sensible of the importance of the points raised in the resolutions, as to several of which I have for some time past been conferring with the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty; and the views of the Conference will receive full and careful consideration. I have, &c. Governor the Hon. Sir A. H. Gordon, G.C.M.G. Kimbeeley.

.XV.-The Hieh Comiinssioner and bis Court.

No. 6. TJae Eight Hon.. the Earl of Kimbeeley to Governor Sir A. H. Gobdon. (Circular.) Sib, — Downing Street, 9th November, 1881. I have the honour to transmit to you, for the information of your Government, a copy of a Despatch from the High Commissioner for the Western Pacific, enclosing a return showing the number of cases in which an inquiry has been made into outrages committed by natives in' the Western Pacific Islands, and the action taken in each instance. I have, &c. The Officer Administering the Government of New Zealand. Kimbeblby.

Enclosure. Sir A. Gobdon to the SecbetAby of State for the Colonies. My Lobd,— Wellington, New Zealand, 22nd July, 1881. In my Despatch No. 35,* of the 18th June, I have said, with reference to the punishment of outrages committed by natives in the Western Pacific, "I have never, except in the case of the'Dauntless,' had any previous knowledge of the steps about to be taken by the naval authorities for that purpose." This, so far as the actual punishment of offences complained of, is the case; but the sentence may be understood to mean, not only that I was unaware of the particular steps about to be taken, but whether any steps were going to be taken at all. This would be an error, and I hasten to correct any such impression. In a great majority of cases of outrages reported to the Commodore, communication has been had with mo, by letter or telegram, before action was taken, as appears by the accompanying return. I think that in every case I have agreed with the Commodore on the question whether punishment should 01* should not be inflicted. The nature of the punishment to be inflicted has not often been communicated to me beforehand ; but that imposed by the Commodore, or by his orders, has, when brought to my knowledge, appeared to me in all cases judicious and satisfactory. I have, &c. The Right Hon. the Secretary of State for the Colonies. Abthub Gobdon.

Sub-Enclosure. Particulars in connection with Outrages committed in Western Pacific Islands, from November, 1878, to May, 1881.

Inquired into by Whether Case was referred to Hi{^h Commissioner before action taken, or not. Cases of Outrage. Dote. Reported by Kemarks. Action taken Dy Mystery, case of Aoba Island Nov. 1878 Governor of Q'eensland and Acting High Com. Governor of Q'eensland Action taken by Wolverene, May 19,1879 Yes; Jan. 11, 1879. Reported by Consulted with Acting High Commissioner in, June, 1879. Murder of Mr. Ingham, at Brooker Island Nov. 1878 By Cormorant, in March, 1879. Punished by Wolverene, in June, 1879 Yes; personal communication with Acting High Corn. in May, '79. Opinion given by Acting High Com. in letter dated May 5, 1879 Yes; June 9, 1879.. Consulted as to punishment with Acting High' Commissioner, June 17, 1879. Murder of Robert Provis, at Guadalcanar Island, of Ariel Murder of James Martin, of Heather Belle, at Aoba Island Nov. 1878 Mr. Brodie, master of Ariel Wolverene By Wolverene, May, '79. Punished by Danae, in Aug. '79 Punished by Wolverene, May 20, 1879 Punishment referred to Commissioner. Irons and Arthur, Murder of Messrs., at Cloudy Bay, New Guinea Nov. 1878 Doc. 1878 Local '^paPunished by Beagle, July 10, 1879 Yes ; personal communication with Acting High Com. in May, 1879 Yes ; personal communication with Acting High Com. in May, 1879 Referred to Acting High Commissioner, May 25, 1879. Referred to High Commissioner, Aug. 25, 1879. pers * Not published in the Appendix.

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214

Particulars in connection with Outrages committed in Western Pacific Islands— continued.

XV.-The Higb Commissioner and his Court.

ME. F. COENWALL'S PETITION. Governor Sir W. P. Dkummond Jervois, G.C.M.G. C.B. to the Eight Hon. the Earl of Deeby. (No. 24.) My Lobd, — Government House, Auckland, 22nd April, 1883. I have the honour, in accordance with paragraph 218 of the Colonial Eegulations, to transmit to your Lordship a petition from Mr. Frank Cornwall, who is at present in this colony. The petition, however, relates to matters entirely unconnected with New Zealand. I have forwarded a copy to the Governor of Fiji, as Acting High Commissioner for the Western Pacific, who will no doubt communicate with your Lordship on the subject. I have, &o. Wm. F. Drummond .Tbevois. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Derby, &c.

Mr. F.Cornwall's Petition.

Enclosure. To the Eight Hon. .the Eo,rl of Derby, Her Majesty's Secretary of State for the Colonies. My Lobd,— New Zealand, Auckland, March, 1883. This is the humble petition of an unlettered man, praying to your Lordship for inquiry and redress of wrong. I have sent my petition to your Lordship through His Excellency the Governor of New Zealand, Sir William Jervois, G.C.M.G. &c.

Cases of Outrage. Date. Keported by Inquired into by Whether Cage was referred to High Commissioner before action taken, or not. Remarks. Action taken by Vlurder of Charley, at Marau Sound May, 1879 Wolverene By Wolverene, May, '79. ' Punished by Danae, in Sept. '79 Punished by Wolverene, June 1,1879 Yes ; June 9,1879.. Punishment referred to High Commissioner, Oct. 19, 1879. Punishment referred to Acting High Commissioner, June 9, 1879. Punishment referred to High Commissioner,. Aug. SO, 1879. • Punishment referred to High Commissioner, Feb. 5, 1880. Punishment referred to High Commissioner, Aug. 22, 1880. Boy escaped. Murder of Jemmy Morrow and one Savo boy, at Guadalcanar Island Murder of mate and' three men of Agnes Donald, at Pentecost Murder of crew of Pride of Logan, at Delele, Now Guinea Murder of boat's crew of Dauntless, at Api, New Hebrides Murder of Jack, mate of Mavis, by an Aoba Island boy, one of crew, at Island of Tanna, New Hebrides Esperanaa massacre, at Ariel Cove Murder of Captain Levison, by John Knowles, at New Britain Hippie massacre, at Nou-ma-Nouma May, 1879 Wolverene No June, 1874 Captain of Agnes Donald Beagle Punished by Conflict, in July, 1879 No Oct. 1879 By Beagle, in Nov. '79. Punished by Beagle Punished by Wolverene, Aug. 16, 1880 Yes ; Nov. 20, 1S79 Aug. 1880 High Com. Oct. 1879 Consul at Noumea Yes; Oct. 29,1879.. Sept. 1880 Aug. 1879 Aug. 1880 Local papers lienard .. Conflict . ■ Punished by Emerald, Jan. 8, 1881 Eenard inquired into, and captured Knowles By Conflict, Aug. '80. Punished by Emerald,Ja,n.l2;81 By Conflict, Sept. 1880 By Benard, in Nov., '80. Punished by Emerald, Jan. '81 By Beagle, in Oct., 1880 Yes ; by cablegram, Nov. 13, 1880 No Yes ; Oct. 8, 1880 .. Punishment referred to High Com. Fob. 15,1881. Action taken; referred to High Commissioner, Oct. 19, 1879. Punishment referred to High Commissioner, Feb. 15, 1881. No action taken. Chinese to blame. Punishment referred to High Commissioner, Feb. 15, 1881. Murder of crew of Chinese junk, at New Guinea Boreal/is massacre, Qualiqualiroo, Malayta Island Murder of three white men of Lcelia, at Kabeira, New Britain Sandfly massacre, at Nogou Island Zephyr massacre, at Ghoiseul Island SSept. '1880 Oct. 1880 Governor of Queensland Fiji Times, for warded by H. Com. Beagle Yes; Oct. 25,1880.. Yes ; by cablegram, Nov. 18, 1880 Oct. 1880 Yes ; Dec. 18, 1880. Nov. 1880 Jan. 1881 Sandfly .. Punished by Emerald, in Jan. 1881 Punished by Emerald, Jan. 11, 1881 Yes ; Dec. 17, 1880 Punishment referred to High Com. Feb. 10, '81. Punishment referred to High Com. Feb. 15,'81. Trading schooner to Emerald Adelaide No 4nnie Brooks massacre, at Brooker Island Leslie massacre. Murder of Captain Schwartz, at Russell Island Murder cf Chinese crew of schooner Prosperity Nov. 1880 Feb. 1881 Punished by Emerald, Jan. 17,1881 Inquired into at Sydney by Wolverene Nov. 27, 1880 Punishment referred to High Com. Feb. 15, '81. papers Wolverene, Yes ; March 22, '81. Jan. 1881 Governor of Queensland Yes; Jan. 31, 1881 Information regarding this massacre requested from High Commissioner, Feb. 15, 1881. Murder of four mission teachers, at Kalo, New Guinea Feb. 1881 Local papers and Mr. Goldie By Sandfly, in May, 1881 Y'os; Juno 15, 1881.

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I desire to place before your Lordship tlie following facts : — That I am a native of Scotland, born in the County of Haddington, in the year of our Lord 1846. That I have not become a naturalized citizen of any other State, and can therefore have no claim for protection on any other Government than that under which I was born. That some fifteen years since I went to the Samoan Islands, in the South Pacific Ocean, and commenced planting and dealing there. I have since that period resided continuously on the group, save on two occasions, viz., first, when I went to Auckland at the invitation of Messrs. W. McArthur and Go. of Auckland, 1876 ; and, second," to Scotland in 1880. Since my return from Great Britain, having become involved in disputes with other South Sea traders, I have lived for short periods at Fiji and Auckland respoctivel)'. That during the time I dwelt on the Samoan Islands I had laid what I considered the foundation of a competence for myself and my children (born of a native Samoan woman of rank, and whose family was possessed of large landed possessions). That I was appointed Vice-Consul by Mr. Llardet for Aana and Savaii, afterwards Acting-Consul there in his absence, and subsequently Acting-Consul by Sir Arthur Gordon. I obtained the confidence and respect of my fellow traders and planters in the South Seas, and had for a period of many years untroubled business relations with the firm of Messrs. Goddefroy and Co. of Hamburg, and Messrs. Rage and Co. also of the same place. That in 1876 I entered into an agreement with Messrs. \V. McArthur and Co., of London and Auckland, to trade exclusively with them. This firm continued to supply me with articles of trade and labourers from the Line Islands until 1879, when I was served with a notice to close my accounts within a certain period by paying in cash the demands the firm made against me in full. I had been, I may inform your Lordship, not only a customer of the firm of Messrs. W. McArthur and Co., but was also their recognized agent, holding powers of attorney from them to act in their interest in the South Seas. That the firm of Messrs. \V. McArthur and Co. in the year 1877 obtained from mo promissory notes, on account of their representations that these notes were to be looked upon only as a convenience to them in trade, and would bs retired by them at maturity. That in the year 1879 the firm obtained from me a mortgage over certain land in Samoa of which I was the reputed owner. That later in tho same year, 1879, during the month of November, a second mortgage over the same land was obtained from me to still further secure the interests of the firm. Under the first mortgage tho land was valued at 10s. the acre; by the second mortgage the price was reduced to 4s. the acre, through my desire to assure the firm I was trading with against any loss that could in anywise arise. On the same day that the second mortgage was made, an agreement, duly signed and witnessed, was entered into between the firm and myself, whereby the said Messrs. W. McArthur and Co. covenanted, in the event of their foreclosing, to accept and to value the land at 4s. per acre " in liquidation of account current " between the firm and myself. That on tho 27th September, 1880, Messrs. W. McArthur and Co. served on me a notice of their intention to foreclose under the covenants and agreements of the second mortgage, which mortgage and notice specifically set forth the fact that the said land was given for security of payment in the event of foreclosure. That on the 20th August, 1881, Messrs. W. McArfchur and Co. issued against me a writ out of the High Commissioner's Court at Samoa for the sum of £5,097 3s. 9d., the amount of certain promissory notes of mine which they Ifeld. These promissory notes, I may inform your Lordship, nearly represented the same amount as that which the second mortgage covered and secured. That the case was heard before the Deputy-Commissioner, Mr. J. Hicks Graves, when a verdict was entered up for Messrs. W. McArthur and Co. That I appealed from the Deputy-Commissioner's Court to the Supremo Court of Fiji. That tho Supreme Court upheld the verdict of the lower Court, but cancelled the mortgages that I had given Messrs. W. McArthur and Co. holding that plaintiffs could not pursue both modes of recovery to sue on the notes and avail themselves of their landed, security. . ■ The Attorney-General of Fiji, Mr. P. S. Solornan, wrote to me as follows after the trial: — " Attorney-General's Chambers, Levuka, 27th January, 1882. " Deab Sib, — " Yourself and McArthur and Co. " Tho decision of the Supreme Court in the matter of your appeal from the Deputy-Commissioner's judgment in this matter delivered at Apia, Samoa, is as follows : — " Your appeal is quashed, with costs to the respondents of £20. " The mortgages given by you to the respondents are declared cancelled, by order of tho Court. "This, of course, leaves you free to deal with the land, and deprives Messrs. W. McArthur and Co. of any power whatever to deal with or control it. " I have, &c. " Frank Cornwall, Esq. Levuka." " P. S. Soloman. That, before a verdict had been obtained in the Supreme Court of Fiji, Messrs. W. McArthur and Co. issued an. execution against and sold all the personal property I possessed in the Samoan Islands ; and after the verdict in Fiji had been given they entered on and took possession of Samoan lands and plantations which are still legally vested in. the Samoan people, and sequestrated or destroyed the produce of several plantations. That, failing, by the sale of personal property and the seizing of plantation-produce, to satisfy the judgment obtained against me in the Deputy-Commissioner's Court of Samoa, Messrs. W. McArthur and Co. advertised certain lands in. Samoa for sale by public auction. That when theso lands were advertised for sale no person would make an offer for them, knowing the vendors had no power to sell. The lands, including several plantations in full working order, somo 250,000 or 300,000 acres in area, were bought in by Messrs. W. McArthur and Go. with all their partly-cultivated condition, and means and appliances for working tho several plantations, for the sum of $8,815 currency, or, say, £1,587 sterling, less expenses of sale. That the Samoan people protested against the illegal sale of these lands to foreign subjects. That the American Consul at the timo of the fictitious sale warned all American subjects to refrain from becoming purchasers. That some of the lands sold by public auction by Messrs. TvY. McArthur and Co. were some years since legally settled on a native woman and her children, named Manaema, by the consent of the Samoa people. The lands conveyed to tho native woman were made her property by deed, dated the sth day of February, 1879, of which deed a duly certified notarial copy was made in the city of Edinburgh on the 30th of March, 1881. The British Consul was duly notified of this fact in writing, both by Europeans and Samoan chiefs. That, upon an agent of Messrs. W. McArthur and Co. attempting to take possession of these settled lands, he was driven away by the native Governor of the district, who thereupon notified the Consul that the land was Samoan land, and free from British Government control. I may further state that to others of the lands sold there belonged deeds registered in the British Consulate at Samoa, which deeds, being tho only evidence of the alienation of the land from the Samoan people, have never yet been in tho possession of Messrs. W. McArthur and Co., who only hold a certificated copy of the mortgage of the land mortgaged by me to them. That your Lordship's petitioner was advised in Fiji by the best legal opinions the colony possessed that, although the High Commissioner's Court could seize and sell personal property, and could enter upon lands and . sequestrate the produce thereof, tho Court had no power to sell tho lands themselves. This advice was given on the following grounds : — (a.) That the Western Pacific Order insCouncil of 1877, being a special and extraordinary piece of legislation, must bo construed strictly. (6.) That the object of the Order in Council was to obtain control over the persons of British subjects residing out of the jurisdiction of British Courts of Law, and not within the jurisdiction of those of any civilized Power. That no country has, or has the power to assume, control over the soil of another country. That the Order in .Council does not, and was not intended to, confer this power on the High Commissioner's Court.

XV—The High Commissioner and his Court.

Mr. F.Cornwall's Petition.

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216

i (c.) That there arc no regulations or forms in the Order in Council relative to the taking in execution and selling • of lands. (d.) That there are no regulations or forms relating to the completion of such a sale hy giving the purchasers a s title of any description. (e.) That the selling of land in Samoa by the Deputy-Commissioner is an exercise of authority over the soil of a foreign State never intended to be conferred by the Order in Council, 1877. (/.) That, these lands having been seized and sold by the High Commissioner's Court as my property, the titles to them in the future would carry with them the stamp of the opinion of the Court in favour of their goodness as against the original native owners, and thus purchasers of the lands from Messrs. W. McArthur and Co. (who might bo foreigners) may be induced to believe that, as the titles have been recognized by a British Court, they were practically indefeasible. That previous to the feigned sale of the lands the native owners and myself had offered to satisfy the claims of Messrs. W. MeArthur and Co. cut of land included in the second mortgage at the price therein stipulated ; but tho offer was rejected, the agent of their firm considering the whole of the lands to be preferable to a part thereof. This arrangement the Samoan landowners and myself are still willing and anxious fco carry out. That, after the fictitious sale of this Samoan property by Messrs. W. McArthur and Co. very grave outrages were inflicted on the native people by' the attorney of Messrs. W. McArthur and Co. in tho desire to obtain possession of the lands and deeds thereof, tending to throw discredit on the British Government and its administration o£ justice. That the following petition and affidavit were presented to the Assistant High Commissioner of tho Western Pacifies for consideration and redress, of which he took no notice :— wTq. His Excellency G. \V.. des Yceux, Esq. C.M.G. Her Majesty's Assistant High Commissioner for the Western Pacific. "The humble petition of Manaema, of Fasitootahi, Samoan Islands, showeth, —That, having suffered grievous Insult and wrong at the hands of one or more certain British subjects in Samoa, she prays to be allowed to lay the following statement of facts before him, and entreats his patient consideration of her case : — "1.- That she is in possession of a certain house and land at Pasitootahi, in Samoa, the same being the property of ■ herself and two children. "2. That ill the month of June last a British subject '(Richard Hetherington, solicitor), residing in Samoa, and ;attorney tot Messrs. William McArthur and Co. forcibly effected an entrance into said house between the hours of 10 and 11 ©'clock at night, stating that he did so by the authority of the British Consul, and refused to leave said -house itill from four to live o'clock in the morning ; there being none but women in tho house. '" 8, That he searched the house for certain deeds of land, rightfully her own and her children's property, with •=the &vowed intention of forcibly carrying them away. "" 4. That by means of his servants he worried and pestered her to drink some beer and gin, in order to intoxicate IiHC and render her foolish and helpless. "■5.- That he tried to persuade her to intrust her own and children's interest to his care, making for this purposo statements which she then believed, and now knows, to bo utterly untrue. " 6. That he compelled her to remain in the same room, seating himself by her side and not allowing her to leave, using improper language, and with his hands taking indecent liberties with her person. ■ "7. That he afterwards attempted to drag her from the room to a bedroom for an immoral purpose, and only failed through being unable to drag her further than the door of the sitting-room. " 8. That he also detained three other females in the room, making one at least perfectly drunk. " 9. That, after being repeatedly requested, he and his people loft about four or five in the morning, leaving one of their number (a white man) beastly drunk in the room. " 10. That, as this is tho second time that she has been brutally treated by parties coming from tho British Consulate, she humbly asks your Excellency if such things are allowed by British law ; and, if not, that your Excellency would cause inquiries to be made as to whether the said K. Hetherington had really authority to do as he pleased, according to his own statement; and that, if tho said Hetherington was justified in all he did through acting under the authority of the British Consul, your Excellency would be graciously pleased to restrain him in future from giving such license in regard to her, as she is a Samoan woman, with no desire to prostitute herself, but simply desirous of living peaceably with her children, on their own land, and in their own house, holding and claiming nothing but what is justly their own. " Your petitioner would only add that the persecutions she has suffered from the British Consulate, or probably 11. Hetherington, have made life unbearable ; and, as no redress can be obtained in Samoa, she has come to Fiji for the sole purpose of presenting this petition and craving your Excellency's interference for her protection. " Masabma." That t'ie agent of Messrs. W. McArthur and Co. offered $200 to any person who would point out where any deeds :wer<". concealed. The Samoan woman visited Fiji, and appealed to the High Commissioner, tho present Governor of Fiji, for protection from the brutalities of tho attorney of Messrs. W. McArthur and Co. The above petition is supported by the following affidavit, describing all the occurrences in detail: — "Be it known to all that I, Manaema, of Pasitootahi, in Samoa, have written this evidence,'and swear to its truth. 'VI remember well the day the lawyer (Hethorington) came to Fasitootahi, in the month of June. It was on Fri iay night he came; people were asleep; it was ten o'clock when they came. I opened the door a little to see w'ao was there, when it was pushed violently back, and they rushed into the sitting-room. There were only I and the 'jhildren, the daughter of tho chief Saga, and the wife and daughter of the chief Molota, in the house. Tho door was then shut, and no one could get outside. A search was then made throughout the house for deeds of land. I was told that a very heavy fine would be put on me if I did not give up the deeds. I told them I had no deeds. The lawyer again asked me to give him the deed by which I and my children ruled, but I refused. Ho said he only wanted to look.at it; but nothing would have induced me, for I knew ho was a thief and a liar. They then kept on searching the entire house, but not a single paper did they get. In their anger they knocked the furniture about because they icould find nothing. They then had a talk together, and two bottles of beer and a bottle of gin wore brought in. They ■pressed and urged me to drink, saying it could do no harm and was only drink for women. I noticed that the lawyer ■often went out with the half-caste Miki, and soon as the lad came in he came directly to me with something to drink. I only once touched gin ;it was brought by Parkinson, after he had had a talk outside with the lawyer. I put it ;aside again and again, but he held it to my lips and poured it down in my mouth. The lawyer then came and sat by :my side on the sofa; he took hold of mo and held me, and touched my breasts and many times tried to touch me .indecently in my person. He used also a great deal of bad language to me. Afterwards he tried to drag mo from the room into a bedroom, but I held on to the door of the sitting-room and called upon Tolonene and Sasa (wife and daughter of Molota), on which tho lawyer let me go. He told me also that tho Consul had given him entire power; that which it pleased him to do he could do ; did he wish to drive mo away ho could do so. I only replied that the house was mine, and I would be taken away when I was dead. Ho then said his desire was to make me his wife; that we together could then look after the children; in which case the New Zealand people could no more trouble or annoy me. Observing it was four o'clock, they prepared to go, lest daylight should break upon them in Fasitootahi; but Tuitafu was awfully drunk, the rest not so bad, but tho white man Maiti was stretched out like a pig. This was the foreigner who told me that Jho chief Moepau was fined $1,000 because he stopped on the land. I replied, ' Let them fine. lam the proper partly to fine, for I rule the land.' This is all I have to swear regarding the affair. " Manaema.

XV.—The High Commissioner , and, his Court.

Mr. F.Cornwall's Petition;* :

. " Sworn before me at Levuka, this 21st day of August, a.d, 1882 —John St. Julian, Commissioner of the Supreme Court."

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217

That threats were made by the British authorities in Samoa that, unless peaceable possession of the disputed lands was given to Messrs. McArthur and Co., their villages would be burned and their other properties destroyed. That the attorney of Messrs. W. McArtbur and Co. thereupon took possession of the dwelling-house of the said Manaema, wantonly destroyed her household property and clothing, and elso property belonging to other Samoan natives, and drove her and her children from their home. That, finding all hope of redress in Samoa against injustice was vain, your petitioner came to New Zealand to obtain the best legal advice the colony could afford him. That Messrs. Hesketh and: Richmond, of Auckland, the well-known Counsel, on review of the facts of the ease as above set forth, gave the following opinion:— r - ■ " We have given the various important and interesting questions wliich you have submitted to us our best consideration, with the following result: — " 1. We would observe that, though you live in a foreign country, yet you are a British subject, and as such you owe allegiance to the Crown of England, and you arc amenable to-the laws of England, as the same are in force in that foreign land and in this, even though such acts of the British Legislature may be of a very unusual and exceptional character. "" 2. The Pacific Islanders Acts, 1872 and 1875, contain special provisions (see section 7 of the Act of 1875) that the powers therein contained shall in no way bo construed o,s giving any dominion or sovereignty to Her Majesty over the islands, or any claim or title thereto, and that the rights of tribes or inhabitants shall in no way be interfered with. Section G of the Act of 1873, on the other hand, expressly states that it shall bo lawful for Her Majesty to exercise power and jurisdiction over her subjects in those islands in the same way as if such power and jurisdiction had been acquired by the cession or conquest of territory. " Froni all this it appears plain that the native laws, customs, and usages remain in full force, and the natives are left in full enjoyment of them. Their titles to land are to be determine^ according to their customs and usages, and to those only; and it is only by an appeal to those laws that the character and ' tenure 'of their titles can bo ascertained. There being a. total absence of dominion or sovereignty on the part of Her Majesty, only those principles of English law which can be found in the native laws must be regarded, and effect must bo given to them according to the law of the place, and as native and not as English law. " I)i the outset, therefore, English law cannot be appealed to as against the natives, whether for the purpose of deciding their titles to their lands or otherwise, nor can Britain provide tribunals for the purpose of exercising power or jurisdiction over natives : nor, indeed, does she profess to have done so. This appears plain from the Acts referred to, and the Order in Council, which leaves the native owners in full enjoyment of their lands according to their customs and usages ; and without dominion or sovereignty there is no power even to provide machinery for investigating and deciding on native rights, saying nothing of the right to touch the land itself. " In the case, therefore, of a native owner's rights of property being invaded by another native, then the native laws must decide between them, for no English law is in force, and the doors of the High Commissioner's Court aro not open to natives, nor are they amenable to its jurisdiction. "If this invasion is made by a British subject, the same result follows. If a British subject claimed to he the owner of these lands, and his possession or rights v/ero invaded by natives, then native laws must decide, and for the same reasons. " The questions as to whether the native or British subject is owner of the land, as to nature or quality of that ownership, and what incidents of property attach to that ownership, are questions which must be determined by the natives according to their laws in all cases of differences between them and British subjects or foreigners. " It might bo that, as between British subjects, the High Commissioner's Court might, in deciding actions of trespass to land, apply some principles of English law, such as the right of a person in actual possession to land to be protected in that possession, as against the whole world except the true owner; but if both parties claimed to be owners of tho land, then we think it would be an assumption of power on the part of that Court to decide that the natives have sold the land to either one or tho other, with a view of deciding that the natives have divested themselves of the ownership : because, first, stich a decision should not bo made unless the native owners were first heard—parties of the a'ction ; and, second, the question as to what is the proper method of changing tho ownership of native land must be decided by native law. ' " This now brings us to a consideration of the particular facts presented to us. "1. It appears clear to us that McArthur had a good cause of action, and there was nothing to prevent him suing Mr. Cornwall upon the notes. ■ The original arrangement was not to last for all time, and that a debt was originally contemplated is quite clear, and if this debt was not liquidated by produce, &c, it is to our minds equally clear that it was open to them to recover it in a competent manner. The ' mortgages,' as they are called, did not merge this debt; indeed, we have a difficulty in seeing that tho doctrine of merger applies at all, for we are not by any means clear that tho ' mortgage' as it appears is a debt of any higher nature—such as a debt by deed or under seal —than the promissory notes, and without this element the doctrine of merger has no application. Moreover, we do not see that McArthurs wore bound to take the land under the 'mortgages.' Having a. 'cause' of action, could they sue in the High Commissioner's Court as they have done? On this question we are not free from doubt, and this, too, notwithstanding clause 5, subsection (1), clause 22,' and clause 85 of Order in Council. Tho cause for our doubt is that the plaintiffs were not ' within the islands residents or net.' We conclude that security for costs was not applied for under clause 25, assuming that clause applied to such a case. As for the judgment, we fear that, after what has been done; it is too late to interfere with that now, and wo pass on to consider the right to issue. " That thore was power to issue execution on a judgment in the High. Commissioner's Court appears to us to be reasonably clear—see clause 269 and following clauso 22—but this is only as against the goods. There is no power to touch tho land, that is, by way of selling the corpus, changing the ownership, giving the title to it whether by possession or otherwise. To do this, special power and machinery must be provided. In New Zealand and some other colonies this power is given to a plaintiff who has obtained judgment, but, like tho Acts and Order of Council before} referred to, such a power is the creature of modern times and of special and unusual legislation. "Assuming clause 22 supplies all the machinery and procedure which is not specially provided for by the Order of Council, then the only course available (if available at ail) to a plaintiff to enable him to touch defendant's lands is by a writ of clegit; and, even if that course were pursued, the question of ownership of 'native' lands (for all are native lands) must arise, and we fail to see at present that elegit would apply to such land. "We do not see any objection to ' seizing' the defendant's interest, whatever that may have been, in the lands, for in doing this nothing is decided, and something or nothing may bo sold, as the case may be. " In sueh a case nothing is guaranteed, and all is at the risk of the purchaser, who must get possession as best he can, and fight the question of ownership and title with those who think fit to contest it with him. As against the native owners of the soil such a sale would bo nugatory, for the reasons before given. They not being amenable to English laws, to executions, entries by sheriffs, and such-like, their acts in resisting a purchaser or Sheriff must bo judged of and determined by the native laws and tribunals. We think it is quite clear there is no power to sell the corpus of the land, and therefore that it has not been sold; and it rests with the natives to assert their rights thereto according to their own laws. "As to the other lands, we are told they were 'settled' on the native woman. If so, then they were not the defendant's to sell; and, if his interest therein only is sold, the same consequences will follow as before mentioned. " As to entering upon the plantations, &c, of this woman, this must be resisted or otherwise as the natives choose. What we have previously stated as to the na*jvo rights will apply to this part of tho subject. Native laws must settle the question, and we have not discussed that she has the power to appeal to the English tribunals for damages. "As to Mr. Cornwall's right to sue in New Zealand, and his prospect of success, we can hold out no substantial prospect of success. If he sued for damages for maliciously and wrongfully suing him in the High Commissioner's Court, then he would fail, for they had grounds for suing, and therefore it was not wrongful or malicious. If he also claims damages for entering the lands and selling produce, they would justify this as being tho act of the Sheriff. 28—A. 4.

XV.-The High Commissioner and his Court.

Mr. F. Cornwall's Petition.

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218

to carry out the execution ; and as to the 'settled' lands ho would havo no cause of action, those lands not being his, " 18th October, 1882." " Hesketh and Kichmond. Still further to be assured of my being unable to obtain redress from the Now Zealand law-courts, I appoalod to Messrs. Dignan and Armstrong, who advised me as follows :—■ " With reference to the matters submitted to us for our opinion, we beg to say we have given them very careful attention, and with the following result: — " The first question on which you ask our advice is, whether the judgment given by the Deputy-Commissioner at Samoa, in the action W. McArthur and Go. against yourself, was sound in law, and whether you could reopen the judgment here, your contention being that such action was'not maintainable upon the promissory notes given by you, upon the grounds— (a) that the notes were given for the plaintiffs' accommodation; and (6) that the promissory notes were merged in the various mortgages referred to- in the case for opinion. The judgment of the Deputy-Commissioner above referred to was afterwards affirmed on appeal by the Supremo Court of Fiji, which at the same time cancelled the mortgages given by you. "To this question we reply that we think the judgment sustainable, but, whether sound or not, we feel certain that the Courts of New Zealand have no power to reverse it, nor would they bo likely to reverse it in any way. " Your next question was, whether tho subsequent proceedings in the action, including the seizure and s*ale by the Sheriff of certain lands, were illegal; and whether, in the event of our holding the sale illegal, you oould sue Messrs.. W. McArthur and Co. tho plaintiffs in the action, for damages in our Supreme Court. " Our reply is that, except as to the crops and produco of tho land, and any mova,blo plant or building, tho sale by the Sheriff is, in our opinion, a nullity, and that your ownership of tho corpus of the land is not affected, in law by such sale ; and, after careful examination of tho Order in Council, we fail to see how, such so-called sale having taken place, the Sheriff (were such ever appointed) could make any conveyance of such lands, tho order providing no power or machinery for the purpose. That tho Sheriff and all persons acting under him would bo liable for any trespass or wrongful act in excess of the authority given by the warrant of distress. That, although such illegal seizure and so-called sale of the corpus of the land were done for the benefit, and presumably under the direction and with the sanction, of tho plaintiffs, who themselves became tho purchasers, and that therefore they might be liable with the Sheriff, wo cannot advise you to bring an action against thorn in New Zealand, as we do not think the Supremo Court here would undertake to say whether such acts wora justifiable or not according to Samoan custom and usage, by which custom and usages the legality of the acts themselves would have to be tested. " As to the lands settled upon the Samoan woman and her children, which were at the same time seized and sold by the plaintiffs, our former remarks apply, that the land could not be sold, and therefore was not sold ; but, the lands being in Samoa, we do not think she could sue Messrs. W. McArthur and Co. in our Courts of Law in New Zealand for any loss or damage she may have sustained. " As to your next question, what steps could Manaoma take to eject Messrs. W. McArthur and Co. from tho lands settled upon her, we can only again say that, although we consider Messrs. W. McArthur and Co. in unlawful possession, we are of the opinion that the Courts here can afford you no relief, upon the ground that our Courts cannot give a decision upon what seems to us to be purely a question relating to Samoan lands. "That, as to the 'wrongful and improper conduct of Messrs. W. McArthur and Co.'s agent at Samoa,' so long as the same was distinguishable from the question of title, we are of opinion that redress can be had here against Messrs. W. McArthur and Co. provided you could prove that such agent had their authority or instruction to do what ho did, or a subsequent ratification by them of his acts, but not otherwise. " The general conclusion to which wo have come upon all the facts is that, although seemingly a very great wrong and injustice has been done both yourself and Manaema, from which Messrs. McArthur and Co. derive a benefit, you are practically without a remedy hero against Messrs. W. McArthur and Go. and we cannot advise an action against them with any certainty of success. " Dignan and Armstrong. " 19th March, 1883." That the general consensus of New Zealand legal opinion is that the New Zealand Courts of Law cannot interfere in a Samoan dispute. That, unable to protect my rights and the rights of those depending upon me, I consulted a leading member the New Zealand Legislature, who is also a member of the New Zealand Bar, who advised me forthwith memorialize your Lordship, setting forth the whole facts of the case. That I trust your Lordship will cause such inquiries to be made as will prove the truth or the untruth of the allegations made in this petition. That your Lordship will take tho necessary measures to retain Messrs. W. McArthur and Co. from committing further outragos upon the native Samoan woman and her children, or forcibly entering upon and disturbing them in the peacoable possession of their houses and lands. That your Lordship will also consider the claim of these Samoans to compensation for damage and loss caused them by tho attempts of Messrs. McArthur and Co. to deprive them of their property. That, as Messrs. W. McArthur and Go. elected not to avail themselves of their landed security, your Lordship will protect your petitioner in his right to control any lands which the Samoan people admit belong to him. That your Lordship will please to remember that the amount of land in the manner above set forth sought to be acquired by Messrs. W. McArthur and Co. comprises ono-third of the acreage of the entire Samoan group of islands, now occupied by at least 50,000 people, and that certain portions thereof are claimed by German and American citizens. That the Governor of Fiji, G. W. Des Vceux, Esq. C.M.G. went to the Samoan Islands in H.M.S. "Diamond" since I have been in Auckland, and, after making inquiries with closed doors, fined tlm natives £100, giving them only until midnight after his inquiries had ended to pay tho fine. I need not acd that His Excellency the Governor of Fiji must havo been quite misinformed as to the facts of the case. Wherefore, your petitioner humbly prays that your Lordship will cause full inquiry to be made into his case, and such relief afforded him and the Samoan people as your Lordship may deem well. And your petitioner, as in duty bound, will ever pray. sth May, 1883. Frank Cornwall.

XV.-The High Commissioner and his Court.

Mr! F.Corn'A all's Petition.

219

XVI. BOUNTY ISLANDS. (TAKING POSSESSION ON BEHALF OF NEW ZEALAND.)

XVI Bounty, islands.

No. 1. The Eight Hon. Earl Gbanville, K.G. to Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G-C.M.G. (No. 8.) Sib,-— Downing Street, 28th January, 1870. I transmit to you a copy of a correspondence with Messrs. Josselyn and Son and the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, arising out of the application of Messrs. Josselyn for information respecting a concession of the right of collecting guano on the Bounty Islands. As these islands are within the limits of the Colony of New Zealand, it will be for your Government to take possession of them, should it think fit, if this has not already been done. I have, &c. Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. Grauville.

Enclosure 1. Messrs. Josselyn and Son to the Assistant Secbetaby, Colonial Office. Sib,— Ipswich, 7th December, 1869. Some clients of ours, a firm of merchants carrying on a very large trade in artificial manures, are desirous of knowing whether the Bounty Islands, situate south of New Zealand, in long. 179° 3' oast, lat. 47° 46' south, are a possession of Her Britannic Majesty, and, if so, whether any concession has been granted by the British Government of tho right of collecting any guano to be found on such islands. If no such concession has been granted, our clients would like to be informed whether the right can be treated for, and to whom their application on the subject should bo made. Requesting the favour of an early reply, We have, &c. The Assistant Secretary of State, Colonial Department, London. Josselyn and Son.

Enclosure 2. Sir F. Eogeus to the Secbetaby to the Admiralty. Sik, — Downing Street, 6th January, 1870. I am directed by Earl Granville to transmit to you the copy of a letter from Messrs. Josselyn and Son, of Ipswich, requesting information as to a concession of the right of collecting guano on the Bounty Islands. It will be seen, by reference to the Act of Parliament, 2G Viet. cap. 2y, that theso islands are within the limits of the Colony of New Zealand, as defined by that Act. Lord Granville would be glad if the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty could inform him whether the islands have ever been formally taken possession of by Great Britain or any other Power. I have, &c. Tho Secretary to the Admiralty. F, Rogees.-

Enclosure 3. Mr. Lushington to the Undeb-Seceetaby of State, Colonial Office. Sib, — Admiralty, 14th January, 1870. With reference to your letter of the 6th January, I am commanded by my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to acquaint you, for the information of Earl Granville, that the Bounty Isles are within the limits of the Colony of New Zealand, as described by Act of Parliament. They were discovered by Captain Bligh in 1788, and were visited by the Colonial steamship " Victoria " in 1865 ; but wo have no record of their over having been formally taken possession of : and their Lordships are of opinion that no moro doubt exists as to their belonging to Great Britain than the Snares, and other small isles in the vicinity of New Zealand. I have, &o. The Undcr-Sccretary of State for the Colonies. Vebnon Lcshington.

Enclosure 4. The Undee-Secketaey of State to Messrs. Josselyn and Son. Gentlemen, — Downing Street, 22nd January, 1870. I laid before Earl Granville your letter of the 7th ultimo, inquiring, on behalf of your clients, whether any concession of the Bounty Islands had been granted by the British Government, and, if not, to whom application should be made. I am desired by his Lordship to inform you that the islands are within the limits of New Zealand, and that your clients should address their application to the Governor of that colony, Sir George Bowen. I have, &c. Messrs, Josselyn and Son, Feedebjq RodEBS.

A.-4.

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XVJ .-Bounty Islands.

Xo. 2. Governor Sir G. F. Bowek, G.C.M.G. to the Eight Hon. Earl Ghaxyille, K.G. (No. 102.) My Loed, —■ Government House, "Wellington, New Zealand, 21st x\ugust, 1870. I have the honour to report that I lost no time in directing the attention of the Colonial Ministry to your Lordship's Despatch No. 8, of the 28th January ultimo, transmitting copy of a correspondence with Messrs. Josselyn and Son, arising out of their request for information respecting a concession of the right of collecting guano on the Bounty Islands ; and instructing me " that, as these islands are within the limits of tho Colony of New Zealand, it will be for the Colonial Government to take possession of them, should it think fit, if this has not already been done." 2. The question of taking possession was referred by my Irresponsible Advisers to the AttorneyGeneral of New Zealand, a copy of whose opinion is annexed. I was then requested to ask Commodore Lambert to send one of Her Majesty's ships under his command to the Bounty Islands, for the double purpose of taking possession, and of ascertaining if there were any castaways on them from the missing ship " Matoaia," as had been considered probable by some of the relatives of the passengers by that vessel. 3. With his usual zeal and alacrity in the public service, Commodore Lambert despatched Her Majesty's ship " fiosario " on this mission, and 1 now transmit a copy of his letter, forwarding to me Captain Palmer's report. 4. It will be seen that the Bounty Islands are merely a group of almost inaccessible rocks, and that it is not probable that there is niuch guano upon them. In reply to the application made by Messrs. Josselyn, the Colonial Government has thought it right to acquaint them with the real state of' the case, and to send them a copy of Captain Palmer's report. I apprehend that the Colonial Government will always be glad to give leases on easy terms to mercantile firms or other persons -willing to maintain establishments on the uninhabited dependencies of New Zealand; for, in addition to other considerations, the cause of humanity, in the event of shipwrecks thereon, would be greatly benefited by such establishments. I have. &c. The Eight Hon. Earl Granville, K.G. G. E. Bowen.

Enclosure 1. Opinion of the Attorney-General of New Zealand as to Concession of Right of collecting Guano on the Bounty Islands. I am disposed to think that the safest course will be to have possession formally taken, and such act ratified by the Crown, as previously authorized. I think it very questionable whether the Act of the Imperial Parliament could, should a question ever be raised with a foreign Power, vest the territory in the Crown of England, no possession having been taken on behalf of the Crown —certainly nono followed by occupation. However, if no vessel of war is likely to visit the islands so a3 that possession may be first taken, then I think the concession may be granted—it being a condition that he shall within a reasonable time make use of the grant—and the grantee authorized by Commission from the Crown to take possession of the islands in the name of the Crown. I think, therefore, that the writer should be informed on what terms the concession will be granted. A concession for a similar purpose was granted for the Auckland Islands. The question, also, as to the necessity for a Commission from the Crown to take possession, or for a ratification by tho Crown of any act done under such authority of the Governor in taking such possession, should, I think, be brought before the Secretary of State for tho Colonies. The Law Advisers to the Admiralty seem to mo, in the opinion given by them on the matter, and attached to the despatch above referred to, rather to avoid giving any definite opinion, but to intimate that there is no necessity for taking possession of these islands ; and they would, I assume, found that opinion on the effect of the Imperial Act adding the islands to Now Zealand. That Act probably is conclusive on all subjects of the Crown: the question, however, is, whether it would bo held as sufficient as between Great Britain and foreign Powers. It is hardly likely any question will bo raised : the islands are, I suppose, scarcely habitable. However, lam not aware of any rule recognized by the law of nations by which such islands as these, situate in the open sea, at a distance of nearly 300 miles from the nearest part of tho Chatham Islands, and considerably over 300 miles from the nearest part of the principal is.la.nds of New Zealand, can bo annexed by the Parliament of Great Britain to the dominions of the Crown, without possession taken. James Pkendekoast, To the Hon. the Colonial Secretary. Wellington, 17th May, 1870,

Enclosure 2. Commodore Lambert to His Excellency the Goveenob. Sir,— H.M.S. " Challenger," at Wellington, Ist August, 1870. With reference to your Excellency's letter of 80th May last, I have the honour to transmit herewith, for your information, a copy of Captain Palmer's report of proceedings on the visit of H.M.S. " Rosario," under his command, to the Bounty Islands, last month. I have, &c. Rowley Lambeet, His Excellency Sir G. P. Bowen, G.C.M.G. Commodore and Senior Officer.

Eepobt of Peoctbdinqs. Sib,— H.M.S. " liosario," Wellington, New Zealand, 13th July, 1870. In accordance) with your orders, I. left Auckland on the 29th of June for the Bounty Islands; but owing to the weather coming on thick, with a strong head-.wind, I anchored for the night in Tofmo Bay. I weighed on the following morning, and experienced strong westerly winds until the evening of the 4th July, when a heavy gale sprang up from the south-west, which obliged me to lay-to for thirty-six hours, during which time the second cutter was stove by a sea, and several feet of the port waist hammock netting washed away. On the forenoon of the Gttagthe wind moderating and being again west, I made sail, and on the Bth got up steam, so as to insure sighting the Bounty's before dark, as their position war, uncertain. We made tliern at 3.15 p.m. bearing N.E. by E. J E. on the same day, and hove to at sunset, trying for soundings at 110 fathoms, the centre of the islands bearing N.E. by E. J E. about twelve miles. At daylight, stood in for the islands under steam; wind light, with heavy ocean swell from the southward. Fired

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guns at intervals to attract attention; but, on approaching nearer to them, I soon saw how hopeless was our chance of finding any traces of the missing ship " Matoaka," for these rocky islets are perfectly barren, destitute of any covering, and exposed on every side to the fury of the sea, which breaks heavily and incessantly upon them. Even during the comparatively calm forenoon we experienced, the sea was observed to dash completely over many of them, sending clouds of spray over nearly the highest. There was a blow-hole in one of the western islets, through which the water and spray was forced upwards of 300 feet high. This dangerous group of rocks extends 3f miles east and west, and about 1J miles north and south, about- twenty in number (counting large and small), and divided into two clusters, with apparently a clear passage between them. Landing was quite impracticable, and I doubt if, even in the calmest summer day, a footing could be obtained. At 8.30 a.m. -t- x islet N.E. by E. from two to three miles, sounded in 87 fathoms, white sand and pebble. Observed a sunken rock S.S.E. breaking heavily. Altered course and stood out. At 9.30 a.m. sounded in 98 fathoms, white sand and shells, the centre of the islets bearing N.E. by E. J E. 4J miles. When the peak of eastern islet bore N.E. JE. a base of 3'2 miles E. by N. was run with the patent log, until the same peak bore N.N.W. f W. and, the usual angles for distance and height being taken, we found tho ship 2-2 miles from it, in 84 fathoms, yellow sand and shell; height of peak being 280 feet. (Sketches taken.) The sunken rock observed breaking to the southward bears S. \ W. from the western islet, and S.W. £ S. from the eastern one, and about three miles from the main group. Wo also observed the breakers reported by Captain Norman, of the Colonial steamer " Victoria," in November, 1865, from three to four miles to tho westward. Since leaving Auckland we were fortunate in obtaining good observations every forenoon, noon, and afternoon, and were consequently enabled to determine accurately the position of these dangerous rocks, namely, latitude 47° 46' 24" S. longitude 178° 56' 45" E. Highest islet (easternmost one), 280 feet. At noon, having brought up bottom, I took possession of them in the name of Her Most Gracious Majesty, hoisting the colours, and reading a proclamation to tho officers and ship's company to that effect, and declared them duly annexed to Her Majesty's Colony of New Zealand. Steamed round to leeward, and at 12.30 p.m. got soundings at 89 fathoms, white sand and shell, the eastern islet bearing S.W. £S. 2£ miles. At 1.15 p.m. sounded again in 93 fathoms, water-worn granite and shells, the +- xof islets bearing S.E. J S. and the -*- S. Owing to the geographical position of these islets, I was by no means surprised when no traces of the guano deposits said to exist here were observed, and it was noticeable that an extremely small number of sea-birds were to be seen, either on the rocks or flying about. Two large schools of blackfish were seen in the immediate neighbourhood of the islets, together with large patches of kelp. At 1.20 p.m. shaped a course for Cape Campbell, and lost sight of the Bountys at 4.30 p.m. On the 10th, at 8.30 a.m., a south-west gale springing up, I made sail, and at 9 p.m. on the 11th sighted Pencarrow Light, and anchored in. Port Nicholson at I a.m. on the 12th July. I have, &c. Commodore Rowley Lambert, C.B. A.D.C. Geo. Palmeb, Senior Officer, H.M.S. " Challenger." Captain.

XVl.—Bounty Islands.

PaOCLAMATION. *I, Geohge Palmes, Captain in Her Britannic Majesty's Navy, and at present commanding Her Majesty's ship " Rosario," do hereby make known to all whom it may concern that, by virtue of an order from Commodore Rowley Lambert, 0-B. A.D.G. commanding Her Majesty's ships in these seas, I have this day taken possession of the Bounty Islands, in the name and on behalf of Her Most Gracious Majesty Victoria, by the grace of God, of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland Queen, Defender of the Faith, &e.; and Ido hereby declare the said Bounty Islands to be annexed to Her Majesty's Colony of New Zealand. God save the Queen ! Given under my hand, this ninth day of July, one thousand eight hundred and seventy, off the Bounty Islands. Geo. Palmeb, Captain of H.M.S. " Eosario."

No. 3. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbebley to Governor Sir G. P. Bowen, G.C.M.G. (No. 102.) Sib,— Downing Street, 17th November, 1870. I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your Despatch No. 102, of the 21st of.August, reporting the formal taking possession of the Bounty Islands in the name of the Queen. I approve of the steps taken in this matter. I have, &c. Governor Sir G-. P. Bowen, G.C.M.G. Jlimbebley.

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ITVTT NEW GUINEA. No. 1.

XVI 1.-New Guinea.

The Right Hon. the Earl of Caknabvon to Governor the Most Hon. the Marquis of Noemanby. (Circular.) Sie, — Downing Street, 13th January, 1876. I have the honour to transmit to you a copy of a Despatch which I addressed last month to the Governor of New South Wales, being of opinion, as I stated in the first paragraph of that Despatch, that I might most conveniently address to that colony which had made the most extensive proposals with regard to further annexation (whether in New Guinea or elsewhere in the Pacific), those observations which had been called for by despatches which I had received from other colonies on portions of the same subject. I need not, of course, add that, whilst embodying my general reply in a Despatch addressed to one single colony, I have given the fullest and most careful consideration to all the communications which have reached me on this matter from other Australasian Colonies; and I trust that the course which I have taken will not be thought inconvenient. I regret, however, that, through an accidental delay, this Despatch has not been sooner addressed to you. I have, &c. The Officer Administering the Government of New Zealand. Cabsabvon.

Enclosure. The Earl of Carnarvon to Governor Sir H. Eobiksok. Sib, — Downing Street, Bth December, 1875. I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your Despatch No. 52, of the 3rd June, in which you transmitted a minute, signed by Mr. Robertson, on behalf of your Ministers, recommending that Her Majesty should be advised, with as little delay as possible, to take possession not only of New Guinea, but of the Islands of New Britain, New Ireland, and a large number of other islands, extending to a long distance in the Pacific Ocean, east and north-cast of New Guinea. I have also received addresses in favour of the annexation of New Guinea from the Legislatures of South Australia and Queensland, and I am informed that a similar representation will bo addressed to me from Victoria ; but, as the minute of your Ministers comprises a much more extensivo proposal than has otherwise come before me, it may be convenient that I should address to you that general statement of the present views of Her Majesty's Government which it is convenient no longer to delay. 2. The principal reasons which have been advanced for the extension of British sovereignty over New Guinea and other islands of the Pacific, may be fairly summed up as follows ; — (1.) That their possession would bo of value to the Empire generally, and conduce specially to the peace and safety of Australia, the development of Australian trado, and the prevention of crime throughout the Pacific. (2.) That the establishment of a foreign Power in the neighbourhood of Australia would be injurious to British, and more particularly to Australian, interests. 3. But it is urged that, although primarily of importance to Australia, it is as an Imperial question that this annexation should be considered; and lam further led to understand that those colonies which would derive most advantage, whether in a political or in a commercial point of view, from this stop, aro of opinion that no part of its cost should be defrayed from colonial funds. 4. I could wish that some facts had been stated, or some arguments adduced, to substantiate a view which will naturally be thought here to need proof. There is, lam satisfied, not only no disinclination, but a hearty willingness, on the part of the people and Parliament of this country, to accept, whether in expense or in political responsibilities, the common burdens of that Empire of which they are justly proud; but it is simply impossible either for me to admit, or, if even I were to make the admission, to persuade the English people, that the Australian Colonies have no special interest in the annexation of New Guinea, and that the responsibility of the measure rests exclusively with the Imperial Government. While, therefore, lam ready to give the fullest consideration to any advantage, if such can be shown, which would accrue to the Empire at large from the acquisition of the very great area of country now under consideration, I cannot at present perceive any ground other than that of its interest to Australia on which such a proposal could bo seriously entertained. The proposal is made, it must be remembered, in the absence of any English settlements, I might also say of any individuals of European race, on this unexplored continent, and in face of the fact that the information which we at present possess respecting it is extremely discouraging. Such trade, however, as would be developed in New Guinea and the adjacent islands, would principally benefit the Australian colonies, and it would not be easy to show that for such a purpose this country ought to incur a heavy expenditure unshared by any Australian Colony. 5. Your Ministers refer at some length to the facilities which would be given for repressing abuses and maintaining order by the establishment of British sovereignty throughout the islands. On this, again, lam bound to remark that it is only to a limited extent that this country can be deemed to lie under the obligation of controlling, single-handed and unassisted, those places in which British subjects, in common with the subjects of many other Powers, carry on their trading business in the South Pacific : and, on the other hand, it will, I think, bo admitted that England has shown no unwillingness to accept her full share of the expense, labour, and responsibility attendant upon the discharge of such a duty. She has, within the last twelve months, undertaken and carried out, in no grudging spirit, the duties involved in the annexation o'ipFiji; and she has created by Imperial legislation an adequate machinery for establishing and maintaining the authority of a High Commissioner over such places in the Pacific as it may from time to time seem expedient to bring under his jurisdiction. Your Advisers will, in fact, find that the 6th section of the " Pacific Islanders Protection Act " of 1875 (passed since their minute was written) answers in effect most of the latter part of their suggestions. It will, under this Act, be in the power of Her Majesty's Government, should they think fit, to

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bring within the control of the High Commissioner the places referred to by your Ministers as dosirablo for annexation,; and it will thus be possible to punish crime, to supervise tho local trade, and, it may perhaps be added, to learn by experience how far there are other places which it may be expedient or necessary to bring absolutely under British rule. G. As, therefore, provision has been made, in the manner which I have explained, for the exorcise of some authority over British subjects in tho places under consideration, tho principal, if not the only, ground on which Her Majesty's Government could be pressed to come to so hasty a decision as is now urged in favour of further extending the Queen's sovereignty in the Pacific, would be the imminent probability of the annexation of New Guinea by some foreign State. I should regret any such intention on tho part of any foreign Power, but I fail to perceive any present indication of it. The United States have continued to adhere to their traditional policy of not acquiring dependencies remote from the Continent of America ; the German Government has, I am informed, very lately intimated that it has no intention of acquiring colonies, and this intimation had special reforenco to New Guinea ; and if, contrary to all present expectations, any other European Power should contemplate the acquisition of any of the Pacific Islands, it may bo confidently supposed that it would not, without previous communication with this Government, assume jurisdiction over a place the expediency of annexing which to the British Empire is well known to have been formally recommended, and to be under tho consideration of Her Majesty's Government. To assume any other lino of action, would be to assume a course of conduct very little consistent with those friendly professions which Her Majesty's Government constantly receive from other Governments and States'. 7. I request you, therefore, to inform your Ministers that, while Her Majesty's Government will continue to examine, by tho light of such information as they may bo able to procure, tho arguments for and against the extension of British sovereignty over New Guinea or any other of the Pacific Islands, they are at present far from being satisfied that such a course is expedient, and see no reason for hastening a discussion on so important a question. In tho meantime, with a view to avert, as far as possible, the disasters, bloodshed, and mortality which are likely to arise out of tho speculations of trading companies or quasi-militaxy expeditions, and also with a view to reserve to the Crown that power which cannot properly be surrendered, and the abdication of which in former times, and in similar circumstances, has led to very great trouble, loss, and expense, it is, I think, convenient that the warning contained in the enclosed letter, addressed to the promoters of a projected Company in London, should be made public in the colonies where similar schemes are, as I understand, already being proposed. I have, &c. Gaknabvon.

XVH.-New Guinea.l

Sub-Enclosure. The Colonial Office to Edwabd Schubebt, Esq. Sib,— Downing Street, 80th October, 1875. I am directed by the Earl of Carnarvon to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 9th instant, transmitting the prospectus of a proposed association, to be styled " The Now Guinea Colonizing Association," with a draft of proposed rules and regulations for the guidance of an expeditionary force, and requesting that this project may roceivo the moral support of Her Majesty's Government, and such legal recognition as the promoters conceive could be given to it by the enrolment of the expeditionary force under tha Volunteer Act, and the appointment of certain members of it as Justices of the Peace for the Island of New Guinea. 2. His Lordship has attentively examined the scheme laid before him by you, and regrets that he is obliged to consider it one to which he can in no way give the approval which you seek. Even if the information at present possessed by any persons in this country were such as to afford any assurance, or even any confident expectation, that an expedition such as is projected would not result in commercial failure, in loss of health and life to its members, and in serious disturbances among the native tribes of the island (the probability of any of which consequences would impose a heavy responsibility on a Government which should lend it the weight of an official recommendation), it would be Lord Carnarvon's imperative duty to object very strongly to the leading features of the proposal, on public and constitutional grounds. 3. Even if New Guinea were a part of the Queen's dominions, it would be impossible to entertain the suggestion that a number of persons, brought together by the love of adventure or the desire of profit, should indiscriminately, and without a searching scrutiny into the personal fitness of each, be enrolled or commissioned as members of a military or gttasi-inilitary force, whoso services within this island could be accepted by, and whose proceedings would be invested with the high sanction of, Her Majesty. For service in an unknown country, abounding, as far as has been ascertained, in the gravest physical difficulties, and inhabited by a numerous, powerful, and warlike population, a force would need to be very differently constituted. 4. So, also, with regard to the appointment of Magistrates, Her Majesty's Government could on no account accept, as suitable persons to discharge the duties of Magistrate in any part of the Queen's dominions, the unknown conditions of which demand tried experience and special attainments, such persons as a company might select as its loaders, chaplains, or medical officers. 5. His Lordship directs me to add that he would bo glad if, consistently with his duty, he could conclude with this expression of his inability to give to the Association that support and recognition which are desired, and leavo the members of it to undertake, on their own responsibility, the risks of an enterprise which they appear to think likely to prove remunerative. The position, however, in which Her Majesty's Government now stand with regard to New Guinea is not such as to leave them free to sanction, oven tacitly, the acquisition of land within the island by British subjects. 6. As you are no doubt aware, the Governments of the Australian Colonies have addressed to Her Majesty's Government strong and formal representations in favour of the annexation of New Guinea by this country. Those representations are now being carefully considered, and, pending such consideration, it is not open to any independent and unauthorized association of Englishmen to take possession of, or to purport to acquire from the savages of the island, that land with respect to the acquisition of which on behalf of her subjects generally the Queen is now being advised. 7. In the prospectus, it is suggested that the Association should " purchase land from the natives;" but in the rules and regulations there is no mention of purchase, the not unreasonable inference from which seems to be that it is now proposed to take by force the very large tracts of land required in order to make a grant of four (or in some cases five) square miles to each person joining the expedition. There is no evidence whatever respecting the power of the natives to enter into contracts which would be intelligible to them or binding upon them, or of their willingness to allow private settlers to occupy their country. But if there were no objections from the native point of view to so extensive an appropriation of territory, it would be impossible that any such acquisitions, or ostensible acquisitions, of land could be sanctioned and confirmed in the event of the territory hereafter becoming British. It is clear that, without the funds arising from the sale and lease of lands, it would be impossible to provide for the government of the country; and any persons who may now settle in the country, knowing that Her Majesty's Government is considering the question of annexing it, must distinctly understand that no acquisitions of land, made previous to a decision on this subject, can be recognized to the prejudice of the Crown. 8. With reference to the concluding paragraph of your letter, I am desired by Lord Carnarvon to point out to you that, although, as has already been observed, Her Majesty's Government could not permit the exercise of magisterial functions by persons connected with the expedition, there exists, under the provisions of " Tho Pacific Islanders Protection Act, 1875," a sufficient means of preventing and punishing abuses or outrages committed by British subjects upon the natives of SFew Guinea. I am, &c. W. R. Malcolm.

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XVII.-New Guinea.

No. 2. Governor the Most Hon. the Marquis of Normanby to the Eight Hon. the Earl of Carnarvon, My Lord,—- Auckland, 26th May, 1876. In reference to your Lordship's circular of the 13th of January, 1876, enclosing the copy of a Despatch to Sir Hercules Eobinson on the subject of certain proposals for the annexation of New Guinea and other islands in the Pacific, I have now the honour to enclose a copy of a memorandum upon the subject, which has been presented to me by my Government, and which I have been requested to forward to your Lordship. I have, &c. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Carnarvon, &c. Normanby.

Enclosure. Memorandum for His Excellency. The Premier, with the approval of the Cabinet, has the honour to submit to His Excellency the following remarks upon the Despatch of the Earl of Carnarvon to Sir Hercules Robinson (New South Wales, No. 86), relativo to the annexation of New Guinea, a copy of which his Lordship has forwarded to His Excellency the Governor of New Zealand. 2. Upon the general question of a colony urging upon the Imperial Government further annexation of islands in the Pacific, Ministers have already sufficiently expressed their views in a memorandum by the Premier, dated April 5 th. 3. The information which Lord Carnarvon affords of there being no present indication of the intention of any foreign Power to acquire dependencies in the Pacific, is very important. The Premier ventures, however, to observe that it has recently been stated that Trance has shown such a disposition ; and the close relations established between the United States and Hawaii place the latter in a position differing but little from that of a dependency. There have not been wanting indications of a desire on the part of the United States to assume very close,relations with the Navigator Islands. 4. New Zealand has no special interest in the annexation of New Guinea, excepting to the extent such annexation might form part of a general plan of dealing with the islands of the South Pacific. The Premier is of opinion that the statements as to the value of New Guinea rest on a very insufficient footing. If the portion of the island which is open to annexation is as valuable as is supposed, it is singular that the Dutch, who have spared no expense in connection with islands not very far distant, and who own part of New Guinea, have shown no disposition, as far as the Premier is aware, to acquire possession of the remainder of the island. Julius Vogel. Wellington, 16th May, 1876.

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XVIII. PACIFIC TELEGRAPH CABLE

XVIII.-PadfiC Telegraph Cable.

T\ To. 1. Gable Confebence, Sydney, Januaby, 1877. In a memorandum submitted to the Conference by the President (Hon. John Robertson), it was stated— " The Consul of France sends a letter from the Governor pi New Caledonia, with enclosure, Betting forth the advantages of a line of telegraph between Australia and America. This is a project which is admitted to be too expensive without the assistance of the United States." Captain Audlet Coode, representative of Messrs. Siemens, Brothers, and of the IndoAustralian Telegraph Company, was examined at the sittings on January 30th. The following is a portion of his evidence : — Mr. McLean.'] Your principals are connected with the cable across the Atlantic from Australia to America ? —Yes, by the direct United States cable, and through America by the Western Union Telegraph system. Have they received any instructions to negotiate for a lino by Honolulu?—Yes. What is your opinion of it ?—There is nothing against it, except the expense. But, supposing all those islands should agree to a subsidy, there would be no objection on the score of expense ?—None whatever, only the line is considerably longer than many persons in Australia think it is. The actual distance is somewhere about 7,500 miles, and that would require a length of cable over 8,000 miles: the sections would be cut in lengths of 1,000 miles between San Francisco and Honolulu and Fiji, They would not be longer than other existing lines ?—No; there is nothing against it except commercially. We should get nothing from Honolulu or Fiji. Have these questions been discussed by your Company? —Yes. I have at the present moment the particulars of a subsidy for laying down that cable. Mr. Griffith.] And what subsidy do you think would be necessary to open that route ?—Well, it would be at least double the present subsidy. Mr. Stuart.] Are you thinking of starting from Australia?—Yes. Why should you start from Australia ?—Well, the French Government have £8,000 ready as a subsidy for a line from Australia to New Caledonia; and, although the outlay would not be very great, w Te should require a subsidy of £25,000 for that cable alone. Mr. McLean.] Well, you should get a subsidy from Honolulu and the other islands, and I do not see why they should not give it for this line.—The Government of Honolulu told, me that they would give no subsidy, and the Postmaster-General told me the same. But Sir Julius Vogel, who has obtained further information, states that they are very likely to give it ?—Then there would be no difficulty in constructing the line. You see we should only have to look for through messages from America. It would be to the advantage of your Company, because it would bring a great deal of traffic from New Zealand, as well as the Islands ?—Yes; that is why we are endeavouring to make arrangements with the Honolulu Government to land the first section on that island. Mr. Griffith.] What would be the longest section along that route?—From Fiji to Honolulu. We have tried all we could to make these cables in 1,000-mile sections, because the cost of laying a cable over 1,000 miles is considerably more than for 1,000 miles, and the cable is more expensive. Have you any knowledge of the sea through which the cable would pass along that route ?—■ No; the Secretary to the Postal authorities has promised to send me the information. From what we know of it, it is an exceedingly deep sea', and, as far as we could learn from the " Tuscarora," it is a good bottom, and when they got within about thirty miles of the shores of Queensland they reported that their leads dropped into a hole from 3,000 to 4,000 fathoms deep. And, so far as you have ascertained, there is quite as good a bottom there as along the route by Java ? —Yes, as far as we have had experience of the deep seas, we have generally found a soft bottom. Mr. McLean.] Have you any authority to lay a cable along that route ?—Oh, yes : my authority is to obtain the best concessions I can, and to make a route between here and London, whichever way you wish it to go. On the 31st January, it was agreed, upon the motion of the Hon. Geoege McLean, representing New Zealand, —■ " (1.) That the several Governments of South Australia, Queensland, and Western Australia be invited to open negotiations for the construction of cables connecting their several colonies with Singapore or Ceylon; and the Government of Now Zealand for the construction of a cable from that colony to the United States of America. 29—A. 4

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" (2.) That, in negotiating for the construction of the last-mentioned cable, the Government of New Zealand enter into communication with the Government of the United States, for the purpose of procuring their consent to contribute to the payment of any subsidy that may be payable in respect of the same ; and, further, that in all the negotiations of the several Governments, the necessity of procuring a reduction of the present tariff rates be especially kept in view, the maximum rate being 6s. per word."

XVHI.-Pacific Telegraph Cable,

No. 2. Governor the Most Hon. the Marquis of Noemanby to the Sight Hon. the Earl of Carnarvon. (No. 20.) My Lobd, — . Government House, Wellington, New Zealand, 10th April, I have the honour to enclose the copy of a memorandum which has been addressed to. me by my Government, on the subject of improved telegraphic communication between the Australian Colonies and the rest of the world. 2. The interruption of telegraphic communication which took place last year, in consequence of a breakage in the cable between Australia and Singapore, strongly demonstrated the necessity of a duplicate line ; and at the Conference of the various Australian Governments lately held in Sydney, this question received careful attention. 3. The necessity of constructing a duplicate line with as little delay as possible, was universally admitted, and the respective merits of various routes were considered—among others, that of a line from the United States of America to the northern part of New Zealand, which in some respects, it is presumed, would afford advantages not offered by any other route. 4. The preliminary arrangements and inquiries as regards the line, which are necessary before any definite decision can be arrived at, are intrusted to the Hon. George McLean, who represented the New Zealand Government at the Conference. 5. The construction of this line of telegraph, although it is believed to be the best that could be adopted, would entail an expenditure which, unaided, these colonies would be unable to undertake. It is, moreover, believed that the proposal is one which would receive considerable support in the United States, and that that Government would probably not be unwilling to join with the colonies, and to afford material support in the construction of this line. 6. Under these circumstances, I would venture to hope that Her Majesty's Government would not be unwilling to bring the proposal under the consideration of the Government of the United States, and I trust that your Lordship will be able to give the question the benefit of your support. I have, &c. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Carnarvon. Noemanby.

Enclosure. Memorandum for His Excellency. His Excellency is aware that, in January last, a Conference of the representatives of the Australasian Governments was held at Sydney, to consider the telegraph cable question, especially as to obtaining a duplicate system of communication with Europe and the rest of the world; and that the Commissioner of Telegraphs, Mr. George McLean, was the representative of New Zealand. 2. The Conference decided that this Government should communicate with the Government of the United States of America, to ascertain whether the latter would be prepared to aid the laying of a cable from the western coast of the United States (probably from San Francisco) to the north of New Zealand. Such a cable would certainly be preferred to partial duplications of any existing system by the eastern route ; but the work cannot be undertaken unless the United States will contribute liberally towards its very great cost. 3. Ministers desire to comply with the wish' of tho Conference. They accordingly forward to His Excellency the accompanying memorandum by Mr. McLean; and they respectfully ask that His Excellency will transmit a copy thereof, so that, through Her Majesty's Government, it may reach the Government of the United States, and be recommended for favourable consideration. Daniel Pollen Wellington, 9th April, 1877. (In tho absence of the Premier).

Sub-Enclosure. Memorandum by tho Commissioner of Telegraphs respecting Duplication of Cables. The question of improved telegraphic communication between tho Australasian Colonies and tho rest of the world, is one of great interest and importance, and has received much attention from the several Colonial Governments. 2. The Government of South Australia, at its own cost andrisk, undertook the construction of a line, about 2,000 miles in length, across the Australian Continent. This work was ono of enormous magnitude compared with tho number of the population out of whose revenue it was eflected, and the great stretches of uninhabited country through which it passes render its maintenance very costly. To connect with this trans-continental line, the Eastern Extension Australasia and China Telegraph Company (Limited) laid a cable from Singapore to Port Darwin, and thus joined Australia with Europe and America. The Governments of New Zealand and New South Wales guaranteed a subsidy for connecting those colonies; a cable, over 1,200 miles long, was laid by the Eastern Extension Company; and it has been uninterruptedly worked for more than twelve months. New Zealand has thus been brought into the general telegraph system. 3. Occasional failures of the cobbles joining the Indian system with the Australian line at Port Darwin, or of the latter at points far in tho interior, have caused the urgent need for a second line of communication to be forcibly felt, especially by merchants and traders. 4. A Conference, at which each of the Governments was represented, was held during January~last, in Sydney, New South Wales, for the consideration of the whole question. 5. A copy of the report, minutes of proceedings, &c. is appended hereto. 6. The resolutions adopted by the Conference included one recommending that negotiations or inquiries should be commenced, with a view to the construction of a cable to bo laid between the United States and New Zealand ; and it was further resolved, that the Government of this colony should "enter into communication with the Government of the United States, for the purpose of procuring their assent to contribute .to the payment of any subsidy that may be payable m respect " of such a cable.

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7. Complying with the direction of the Conference, the Commissioner of Telegraphs suggests that this memorandum be forwarded to His Excellency the Governor, for transmission, through the Secretary of State, to the Government of the United States ; and the Commissioner trusts that His Excellency will feel justified in promoting, as far as possible, the object of the Conference. 8. There is in these colonies, and amongst mercantile men in London, a feeling that, if the route through Europe and India be chosen for the second lino of telegraph, it should be secured by an essentially independent system, and not by duplications of portions of any lino in operation. Dangers which affect the stability of one cable may almost equally, and at the same time, affect a second laid in the same stretch of sea, although not in proximity. Monopoly should be guarded against as far as possible. All reasons why a second line should be a separate one tell even more strongly in favour of the adoption of a totally distinct route ; and by the choice of the Pacific Ocean course, from the United States southwards, not only would this advantage be most effectually gained, but a line would bo secured which might reasonably be expected not to fail at the same time as one from England eastward. At present, much inconvenience results from the mutilation of messages by operators unacquainted with the English language. Freedom from such mutilation could be secured at any repeating station in the Pacific. But for its cost, this route would be preferred by all the Australasian Colonies. 9. It is understood that a cable from California to Japan, via, the Hawaiian group, will very probably be laid. If this be done, San Francisco will be connected with Honolulu, and thus one-third of the work desired by the Conference will be completed for a separate purpose, in itself of great importance to the United States. On the other hand, English companies interested in the Eastern route are striving to obtain from the colonies a subsidy for duplicating certain lines. If those companies succeed, the question of an Australasian telegraph via the United States will be indefinitely postponed, although a largo portion of the necessary work will (as has been said) be done by the Japan cable. 10. The Conference assumed that the Government of the United States would be disposed to concede substantial assistance towards a Pacific cable, because (putting aside all other considerations) telegraphic communication with Australasia by that route would be a great aid to commerce. The Australasian Colonies have now a population of about 2,500,000, apart from aboriginal natives. That population consumes very largely per head of many articles of food which are now, and may continue to be, imported from the United States ; and it desires to use much more largely than at present many tools and labour-saving machines which the United States supplies better and cheaper than any other country. 11. The declared value of imports from the United States into the Australasian Colonies during 1875 (as will bo seen from a return appended), exceeded £520,000 sterling. 12. The trade of the United States in the various Polynesian groups is understood to be large ; and commerce with those islands is certainly capable of vast extension. 13. It is almost certain that, were a Pacific cable completed to the north of New Zealand, the French Government would contribute liberally towards the connection of Now Caledonia with the system ; and it is probable that the Tahitian group would also soon be united. 14. The project of such a Pacific telegraph has been brought under the notice of citizens of the United States who were amongst the earliest promoters of the telegraph system, and who are earnest advocates of its extension. Intelligence received from the Agent-General for New Zealand—who recently passed through America on his way to —warrants the assertion that by many gentlemen of the class mentioned, as well as by merchants of New York and San Francisco, such aid as the Conference directed New Zealand to ask would bo regarded as a help to science and to trade, and as generally a wise concession on the part of the United States Government. 15. For these reasons, it is submitted that the application on behalf of the Conference deserves to be very favourably considered by the Government of the United States. The Commissioner suggests that at present only two questions should bo dealt with, namely—Whether, supposing fair arrangements for the great work contemplated be found possible, tho United States will contribute liberally towards its cost, by which course alone its accomplishment will be made practicable ; and whether the Government will authorize the landing of tho cable upon that point of its territory which may be considered best suited for the purpose. Wellington, 9th April, 1877. Geoege McLean.

XVIII.-Pacific Telegraph Cable.

Declared Value of Imposts during 1875, from the United States to Australasia. New South Wales .. .. .. .. .. .. .. £203,539 New Zealand .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 213,492 Queensland .. .. .. .. .. . ■ .. ... 15,263 South Australia .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 28,502 Tasmania .. .. .. . • ■ • • • • • • • 5,583 Victoria .. .. .. .. ..' .. .. ■- 353,141 Western Australia (no return). Total .. .. .. .. .. .. .. £819,520

No. 3. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Cahnabvon to Governor the Most Hon. the Marquis of Nobmanby. My Loed, Downing Street, 25th June, 1877. I have received your Despatch No. 20, of the 10th April, enclosing a memorandum from your Ministers, requesting the aid of Her Majesty's Government in bringing under the consideration of the Government of the United States the resolution passed at the recent Intercolonial Conference at Sydney, authorizing your Government to ascertain whether the Government of the United States would be prepared to aid in the laying of a telegraph cable between the United States and New Zealand, and to contribute liberally towards the cost. In compliance with the request of your Ministers, I will forward copies of all the papers in the case to the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and will request ids Lordship to transmit them go the British Minister at Washington, with instructions to bring the wishes of your Government under the consideration of the Government of the United States. I have, &c. Governor the Most Hon. the Marqrib of Normariby, K.C.M.G-. &c. Cabnabyon.

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No. 4. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Carnarvon to Governor the Most Hon. the Marquis of Nobmanbt. My Loed, — Downing Street, 23rd August, 1877. With reference to your Despatch No. 20, of the 10th of April, and to my reply of the 25th of June, No. 27, relating to the wish of your Government to ascertain whether the Government of the United States would be prepared to aid in the laying of a telegraphic cable between the United States and New Zealand, I have the honour to inform you that, in consequence of instructions from the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Her Majesty's Charge d'Affaires at Washington duly brought this matter to the notice of the United States Government. From a despatch recently received from Mr. Plunkett, it appears that Mr. Seward, the Acting Secretary of State, informed him that the question would receive consideration; but that, as the matter was one which would require the action of Congress, the Secretary of State would* wish to confer with him further in regard to it, at some time before the assembling of Congress in October. Mr. Plunkett subsequently took an opportunity to inquire of Mr. Seward whether there was really any prospect of the United States Government contributing materially to the carrying-out of the scheme, or whether they only proposed to give it moral support. Mr. Seward said that that would depend entirely on the cost, and on the manner in which the scheme was to be carried out; but he understood Mr. Seward to be of opinion that, great as would be the benefit of such a cable to general commerce, there could not be much hope that Congress would vote any considerable sum of money towards the completion of such an undertaking. I have, &c. Governor the Most Hon. the Marquis of Normanby, G.C.M.G. &c. Cabnarvon.

XVIII.-Pacific Telegraph Cable.

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XIX. INTERCOLONIAL \ RECIPROCITY,

XIX.-Inter-colonial Reciprocity.

No. 1. The Colonial Secketaby, Tasmania, to the Colonial Secbetaey, New Zealand. (Circular D. 39.) Sie, — Colonial Secretary's Office, Tasmania, 18th February, 1870. It will be in the recollection of the Government of New Zealand that, towards the close of 1868, Mr. Stafford, then Colonial Secretary of the colony, in a circular despatch to the Governments of the Australian Colonies, under date 29th O.ctober, 1868, proposed that a Conference of Delegates should be held in Sydney for the purpose of considering the colonial relations of the Australasian Colonies with each other, and with the United States and other foreign countries, as affected by treaties made by Great Britain with foreign Powers, and to consider and advise upon other cognate subjects of common interest to the collective group of colonies. The proposal met with ready acquiescence from the Governments of New South Wales, Tasmania, Victoria, South Australia, and Queensland. The Government of Queensland suggested that, in addition to the principal subject of deliberation indicated by Mr. Stafford, the Delegates should be invited to confer and advise upon the questions of— (a.) The admission into other countries duty-free, or upon such terms as may be agreed upon, of the products of Australia and New Zealand. (b.) The free interchange of products between New Zealand and the Australian Colonies respectively. (c.) The expediency of establishing a uniform tariff for the colonies, and also immigration, ocean steam postal service, telegraph extension, lighthouses, legal comity, and an Australian Court of Appeal. To these subjects, the Government of South Australia proposed to add the question of the reduction of Imperial troops in Australia. The Government of New South Wales, in reply to Mr. Stafford's circular, invited the Governments of the other Australian Colonies to express their opinion upon the advisability of adopting the suggestion for a Conference of Delegates to consider— (1.) The introduction of free trade in intercolonial products ; (2.) A uniform tariff ; and (3.) A Union of Customs. The same Government subsequently intimated its intention to propose for discussion at the Conference the question of telegraphic communication with Europe via India and Java ; and further suggested that the question of the naval defence of the Australasian Colonies, which formed the subject of Earl Granville's circular despatch of the 26th January, 1869, should be referred for discussion to the Conference. And the Government of New Zealand intimated its intention to bring forward, for discussion at the Intercolonial Conference, the question of paying direct, without the intervention of the Board of Trade, the expenses incurred in one colony in the relief of distressed seamen belonging to another colony, as suggested in a despatch from the Secretary of State, Circular No. 2, of Ist May, 1869. Those preliminary arrangements led to no practical results; and the Government of Tasmania has observed with sincere regret that, notwithstanding the general recognition by the Australian Governments of the gravity of the questions suggested for their joint deliberations in 1868, the year 1869 has been allowed to close without witnessing the assembly of an Intercolonial Conference, a project which seemed to promise a sensible enhancement of the commercial prosperity and political importance of the Australasian Colonies. Impressed with these views, the Government of Tasmania desires to renew the suggestion of combined action on the large and important question of intercolonial commercial relations; and I have now the honour to propose that a Conference of accredited representatives of the several Governments of Australia and New Zealand be held in Melbourne, in the month of May next, to consider and decide upon the advisability of establishing an Australian Commercial Federation, on the basis of a Customs Union with a common tariff, and a free interchange of products and commodities. Of all the questions hitherto proposed for theiconsideration of an Australasian Conference, that of a Customs Union, with intercolonial free trade, is unquestionably the most important, and tke most likely at this moment to combine the suffrages of the Governments and Legislatures of the several colonies. ■■% I am inclined to think it is not desirable to complicate the discussion, or jeopardize the settlement of that question, by formally referring to the Conference- now proposed other subjects of common interest, on which, from whatever causes, a considerable difference of opinion is known to prevail, or would probably be provoked. At the same time, the various questions of common Australasian concern that were suggested for discussion at the Conference projected by Mr. Stafford

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still demand the joint deliberation of the Governments of Australia and New Zealand and the Conference now proposed might be thought a favourable opportunity for dealing with them. It would therefore, be well that these questions should not be formally excluded from consideration by the Delegates, who, being members of the respective Governments represented, would be fully empowered to confer and advise upon all such matters without any special authorization. But the question of Customs Union should, I think, be deemed the first and principal object ot the Conference. _. . . j._ lt _-.-ia It will scarcely be denied that the commercial and producing interests o_ the British Australasian Colonies demand tho recognition of the collective group, by the Imperial Government, as a geographical unit for all purposes of Customs revenue. _ _ _ . „' . That recognition would at once-free the-colonies from the restrictions imposed upon their fiscal legislation by the existing Imperial Acts on differential duties, and would also permit the establishment of a system of mutual interchange amongst themselves, free of all duties of Customs on their respective natural products, and on all manufactured commodities imported into any ot them from Great Britain or foreign countries. I deem it superfluous to enlarge upon the beneficial effect such a system would be likely to produce upon the foreign commerce and domestic industry of the federated colonies or to point out how seriously and inconveniently those advantageous results would be inevitably lessened by any combination that failed to comprise the whole group., - The despatch addressed by the Duke of Buckingham to the Governor of New South Wales, under date 7th January, 1868, announces that " Her Majesty's Government would gladly aid m the establishment of a Customs Union, comprising all the adjacent Australian Colonies, and providing for an equitable division of the Customs duties, and for a uniform tariff as between Australia and other countries or places." . .„.-..•','•. ID . n ,i More recently, Lord Granville's circular despatch of the Bth September, 1869,^ conveys the assurance that Her Majesty's Government "have every desire to encourage the combined action ot any of the colonies in furtherance of their wishes and interests." ~__.,, ,_■ *. There would, consequently, seem to be no reason to apprehend that any difficulty would be experienced in securing the sanction of Imperial legislation to measures designed to unite these colonies in a commercial federation. '„,..,.. ■„■ . ±.i •„ I trust that the Governments of Australia and New Zealand will be willing to adopt this suggestion of a Conference for the special object of bringing about commercial federation and intercolonial free trade. , , , At such a Conference, the Government of Tasmania will be prepared to submit a proposal, that the revenue derived from the Customs duties on a uniform tariff throughout the Union should be paid into a common fund or federal exchequer, to be periodically distributed amongst the colonies rateably in proportion to the population of each, as ascertained by the last, or next, and each succeeding decennial census, or by such other means as the Conference may decide upon. Melbourne, from its central position, seems the most suitable locality for the Conference ; and I beg to name the 2nd of May next as the most convenient period for the first meeting of the Delegates, as during that month no Australian Legislature is likely to be in session. I beg to invite your serious attention to the subject-matter of this communication, and to request the favour of an early reply. I have, &c. The Hon. the Colonial Secretary, New Zealand. James Milne Wilson.

XIX.-Inter-colonial Reciprocity.

No. 2. The Colonial Secbetaey, New Zealand, to the Colonial Secretaby, Tasmania. Sib — °' 70 ~6i°') Colonial Secretary's Office, Wellington, 28th March, 1870. I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 18th ultimo, No.. D. 39 in which you recommend that a Conference of Delegates of the Australasian Colonies should bo held in Melbourne, in May next, to consider various subjects, but especially the question of a Customs Ll°You describe the steps which were taken to convene a Conference last year, but you do not carry the narrative to its conclusion. J Notwithstanding that the arrangements for the Conference were made several months in advance, the Delegates from New Zealand found, on their arrival in Australia to attend the expected Conference, that some of the colonies were not prepared to proceed with it. The Government oi Victoria were understood to be of opinion that Conferences were not a desirable mode oi carrying on intercolonial negotiations-that there was the risk of the Cabinets of the various colonies not accepting the conclusions arrived at—and that more could be effected by correspondence. _ foe New Zealand Delegates proceeded to New South Wales, the Government oi which were anxious to confer with them. There the representatives of Now South Wales, New Zealand, and Queensland, conferred; and, amongst other results, there was the memorandum, copy of which I attach and which I do not doubt that tjie Government of New South Wales have already communicated to you officially. You will observe that it deals with the subject of setting _at rest the doubts which exist as to the power of the colonies to enter into commercial arrangements wit a themselves and other countries. The term ■■ doubts '■ is advisedly employed- because it cannot be maintained, as has been alleged, that treaty obligations stand m the way ot the Australian Colonies exercising such powers, seeing that Canada, for a long while, has done so. The memorandum provides for the colonies jointly and severally taking steps to give effect to its objects, and it is within their power to do so. -

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Your proposal for a complete Customs Union goes much further, but I do not agree with you that the colonies are prepared to adopt it. Your argument in effect is, that it is so desirable that the colonies should interchange their productions duty-free, that it is their interest to submit to a common tariff—a course the Imperial Government would only be too glad to ratify by law. lam not prepared to say that, for the sake of the advantages of a complete and intimate federation of the colonies, it might not be expedient for them to consent to the disadvantage—necessarily incident to a common tariff—of being unable to vary their tariffs from time to time in accordance with their various wants and resources. But I cannot concur that it is desirable to seek out and secure the more objectionable condition of federation, without, at the same time, obtaining its redeeming benefits. In the absence of a Federal Parliament, a common tariff would practically be irreversible ; but, as a matter of fact, no colony has yet found an unalterable tariff advisable. The fiscal requirements of the various colonies differ so widely, that it would be impossible to fix on a common tariff which would not yield, either more than some or less than other colonies require. If the maximum were to be selected, such a tariff could not be regarded as a free-trade one so far as it affected the colonies for which it would raise more revenue than they required. Those colonies would, in such a tariff, experience all the evils of a protective tariff without—what Protectionists claim as an advantage—the power of adapting it to varying circumstances as they arise. On the other hand, if a minimum tariff were selected, the necessity of resorting to other taxation would be forced on some of the colonies, to compensate for their losses in their Customs revenue. A Customs Union would, to a great extent, paralyse the external commerce of all the colonies except the one fortunate enough to have the largest trade and commerce, and able to afford to keep the largest stocks. The other colonies would draw their supplies from that colony, and would lose the advantages of direct foreign shipments and direct immigration. Even the benefit to the favoured colony, which, for the purpose of my argument, I will suppose to be Victoria, would be doubtful : at any rate, the effect would be a reversal of the policy which has guided that colony during the last few years, for merchants would secure advantages which would injuriously re-act on producers and manufacturers. Importers would be induced to flood that particular market with goods at such a cheap rate as to crush local production. In short, a Customs Union would tend towards leaving the colonies, as at present, producers and exporters of less than half-a-dozen leading articles, and exchanging those in their raw state for the manufactures of other countries. I feel far from certain that Victoria, notwithstanding the tempting (in other respects) nature of the proposal, would be willing to adopt it. I may observe that the plan has been already discussed with approbation by the principal Victorian importers, of its benefit to whom there can be no question. At all events, this Government are of opinion that such a proposal would not be suitable for this colony. They would be prepared to recommend the New Zealand Legislature to join those of the neighbouring colonies in asking for power, and, if necessary, in insisting on obtaining it, to make reciprocal tariff arrangements with other colonies and countries; and the Government are confident that such a power, when granted, would be fettered by no narrow selfish considerations, but be exercised with comprehensiveness and liberality. But the Government are not prepared to recommend the Legislature to abandon its right to deal with such matters itself, to renounce all power over its own tariff, and to be constrained by Imperial legislation into a commercial, not a federal, union, from which, if proved unsuitable, it would have great difficulty in freeing itself. I have, &c. The Hon. the Colonial Secretary, Tasmania. W. Gisborne.

XIX.-Inter-colonial Reciprocity.

Enclosure. Agbbed between the Governments of New South Wales, New Zealand, and Queensland— Ist. To address an earnest representation to the Secretary of State for the Colonies, respecting the disadvantage under which the Australasian Colonies labour, in regard to the doubts which exist as to their power to make mutual arrangements for the interchange, duty-free, of their several products and manufactures—as also in respect of the doubts which exist as to their powers to enter into conventions with foreign countries ; to point out that Canada for a lengthened period has been placed on a more favourable footing ; to urge that all doubts as to the rights to exerciso such powers bo removed; and that, in entering into arrangements with foreign countries, the Imperial Government should aid the colonies. 'That such aid should be immediately granted in respect to endeavouring to negotiate with the United States for the introduction into that country, duty-free, of wool, the product of the Australasian Colonies. 2nd. That direct representations be made to the United States, with tho object of inducing that country to admit wool, tho product of the Australasian Colonies, duty-free. 3rd. That a representation be made to the Imperial Government, urging the desirability of legislative provision to enable trustees to invest in the Government securities of the Australasian Colonies. 4th. That the Crown Law Officers of tho colonies should be moved to enter into correspondence, with the view of determining the means best calculated to facilitate the apprehension of offenders when they pass from one colony to another. ■ sth. That copies of this agreement be transmitted to the Colonies of Victoria, South Australia, and Tasmania, in tho hope that they will aid in promoting the several objects it embraces. 6th. It is agreed by the Honourable John Eobertson, of New South Wales, the Honourable Julius Vogel, of New Zealand, and the Honourable Charles Lilley, of Queensland, that the views embodied in this memorandum shall be submitted to their respective Cabinets, for approval. Johh Robertson. * Julius Vogel. Chakles Knight. For Charles Lilley, by his authority," John Robertson. Sydney, Cth January, 1870.

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No. 3. The Colonial Seceetaey, Tasmania, to the Colonial Seceetaey, New Zealand. S IB) Colonial Secretary's Office, Tasmania, 9th May, 1870. I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your communication, under date the 28th March, in reply to my circular letter of the 18th February, proposing an Intercolonial Conference to be held in Melbourne, in May, to consider the question of an Australasian Customs Union. I regret to learn from your letter that the New Zealand Government is indisposed to acquiesce in the advisability of a common Australasian'tariff, and is " of opinion that such a proposal is not suitable for that colony." In the face of the strongly-expressed opinions enunciated in your letter, adversely to the object contemplated by the proposed Conference, t*See nothing to be gained by attempting to combat the views, on this point, of the Government of New Zealand, beyond recording my own belief that you have overstated the difficulties likely to obstruct the establishment of such a union between the continental colonies and Tasmania; and that you have formed an erroneous estimate*of the probable effects of such a fiscal policy upon the commercial and producing interests of the federated group. In acknowledging the receipt 'of the memorandum attached to your letter, embodying the views of the Governments of New South Wales, New Zealand, and Queensland, on several matters affecting the relations of the colonies with the Mother-country,, with foreign States, and with each other, it is due to the Government of Tasmania that I should state that the memorandum in question has never been officially communicated to me, and that I read it for the first time as an enclosure to your letter. The topics embraced in that memorandum might be appropriately discussed at the Conference I have recommended ; but I am inclined to think that insuperable obstacles would be found to stand in the way of the attainment of the object aimed at in the resolution which suggests collective action in the direction of intercolonial differential duties, and reciprocity treaties with foreign States. The recent abrogation by the United States Government of the Eeciprocity Treaty with Canada, accompanied by the declaration in the President's Message that its continuance would prove commercially beneficial to no State or citizen of the Union, leaves little room for the anticipation that Australasian wool would be admitted duty-free into the United States; while there is still less reason to assume that the British Government would undertake to negotiate a Eeciprocity Treaty with any foreign Government, either as a measure of Imperial finance or in the interests of any particular colony or group of colonies. As regards the power of the colonies " to make mutual arrangements for the interchange, dutyfree, of their several products and manufactures," I may be permitted to remind you that this colony has already sought to exercise that power, by passing an " Intercolonial Free Trade Bill," which failed to receive the Eoyal assent. Since then, however, two successive Secretaries of State, as quoted in my circular letter proposing the Conference, have signified the readiness of Her Majesty's Government to acquiesce in the collective action of the colonies, in the direction of a Customs Union or otherwise, " in furtherance of their wishes and interests." I have, therefore, aimed in my proposal at the accomplishment of an object which is, I believe, attainable, and likely to prove largely beneficial to the colonies embraced in its scope. I have now to inform you that the meeting of the Conference stands fixed for the 20th June ; and I entertain a confident expectation that the representatives of this Government will meet at that day, in Melbourne, Delegates from all the continental colonies, fully empowered, and, I trust, prepared, to adopt the proposals I shall then have the honour to submit for their collective consideration. I have, &c. The Hon. the Colonial Secretary, New Zealand. J. M. Wilson.

XIX.-Inter-colonial Reciprocity.

No. 4. The Colonial Sscbetaby, New Zealand, to the Colonial Seceetaby, Tasmania. (No. 1,468.) g IB Colonial Secretary's Office, Wellington, 9th June, 1870. I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your communication of the 9th ultimo, on the subject of the Intercolonial Conference. Although the Government cannot agree that it is desirable for New Zealand to enter into the proposed Customs Union, it is possible the other colonies concerned may consider that the restraints under which such a Union would place them would be compensated by some corresponding advantage, and the Government will watch the proceedings with great interest. The Government cannot agree that the colonies should submit to being prevented from entering into convenient commercial relations with each other. It cannot be said that the difficulty n respect to treaties is insuperable, seeing that the British American Colonies did a long time before the creation of the Dominion enter into reciprocal arrangements. It is the intention of the Government of New Zealand to submit to the Assembly a proposal to authorize the payment of bonuses on intercolonial imports. By this plan the technical'- difficulty may be surmounted. I enclose you a printed copy of the opinion of the Attorney-General of this colonv on the subject of Intercolonial Eeciprocity. __I have, &c. The Hon. the Colonial Secretary, Tasmania. W. Gisbobne.

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Enclosure. Opinion of tlio Attoekey-Genebal on Colonial Reciprocity. By certain provisions of the Legislatures of Canada and other British North American Colonies, certain specified goods, as grain, salted meats, butter, cheese, poultry, and some others, may, if of the growth or produce of any other of the British North American Provinces, be imported into the legislating province free of duty ; and any other articles besides those specially mentioned may, if such growth or produce, be exempted, by Order of the Governor in Ceiincil, from payment of Customs duty. (See Statutes of Canada, 1859, chap. 17, sec. 3; also, Statutes of Canada, 1866, chap, 6, sees. 5 and 6 ; also, Revised Statutes of Nova Scotia, sec. 8, chap. 8, part 1.) This has been the legislation of British North American Colonies. In Australasia, however, there do not appear on the Statute Books of the several colonies any Acts permitting such reciprocity ; and the question naturally suggests itself, How is it that this is so ? Bearing in mind the differences in climate, soil, and other natural advantages which, exist, rendering, as such differences do, an interchange of products eertain unless prevented by injudicious legislation ; and^f urther, the facts that these districts which now form the several Colonies of Now South Wales, Victoria, Queensland, and New Zealand, were not long since under ono Government, and formed one colony; and also that, by i^ason of the close proximity of these colonies to one another, and from the fact that, each of these colonies possessing gold fields of considerable extent, there is such an intercourse between, and a going to and fro of the populations, as, if not to make them one people, at least to give them in most matters an identity of interests : hearing in mind these matters, the absence of reciprocity in commerce can only be accounted for by the existence of some unnatural obstruction. That unnatural obstruction is found in the Constitutions which the Imperial Parliament has imposed on the several Australian Colonies. In each of them is found the same prohibition—the prohibition having its immediate origin in the 31st section of the 59th of 13th and . 14th Victoria. An attempt on the part of Tasmania to enter into an agreement with other of the Australasian Colonies, for the ' importation of products and goods on terms of reciprocity, was stopped by the disallowance by the Imperial Government of the Bill passed by the Colonial Legislature authorizing such an arrangement. No doubt the Bill was invalid, as being contrary to the 13th and 14th Victoria, o. 59, sec. 81, and would have been invalid even if not disallowed. The proper course for Tasmania, and any other of the Australasian Colonies desiring to authorize the establishment of such reciprocity, is to procure the repeal of those provisions on the Imperial Statute Book which prevent the Colonial Legislatures from passing Acts giving the necessary authority. It will not be sufficient to procure this repeal as to New Zealand alone, should it be wished that such reciprocity should bo established here with regard to any other of tho Australasian Colonies; but each of the Australasian Colonies with which it is proposed that New Zealand should establish such reciprocity must procuro the repeal of the prohibition which prevents legislation by its Parliament. In answer to any request made to the Imperial Parliament for such repeal, it may be said that tho prohibition is created not only by provisions of tho Imperial statutes, but also by the treaties entered into by the Imperial Government with foreign countries, and that tho provisions of such treaties cannot be disregarded or abrogated without the consent of each of those foreign countries with which the treaties have been made. But, assuming that . any treaty entered into by the Imperial Government is capable of such a construction as would prohibit one part of the British dominions from entering into terms of reciprocity with another, how is it that such a construction doea not apply to the British North American Colonies equally with the Australasian Colonies ? It is true that in the Imperial statutes in force before the constitution of the Dominion, giving or regulating the Constitution of the North American Colonies, there is not contained a prohibition similar to that which has been ■ created by Imperial legislation with regard to the Australasian Colonies ;, but nevertheless there are the samo treaties, and those treaties contain no reservation or exception of the North American Colonies. It would appear, therefore, that, if the Imperial Parliament should remove the express prohibition, the provisions of the treaties would present no obstacle. However, if, from want of sufficient information on the subject, the position of the North American Colonies with regard to Imperial Government treaties with foreign countries has not been correctly put; if there be some reservation or exception of the North American Colonies from the operation of foreign commercial treaties ; then the samo reasons which have induced the Imperial Government to stipulate for such exceptions equally bind it to procure the relaxation of these treaties so far as they can be construed as applying to the Australasian Colonies. But there are provisions in the Imperial Statute Book which have been passed for tho purpose of declaring that goods, the produce of one part of the British dominions, when imported into other parts of tho British dominions, shall not be treated as foreign. By some such provision for tho purpose of enabling the Australasian Colonies to establish a system of reciprocity, each of those colonies could for such purpose be declared to be go—not to bo separated or foreign to one another. It may be observed that, in the Act constituting tho Dominion of Canada, tho Imperial Parliament, though providing that, subject to the provision of that Act, the Customs duties leviable in each province shall continue leviable till altered by the Parliament of Canada, yet the samo Act provides that articles the produce of any ono province shall, after the union, be admitted free into each of the other colonies. No doubt the provision is quite consistent, because all the rn'ovinccs, though each has a separate Legislature for some purposes, are formed into one country or dominion subject to a General Legislature. It would be too great a labour to go through all or the principal of the commercial treaties now existing between foreign countries and tho Imperial Government, for tho purpose of ascertaining whether any of them are capable of receiving such a construction as to prevent the Australasian Colonies from following the example of tho British North American Colonies, and establishing a system of reciprocity. It may be that, in some treaties, by a strict construction, provisions will bo found which may appear to prohibit the. establishment of such system. It is submitted, however, that where, in a treaty with a foreign country, it is stipulated that no other duties shall be imposed on tho importation into British territories of any articles, the growth, &e. of such foreign country, such stipulation does not apply to the importation from one colony to another. The context shows that the word " foreign" must be construed in its proper sense of alien. It is clear that the "most favoured nation" clauses do not apply as between one part of the British dominions and another. The 13th clause of the Belgium Treaty of 1862, though it would prevent reciprocity between the colonies and Great Britain as against Belgium, does not, nor does any stipulation in the treaty, prevent reciprocity between any two British colonies. It is also submitted that where, as in tho treaty with Italy, the words " other country" are used, and the word " foreign" is not expressed, tho meaning is the same, " other country" meaning " other foreign country." Should the Imperial Government not be disposed to ask Parliament to repeal the prohibitory legislation referred to, it would be well that it should be asked to point out specifically what treaty stipulations there are existing which prevent the establishment of the proposed reciprocity. This is more important with regard to New Zealand, since by tho Constitution Act tho only prohibition is against imposing restrictions, exemptions, &c. contrary to or at'Variance with treaties concluded by Her Majesty with any foreign Power ; while tho provision, in the Constitution Acts of Victoria and New South Wales is, that no new duty shall be imposed upon the importation of any article, the produce of any particular "place," which, shall not equally be imposed upon the importation of articles imported from all other places. However, inasmuch as it is with those colonies that reciprocity is desired, any ~x strict ion. on legislation by those colonies acts as a restriction on Now Zealand. J. Pbeudeegast.

XIX.-Inter-colonial Reciprocity.

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No. 5. The Colonial Secretary, Tasmania, to the Colonial Secbetaby, New Zealand. Sie, — Tasmania, Colonial Secretary's Office, 16th August, 1870. Herewith I have the honour to enclose you "A Bill to make better Provision for the Interchange of Colonial Products and Manufactures between the Colonies of Australia." This Bill has been drafted for introduction into the Legislature of this colony, with a view to giving effect to the resolution on the subject of intercolonial reciprocity unanimously passed by the late Conference in Melbourne, and is now submitted to the Government of New Zealand, in accordance with the undertaking given to the Conference by the representatives of the Government of Tasmania. s It will be seen that the Bill is almost identical with the Intercolonial Free Trade Bill of the Parliament of Tasmania, which was disallowed by Her Majesty on the advice of the Duke of Buckingham and Chandos. The present draft, however, differs from the disallowed Bill in this particular: that no schedule of dutiable articles is appended to it. It w Tas thought desirable to render the measure as simple as possible, consistently with a clear appropriation to the Governor in Council of power to enter into such arrangements with the Governors of other Australasian Colonies, or with any of them, as would " allow of the reciprocal admission of their respective products and manufactures, duty-free, on such terms as may be mutually agreed upon." "With this view, the only condition attached to the exercise of this power is one requiring that such arrangements shall be based upon absolute reciprocity. For obvious fiscal considerations, spirits and tobacco are excepted from inclusion in any such reciprocal arrangement. I entertain no doubt whatever that the Bill of which I transmit you a copy, or a very similar measure, will be passed by the Parliament of Tasmania in its next session, which will open on the 23rd instant, and I trust that your Government will take an early opportunity of inviting the Parliament of New Zealand to assent to a similar enactment. There is the more occasion for promptitude in this matter, inasmuch as the legislation now contemplated must be accomplished, in the case of Victoria and New South Wales, by an amendment of their Constitution Acts, which can only be effected by Bills passed by two-thirds majorities of both Houses of Parliament in either colony, and reserved for the signification of Her Majesty's pleasure; while, in the cases of New Zealand, South Australia, Queensland, and Tasmania, besides the delay incidental to a similar reservation, it may be necessary, if I am rightly informed, that an Act of the Imperial Parliament should be passed, empowering Her Majesty to assent to legislation in excess of the powers conferred upon Colonial Legislatures by the "Act for the better Government of the Australian Colonies," 13th and 14th Viet. cap. 50, section 27. The Government of Tasmania has observed with extreme satisfaction that the Parliament of South Australia has already adopted a petition to the Queen, praying for the removal of all Imperial restrictions on the free interchange of products and manufactures between the colonies. In your last communication on the subject of the proposed Intercolonial Free Trade Conference to be held in Melbourne, under date the 28th March last, while declining to assent to the suggestion of an Australian commercial federation on the basis of a common tariff, you intimated that the New' Zealand Government "would be prepared to recommend the New Zealand Legislature to join those of the neighbouring colonies in asking for power, and, if necessary, in insisting on obtaining it, to make reciprocal tariff arrangements with other colonies and countries." The resolution of the Conference which the Bill now submitted to you is designed to effectuate, deals only with the question of commercial reciprocity as between the colonies. It was thought undesirable to complicate that question by .mixing it up with the larger question of reciprocity connections as between the colonies and foreign countries, irrespectively of Imperial treaties. I venture to hope that the New Zealand Government will not refuse to co-operate with the Governments represented at the Conference, to the extent indicated by the tenor of the draft Bill enclosed herewith. The demand for "power to enter into reciprocal tariff arrangements with other colonies " would naturally pave the way for the concession of the larger power of treaty with foreign States; and you will probably agree with me, that the concurrent legislation of the Australasian Colonies in the direction of intercolonial reciprocity would constitute the most effective practical protest against existing Imperial prohibitions of differential duties, and would forcibly impress Her Majesty's Government with a sense of the necessity for relaxing the restrictions which the British Legislature, in deference to treaty obligations, has hitherto imposed upon the free fiscal .action of Her Majesty's self-governing dependencies. I have, &c. The Hon. the Colonial Secretary, New Zealand. J. M. Wilson.

Enclosure. A Bill to make bettor Provision for the Interchange of Colonial Products and Manufactures between the Colonies of Australasia. Whebeas the free interchange, between the Colonies of New South Wales, Victoria, South Australia, Queensland, New Zealand, and Tasmania, of theiKrespective products and manufactures is restricted by reason of the obligation which is now by law imposed upon the said colonies to subject such products and manufactures, upon admission into any of the said colonies, to the samo duties ox Customs as are imposed upon the like products and manufactures when .the same are imported from other places: And whereas such restriction prejudicially affects the trade and commerce between the said colonies, and it is desirable that such restriction should bo removed or modified : And whereas it is necessary to this end that oacK of the said colonies should be empowered to make arrangements with the others

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■XlX.—lntercolonial Reciprocity.

for the interchange of their respective products and manufactures, on such terms as may be mutually agreed upon': Be it therefore enacted by His Excellency the Governor of Tasmania, by and with the advice and consent of the Legislative Council and House of Assembly, in Parliament assembled, as follows :— 1. The Governor, by and with the advice of the Executive Council, may enter into an agreement with the Governors of the Colonies of New- South Wales, Victoria, South Australia, Queensland, and New Zealand, or with any of them, for the admission into Tasmania of all or any of the products and manufactures (except spirits and tobacco) of the said colonies, or any of them, free from Customs duty, wharfage; or other charge, or at such reduced duty and charges as the Governor in Council thinks fit: Provided that every colony with whose Governor such agreement shall be entered into shall agree to admit the products and manufactures of Tasmania, or some of them (except spirits and tobacco), either free from all duties and charges, or at such reduced duties and charges as may be agreed upon. 2. Any such agreement may be entered into for a period not exceeding ten years. 3. Every such agreement may be altered or rescinded by the Governor in Council of Tasmania, with the consent of the Governor of every colony who is a party to such agreement, but not otherwise. 4. The Governor shall, by Proclamation, to be published in the Gazette, declare and make known the products and manufactures which are, under such agreement, exempted from duty and charges or subjected to reduced duty and charges as the case may be, and thereupon such products and manufactures may be imported free of. duty, wharfage, or other charge, or subject to such reduced duty or charge as is set forth in such Proclamation, so long as such agree- ( rnent as aforesaid continues in force. 5. Every alteration or rescission of any such agreement shall be made known by Proclamation, to be published in the Gazette. 6. The Governor in Council may make orders for carrying this Act into effect, and for determining what articles come within its provision; and any such orders may from time to time be altered or rescinded by the Governor in Council: Provided-that all such orders shall be published in the Gazette. 7. This Act may be cited as " The Intercolonial Free Trade Act."

No. 6. Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. to the Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbeeley. (No. 128.) My Lord, — ' Government House, Wellington, New Zealand, 27th September, 1870. 1 have the honour to transmit herewith copies of "The Colonial Eeciprocity Bill, 1870," which has been reserved for the signification of Her Majesty's pleasure ; together with the usual report upon it by the Attorney-General. 2. The principle involved in this Bill has, it is believed, been already brought under the consideration of Her Majesty's Government by other Colonial Legislatures. I have, &c. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimberley. G. F. Bowen.

Enclosure. No. 99. The Colonial Reciprocity Bill, 1870. This Bill has been reserved for Her Majesty's assent. The Btli section provides that it shall not come into operation until assented to by Her Majesty. The Bill enables the Governor in Council to declare any article, the produce or manufacture, not being spirits or manufactured tobacco, of any of the Australasian Colonies, to be free or not from duty of Customs, or admissible at a lower rate of Customs duty than that imposed by the Customs Duties Acts in force; but no articles can be made subject to duty which are free by law. The object of the Bill is to enable the Governor by such declaration to carry out Customs reciprocity arrangements with the Australasian Colonies. It is provided that in any such arrangements there shall bo a power to terminate it by six months' notice. The principal provisions are almost a literal copy of provisions which are now, and for some time past have been, in force in Canada and other British North American Colonies.

No. 7. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbeeley to Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. (Circular.) Sib,— . Downing Street, 13th July, 1871. I have had for some time under my consideration despatches from the Governors of several of the Australasian Colonies, intimating the desire of the Colonial Governments that any two or more of those colonies should be permitted to conclude agreements securing to each other reciprocal tariff advantages; and reserved Bills to this effect have already reached me from New Zealand and Tasmania. It appears that, whilst it is at present impossible to form a general Customs Union, owing to the conflicting views of the different Colonial Governments as to Customs duties, the opinion extensively prevails, which was expressed at the Intercolonial Conference held at Melbourne last year, in favour of such a relaxation of the law as would allow each colony of the Australasian group to admit any of the products or manufactures of the other Australasian Colonies duty-free, or on more favourable terms than similar products and manufactures of other countries. At the same time, it has not been stated to me from any quarter that the subject urgently presses for the immediate decision or action of Her Majesty's Government; and I trust, therefore, that any delay that may arise in dealing with it will be attributed to its own cause —namely, to the desire of Her Majesty's Government to consider the subject deliberately in all its bearings, with a view to arrive at such a settlement as may not merely meet temporary objects, but constitute a permanent system, resting upon sound principles of commercial policy. The necessary consultations with the Board of Trade and with the Law Officers have unavoidably been protracted to a>tate period of the session ; and, if Her Majesty's Government were satisfied that they could properly consent to the removal of the restriction against differential duties, it v/ould not be possible now to obtain for so important a measure the attention which it should receive from Parliament. It is by no means improbable that the introduction of a Bill to enable the Australasian Colonies to impose differential duties might raise serious discussions and

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opposition both in Parliament and in the country, on tho ground that such a measure would bo inconsistent with the principles of free trade, and prejudicial to the commercial and political relations between the different parts of the Empire : and I feel confident that the Colonial Governments will not regret to have an opportunity afforded them of further friendly discussion of the whole subject, after learning the views of Her Majesty's Government upon it, before any final conclusion is arrived at. I will, therefore, proceed to notice those points .which seem to Her Majesty's Government to require particular examination. The Government of New Zealand appears, from tho Bill laid before the House of Bepresentatives, and from the Financial Statement of tho Treasurer, to have originally contemplated the granting of special bonuses to goods imported into Now Zealand from the other Australasian Colonies. As, however, this expedient was not eventually adopted, lam relieved from the necessity of discussing the objections to such a mode of avoiding the rule against differential duties. The proposal now before me raises tho following questions, viz. : — 1. Whether a precedent exists in'tlie case of the British North American Colonies Jor the relaxation of the rule or law now in force ? 2. Whether Her Majesty's treaty obligations with any foreign Power interfere with such relaxation ? 3. Whether a general power should be given to the Australian Governments to make reciprocal tariff arrangements, imposing differential duties, without the consent of the Imperial Government in each particular case ? 4. Whether, on grounds of general Imperial policy, the proposal can properly be adopted? The Attorney-General of New Zealand, in his report accompanying the reserved Bill, observes that its main provisions are almost a literal copy of provisions which have been for some time past in force in Canada and other North American Colonies; and I observe that, in the various communications before me, the argument is repeatedly pressed, that the Australasian Colonies are entitled to the same treatment in this respect as the North American Colonies. It may be as well, therefore, to explain what these provisions actually are. I enclose extracts from the Acts of Newfoundland and Prince Edward Island of the year 1856; but I need not dwell upon them, because, as dealing with a limited list of raw materials and produce not imported to those colonies from Europe, they are hardly, if at all, applicable to the present case, and I shall refer only to the Act passed by the Dominion of Canada in 1867 (31 Viet. cap. 7, which is the enactment principally relied upon as a precedent. Schedule D of this Act exempts from duty certain specified raw materials and produce of the British North American Provinces, and the third section enacts that "any other articles than those mentioned in Schedule D, being of the growth and produce of the British North American Provinces, may bo specially exempted from Customs duty by order of the Governor in Council." This, which was one of the first Acts of the Legislature of the newly-constituted Dominion in its opening session, was passed in the expectation that at no distant date the other possessions of Her Majesty in North America would become part of the Dominion, and the assent of Her Majesty's Government to a measure passed in circumstances so peculiar and exceptional cannot form a precedent of universal and necessary application, although I am not prepared to deny that the Australasian Governments are justified in citing it as an example of the admission of the principle of differential duties. With reference to the second question, as to the existence of any treaty the obligations of which might be inconsistent with compliance by Her Majesty with the present proposal, the Board of Trade have informed me that this point could only be raised in connection with the terms of the treaty between this country and the Zollverein of 1865, extended, through the operation of the " most favoured nation" article, to all other countries possessing rights conferred by that stipulation. The seventh article of that treaty, which extends the provisions of previous articles to the colonies and foreign possessions of Her Majesty, contains the following provision : —"ln the colonies and possessions, the produce of the States of the Zollverein shall not be subject to any higher or other import duties than the produce of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, or of any other country of the like kind." lam advised that this seventh article may be held not to preclude Her Majesty from "permitting tho Legislature of a British possession to impose on articles, being the produce of the States of the Zollverein, any higher or other import duties than those which are levied on articles of the like kind which are the produce of another British possession, provided such duties are not higher or other than the duties imposed on articles of the like kind being the produce of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland." But, apart from the strict interpretation of tho treaty, it seems very doubtful whether it would be a wise course on the part of tho Australasian Colonies, which, both as regards emigration and trade, have more extensive relations with Germany than with perhaps any other foreign country, to place German products and manufactures under disadvantages in the colonial markets. Proceeding to the third question—Whether, if the principle of allowing the imposition of differential duties were conceded, the colonies could be permitted to impose such duties without the express sanction of the Imperial Government in each particular case —you will be prepared, by what I have already said, to learn that I consider it open to serious doubt whether such absolute freedom of action could be safely given. Her Majesty's Government are alone responsible for the due observance of treaty arrangements between foreign countries and the whole Empire ; and it would bo scarcely possible for the Colonial Governments to foresee tfce extent to which the trade of other parts of the Empire might be affected by special tariff agreements .between particular colonies. It must, moreover, be anticipated that those differential agreements, being avowedly for the supposed benefit of certain classes of tho community, would bo liable to be affected by temporary political circumstances. The door having been once opened, each producing or manufacturing

XIX.-Int-f colonial Reciprocity.

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interest, and even individuals desirous of promoting any new enterprise, might in turn press for exceptionably favourable treatment under the form of intercolonial reciprocity, while the real grounds for such changes as might be proposed would be intelligible only to those concerned with local politics. It would appear, therefore, to be by no moans clear that Her Majesty's Government could be relieved from the obligation of examining the particulars of each contemplated agreement, however limited ; and, while it would be very difficult for them to make such an examination in a satisfactory manner, a detailed inquiry of this kind could hardly fail to.bo-irksome to the colonies, and to lead to misunderstanding. It remains for me, lastly, to-ask how far it is expedient, in the interests-of each colony concerned, and of the Empire collectively, that fine Imperial Parliament should be invited to legislate in a direction contrary to the established commercial policy of this country. Her Majesty's Government - are bound to say that the measure proposed by the Colonial Government seems to them inconsistent with those principles of free trade which they believe to ba alone permanently conducive to commercial prosperity, nor, as far as they are aware, has any attempt been made to show that any great practical benefit is expected to be derived from reciprocal tariff arrangements between the Australasian Colonies. At all events, I do not find anywhere, among the papers which have reached me, those strong representations and illustrations of the utility or necessity of the measure which I think might fairly be expected to be adduced, as weighing against its undeniable inconveniences. It is, indeed, stated, in an address before me, that the prohibition of differential Customs treatment "operates to the serious prejudice of the various producing interests of the Australian Colonies." I understand this and similar expressions to mean, that it is desired to give a special stimulus or premium to the colonial producers and manufacturers, and to afford them the same advantage in a neighbouring colony over the producers and manufacturers of all other parts of the Empire, and of foreign countries, as they would have within their own colony under protective duties. What is termed reciprocity is thus, in reality, protection. It is, of course, unnecessary for me to observe that, whilst Her Majesty's Government feel bound to take every proper opportunity of urging upon the colonies, as well as upon foreign Governments, the great advantages which they believe to accrue to every country which adopts a policy of free trade, they have relinquished all interference with the imposition by a Colonial Legislature of equal duties upon goods from all places, although those duties may really have the effect of protection to the native producer. But a proposition that in one part of the Empire commercial privileges should be granted to the inhabitants of certain other parts of the Empire, to the exclusion and prejudice of the rest of Her Majesty's subjects, is an altogether different question; and I would earnestly request your Government to consider what effect it may have upon the relations between the colonies and this country. Her Majesty's subjects throughout the Empire, and nowhere more than in Australasia, have manifested on various occasions of late their strong desire that the connection between the colonies and this country should be maintained and strengthened ; but it can hardly be doubted that the imposition of differential duties upon British produce and manufactures must have a tendency to weaken that connection, and to impair the friendly feeling on both sides, which I am confident your Government, as much as Her Majesty's Government, desire to preserve. I have thought it right to state frankly and unreservedly the views of Her Majesty's Government on this subject, in order that the Colonial Governments may be thoroughly aware of the nature and gravity of the points which have to be decided; but Ido not wish to be understood to indicate that Her Majesty's Government have, in the present state of their information, come to any absolute conclusion on the questions which I have discussed. The objections which I have pointed out to giving to the colonies a general power of making reciprocal arrangements, would not apply to a Customs Union with an uniform tariff; and, although such a general union of all the colonies is, it appears, impracticable, it may be worth while to consider whether the difficulty might not be met by a Customs Union between two or more colonies. I have, &e. Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. Ivimbeblsy.

XIX.-Inter-colonial Reciprocity.

Enclosures. Extbact from the Revised Statutes of Prince Edward Island. Cap. I. 1856.—19 Viet. c. 1 (185C). VIII. The several articles hereinafter enumerated, being the growth or production of Canada, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, or Newfoundland, shall be exempted from the duty hereby imposed upon them, and shall be admitted into this Island free of duty, when imported direct from the said Provinces, or either of them, provided the same shall not pass through or be imported from any country not reciprocating with this Island, as long as the said articles are admitted into Canada, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Newfoundland, or either of them, free of duty, viz. :—Grain and breadstuffs of all kinds ; vegetables, fruits, and seeds ; hay a,nd straw ; animals ; salted and fresh meats ; butter, cheese, lard ; tallow, hides, horn, wool; fish ; undressed skins and furs of all kinds ; ores of all kinds ; iron in pigs and blooms; copper; lead in pigs ; grindstones and all kinds of stones; earth; coal; lime ; ochres, gypsum, ground and unground ; rock salt; wood, timber, and lumber of all kinds ; firewood ; ashes ; fish oil, viz. train oil, spermaceti oil, head matter and blubber, fins and skins, the produce of fish or creatures living in the water; poultry; eggs ; pitch ; tar; turpentine; rice; broom corn and bark; dye-stuffs; flax; hemp and tow unmanufactured; unmanufactured tobacco ; rags ; and cotton wool. Extract from Cap. I. 185G. —Laws of Newfoundland. IV. The following articles shall bo admitted into this Island and its dependencies free of duty, being the growth, produce, or manufacture of the United Kingdom, or of the British North American Provinces, or of the Island of Prince Edward, respectively, notwithstanding any law to the contrary, viz. : —Animals; beef and pork ; biscuit, bread: butter ; cocoa paste ; corn or grain of all kinds ; flour and breadstuffs ; fish, fresh or salted, dried or pickled ; fish oil; fins or skin=, the produce of fish or creatures Jiving in the sea; gypsum ; horns ; poultry; plants, shrubs, and trees ;

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potatoes and vegetables of all kind, sends of all kinds; apples; pelts; skins; furs or tails, undressed; wood, viz. boards, planks, staves, timber, and firewood. V. The following articles shall be admitted into this Island and its dependencies free of duty, being the growth, produce, and manufacture of the Provinces of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, or Prince Edward Island, respectively, viz.:—Grain and breadstuffs of all kinds ; vegetables; fruits; seeds; hay and straw ; hops; animals; salted and fresh meats; butter ; cheese; chocolate and other preparations of cocoa; lard; tallow; hides; horns; wool; undressed skins, and furs of all kinds ; ores of all kinds ; iron in pigs and blooms ; copper ; lead in pigs ; grindstones and stones of all kinds ; earth; coals ; lime ; ochres ; gypsum, ground or unground ; rock salt; wood, bark, timber, and lumber of all kinds ; firewood ; ashes; fish ; fish oil, viz. train oil, spermaceti oil, head matter and blubber; fins and skins, the produce of fish or creatures living in the sea. -

XIX.-lnter colonial Recip7'ocity.

„ No. 8. Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G.. to the Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbeeley. (No. 117.) My Lord, — Government House, Wellington, New Zealand, 9th December, 1871. At the request of my Eesponsible Advisors, I have the honour to transmit herewith a Ministerial minute by Mr. Fox, covering a memorandum by Mr. Vogel, the Colonial Treasurer, on the subjects treated of in your Lordship's circular despatch of the 18th July, 1871. I have, &c. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimberley. G. F. Bowen.

Enclosure. Memoeandtjm for His Excellency. Ministehs present to His Excellency, for transmission to the Secretary of State, tho attached memorandum by tho Colonial Treasurer, on the despatch from tho Right Hon. the Secretary of State on the subject of Intercolonial Reciprocity. The memorandum represents the views of Ministers. William Fox, Wellington, Bth December, 1871.

Sub-Enclosure. Memorandum on a Circular Despatch from the Right Hon. the Secretary of State for the Colonies on Intercolonial Reciprocity. The Colonial Treasurer has carefully studied the circular despatch dated the 13th July, 1871, from the Right Hon. the Secretary of State for the Colonies to Governor Sir George Ferguson Bowen, on the subject of Intercolonial Reciprocity. He recognizes the consideration which has induced his Lordship to set forth at length the views of Her Majesty's Government on the subject; but he is unable to discover in those views reasons for withdrawing the recommendation already given, that the colonies should be at liberty to make reciprocal tariff arrangements. The despatch was brought under the notice of the Assembly, and the special attention of the Houso of Representatives was called to it; but no member expressed a wish that the subject should bo reconsidered. The Secretary of State does not, in his despatch, mention that the position of New Zealand differs from that of the neighbouring colonies. Ho treats of them collectively: but there is reason to believe, from previous communications, that his Lordship is aware that there is no law which prohibits the. New Zealand Assembly imposing differential duties. Although such a prohibition is contained in the Constitution Acts of the Australian Colonies, it does not find place in the New Zealand Constitution Act, the provisions in that Act being confined to a prohibition against passing any law infringing treaty arrangements between Great Britain a,nd foreign Powers. Probabty, Lord Kimberley did not think it necessary to refer to the distinction; because, evidently, as long as New Zealand alone possesses the power to impose differential duties, she cannot enter into reciprocal arrangements with her neighbours. Still, it is important to remember she has the power, both because she might find.it convenient to use it outside the Australian group, as the British American Colonies have used a similar power, and also because it may fairly be claimed that the power possessed by New Zealand ought without delay to be granted to the Australian Colonies, including Tasmania. There are some incidental passages in Lord Kimberley's despatch which, if grouped, might lead his Lordship to reconsider the views he has expressed. 1. There are allusions to the absence of any urgent need of dealing with the matter. 2. Throughout tho despatch, it is contended that the proposal of reciprocity is made in the interests of protection. 3. The desire is indicated to encourage a Customs Union. 4. The admission is made, that an Act similar to the measure the colony desires to pass was ono of the first Acts of the Legislature of the newly-constituted Dominion of Canada, in its opening session; " that it waa passed in tho expectation that at no distant date tho other possessions of Her Majesty in North America would become part of the Dominion;" and that "the assent of Her Majesty's Government to a measure passed in circumstances so peculiar and exceptional, cannot form a precedent of universal and necessary application." Those four references, taken in connection, are unusually suggestive. The Act passed by tho Legislature of the Dominion, to which Lord Kimberley refers, was, in respect to the clauses permitting reciprocity, similar to the Act of 1866, passed before tho Dominion was constituted ; and that, again, was copied from a former Act. In these Acts, clearly the provision was made from a genuine desire to permit suitable reciprocal arrangements ; but Lord Kimberley states that in 1868 the provision was made in tho expectation that other provinces would join the Dominion, and that the assent of Her Majesty's Government was given in consequence. It may be assumed that Lord Kimberley uses tho word " expectation "in the sense of desire. It was not necessary to make provision for remission of duties in the case of those Provinces which became part of the Dominion, for the fact of becoming part would have caused the duties to cease. It must be concluded that Lord Kimberley wishes it to be understood that the provisions in the Act passed since tho constitution of the Dominion, were made with the view of encouraging other Provinces to join, or of preventing obstacles being thrown in the way of their joining, and not upon the grounds which previously, for a long period, led to similar legislation in tho different North American Provinces. The words, " circumstances so peculiar and exceptional," do not apply to the legislation, for that was,of a traditional character, but to the desire of the Dominion and of Her Majesty's Government to encourage and promote a further union of tho British American possessions. This desire constituted what Ijord. Kimberley terms "the circumstances so peculiar and exceptional." But for that desire, where was the urgency? And, if there was urgency in tho British North American case, why is there not urgency in the case of Australasia, in the presence of a similar desire to encourage a Customs Union or a Confederation ? The actual results in Australasia lead inferentially to the belief that the Dominion authorities and Her Majesty's Advisers were* correct in considering the matter urgent in the interest of Confederation, although the proof is only of a negative character. Tho mere power to make reciprocal arrangements might not in itself be sufficient to induce Confederation ; but Australasian experience leads to the belief that it would tend to prevent the growth of obstacles to Confederation. In the absence of the power desired by the Australasian Colonies, retaliatory tariffs of a protective charactej: have grown up ; and the way to Confederation, or to a Customs Union, has in

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consequence become more difficult than it was when the power to make reciprocal arrangements was first asked for, or than it would be now if the power had been granted. The inference is, that those who in the case of {British America deemed the matter urgent, were right; and that the Secretary of State, desiring a Customs Union or Confederation of the Australasian Colonies, can only deny that the .matter is urgent on the assumption that it is too late to deal with it, because of tho disposition which has been shown to impose hostile intercolonial tariffs. Several of the protective duties now in force in the colonies owe their origin to feelings of 'self-defence or retaliation. The most ardent free-traders have admitted that the tariffs of some colonies have forced protective duties "on others, so that tho absence of reciprocity has actually fostered protection. Therefore, in respect to the four propositions, it can be said, that in the interest of a Customs Union or of Confederation, there was urgency, because tho power to enter into reciprocal arrangements would, in all probability, have prevented tho fresh obstacles to union which have grown up; and that, in the interest of free trade, reciprocity was desirable, because its absence has encouraged protection. No doubt, it may be argued that special reciprocal arrangements are in their nature opposed to free trade : but the test of the theory would be tho practice ; .and, if that practice were principally confined (to quote his Lordship's justification of the Acts of Newfoundland and Prince Edward Island) to " a limited list of raw materials and produce not imported to those colonies from Europe," it might readily be understood that, in respect to other articles, the absence of retaliatory tariffs would tend in the direction of free trade. It is not desired, however, to contend that with powers of reciprocity there would necessarily bo free trade in Australasia, any more than, with similar powers, free trade has been the rule in Canada. It is merely contended that in some of the Australasian Colonics the desire for free trade has been stamped out by prohibitory tariffs, which have owed their growth, partly or wholly, to the absence of that power of reciprocal arrangement so unaccountably withheld from Australia, whilst its urgency was admitted in the case of Canada. The question naturally arises, why Lord Kimberley should only compare the proposed legislation with that of the period subsequent to the formation of tho Dominion. If he would compare it with the precisely similar legislation of the British North American Provinces prior to the Dominion, he might admit, not only that when the Dominion was formed the legislation was required to encourage other colonies to join, but that tho legislation and the friendly intercourse which grew up under it had something to do with the establishment of the Dominion, and that, therefore, it was conducive to a desirablo result. The Colonial Treasurer proceeds to comment on the various questions which Lord Kimberley states the proposal before him raises: —lst. " Whether a precodent exists in the case of the British North American Colonies for the relaxation of tho rule or law now in force ? " His Lordship admits tho precedent, but qualifi.es the admission, first, as already mentioned, by contending that the Act of the Dominion was passed under peculiar and exceptional circumstances; and second, in the case of tho Prince Edward Island and Newfoundland Acts, by contending that, " as dealing with a limited list of raw materials and produce not imported to those colonies from Europe, they are hardly, if at all, applicable to the present case." It has already been shown that the " peculiar and exceptional circumstances " can only mean the circumstances calculated to induce the colonies affected to join the Dominion, or the prevention of obstacles which would preclude their joining; and those circumstances are precisely of the nature which Her Majesty's Government, in the desire to encourage an Australasian Customs Union or Confederation, should not deem exceptional. In respect to the Prince Edward Island and Newfoundland Acts, it may with propriety be assumed that the Australasian Colonies will exercise the powers they ask for with the same judgment, moderation, and discretion which the two North American Colonies have shown. Those colonies possess the power sought by the Australasian Colonies —they exorcise it without their Acts being reserved for Her Majesty's pleasure ; but in the case of the Australasian Colonies tho power is withheld: and when they ask for it, and cite the precedent, it is not to them a satisfactory answer to be told, in effect, that tho precedent need not be dwelt upon, because the colonies enjoying the privilege have used it sparingly. No doubt, Lord Kimberley did not wish directly to urge this plea; but through his Lordship's despatch, and, indeed, at the base of all his objections, is tho supposition that the Australasian Colonies, if they possessed the power of entering into reciprocal arrangements, would use it in a manner injurious to tho interests of Great Britain. But it is singular that Lord Kimberley should give two instances only of British American legislation of the kind, and that ho should assign to that legislation the character of " dealing with a limited list of raw materials and produce not imported to those colonies from Europe." There are other Acts of tho British American Provinces of a similar nature,1 but which leave to the Governor in Council to determine the articles to be admitted. Indeed, it is difficult to understand on what grounds Lord Kimberley considers the two clauses which he quotes from the Newfoundland Act to have the character he assigns to them. The clause quoted from the Prince Edward Island Act professes to deal with " raw materials and produce," but includes several manufactures. The clauses from the Newfoundland Act do not even profess to exclude manufactures from the list; and the first of those clauses, instead of not dealing with goods imported from Europe, proceeds to tho length of exempting from duties the articles mentioned, being "the growth, produce, or manufacture of the United Kingdom." In respect to the second question, " Whether Her Majesty's treaty obligations with an3' foreign Power interfere with such relaxation?" i.e. the rule or law against differential duties, the Colonial Treasurer observes that Lord Kimberley admits tho correctness of the view taken by New Zealand. It is a matter which should create much satisfaction, on broad and enlightened national grounds, that the right of Her Majesty's colonies to make between themselves arrangements of a federal or reciprocal nature, without conflicting with-treaty agreements, has been recognized. It would have been demoralizing to the young communities of Australasia, had they been taught to believe that reciprocal tariff arrangements between the colonies were inconsistent with Her Majesty's treaties with foreign Powers, but that they could over-ride the spirit of such treaties by the subterfuge or evasion of a Customs Union. If, for instance, it be a wrong to any foreign Power that Now __caland should admit free of duty any produce of New South Wales, while for like produce from any other colony or country a duty would be demanded, tho wrong would be just as great if, by Imperial legislation, such free admission were legalized through a Customs Union. It should clearly be impossible to vary a treaty by the legislation of only one party to it; and, seeing that "New South Wales and New Zealand wero originally ono colony, with one tariff, and may by Imperial legislation become so again, it is evident that, if such a result can be brought about without tho infringement of Imperial treaties, any terms of more modified arrangement, such, for example, as the free admission of only some goods, would not bo open to objection on the score of bad faith with foreign Powers. Lord Kimberley admits that the quoted paragraph of the Zollverein Treaty has no application to the case of arrangements between different colonies. Its object seems to be to prevent the colonies making such reciprocal arrangements with the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland as from time to time may be found desirable. A provision of this nature is at least open to the objection that it is constantly liable to bo infringed. In the Act of the Canadian Dominion, already referred to, and which, from what Lord Kimberley writes, appears to have been under the special consideration of Her Majesty's Government, there are provisions which beyond question conflict with the quoted paragraph in the Zollverein Treaty. The list of free -goods in tho Schedule to the Act comprises two items which aro to bo free if of British produce or manufacture. The clause quoted by Lord Kimberley from the Newfoundland Act, which makes free of duty the articles mentioned, "the growth, produce, or manufacture of tho United Kingdom," also conflicts with the provisions of the Zollverein Treaty. Again, tho argument which the Colonial Treasurer has used as between the colonies, applies as between the colonies and the Imperial country. Why should a foreign treaty contain a provision tending to preclude the union of different parts of tho Empire ? If Great Britain were to confederate her Empire, it might and probably would be a condition, that throughout the Empire thoro should bo a free exchange of goods. Tho arguments in favour of a Customs Union between colonies have as much force in their application to a wider union embracing^ he whole Empire. Either the Zollverein Treaty would prevent this, or tho necessary legislation would make the quoted clause inoperative. The effect, if not tho intenttof the stipulation in the Zollverein Treaty, is to make Great Britain hold the relation of a foreign country to her colonies. It is appropriate hero to urge on the Secretary of State, since he has tho subject under his notice, not to confine his consideration to the mere question of intercolonial arrangement. His Lordship entirely refrains, in his allusion to the British American Acts, from noticing thatjihey contain not only a discretionary power to admit colonial articles free, but also to admit, under similar conditions, articles from the United States. Groat as is the distance between

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the British American and Australasian Colonies, the vast limits of the United States bring that country into ready communication with Australia as well as with British America. It maybe for the interest of the Australasian Colonies, just as much as it has been for that of the British American Colonies, that arrangements should be made to admit free, articles from the United States or from some other country. It is desirable that the Secretary of State should define the position of the Australasian Colonies in this respect. Arc they to be denied the power which for a long period the British American Colonies have uncontrolledly exercised ? That power gives^them the right to make reciprocal arrangements with their American neighbour ; for only on the ground of the arrangements being reciprocal' would they fail to be infractions of the "most favoured nation " clauses of British treaties with foreign Powers. The Australasian Colonies would value similar powers: The third and fourth questions raised by Lord Kimberloy are sufficiently analogous to make it convenient that they should be considered together. They are—" "Whether a, general power should be given to the Australasian Governments to make reciprocal tariff arrangements, imposing differential duties, without the consent of the Imperial Government in each particular case ? '• and " Whether, on grounds 'of general Imperial policy, the proposal can properly be adopted ? " The Colonial Treasurer submits that these questions really raise the issue, whether, in the original Constitutions granted to them, the colonies should have been allowed so much discretion as to fixing their own tariffs ; and, if this be the issue, the Treasurer admits that much may bo said against the discretion which has been granted. The exporters of Groat Britain are, no doubt, largely affected by the nature of the colonial tariffs ; but it can make no difference to them whether New South Wales and New Zealand exchange their produce free under a special reciprocal arrangement, or by virtue of an Act constituting them into provinces with a federal union. Tha actual duties affect the exporters, and not the question whether those duties are the result of federal constitution or reciprocal arrangement. In failing to assert the right to control colonial tariffs, Great Britain does not take advantage of her power to consolidate an immense trade,, from which she and her dependencies might equally benefit. But it must be observed that, if the right were asserted, it would logically follow that the colonies should enjoy some share, either by representation or consultation, in deciding the policy by which they would be affected. Lord Kimberley writes—"Her Majesty's Government are alone responsible for the due observance of treaty arrangements between foreign countries and the whole Empire; and it would scarcely be possible for the Colonial Governments to foresee the extent to which the trade of other parts of the Empire might be affected by special tariff arrangements between particular colonies." The remark as to the trade of other parts of the Empire might bo applied with as much cogency to the actual tariffs fixed by the colonies as to the special arrangements entered into between them. Lord Kimberley, recognizing the difficulty which Great Britain would have in defiling with the matter, points to the want of local knowledge which Her Majesty's Government would labour under. The same want of information would equally affect the ability to decide the colonial tariffs, unless, in either case, there was available the assistance of colonial representatives. In short, Great Britain must logically do one of two things—either leave the colonies unfettered discretion; or—if she is to regulate tariffs or reciprocal tariff arrangements, or to make treaties affecting the colonies—give to the colonies representation in matters affecting the Empire. In other words, she must apply in. some shape to the Empire that federation which, as between the colonies themselves, Her Majesty's Ministers constantly recommend. To urge the right of Great Britain to regulate these matters under present circumstances, is to urge that tho interests of the colonies should be dealt with in tho absence of the requisite knowledge of their wants and requirements. In one passage in his despatch, Lord Kimberley infers that reciprocity in reality moans protection; and, again, ho writes — "Her Majesty's Government are bound to. say that the measure proposed by the Colonial Government seems to them inconsistent with those principles of free trade which they believe to be alone permanently conducive to commercial prosperity; nor, as far as they are aware, has any attempt been made to show that any great practical benefit is expected to be derived from reciprocal tariff arrangements between the Australasian Colonies." There could not be more striking evidence of the disadvantage under which the colonies in their present circumstances would labour, if the treatment of their fiscal interests were left to Her Majesty's Government, than is supplied by these observations of the Secretary of State. " The measure proposed " may be used to do more than that which, as already observed, his Lordship in the case of Newfoundland and Prince Edward Island seems to consider unobjectionable. It may be used to make similar arrangements to those which were introduced in the treaty with Prance, devised by the late Mr. Cobdcn, the apostle of free trade. It is true that it has been said that that treaty was not a free-trade treaty : but it undeniably was made in the interests of free trade. Again, " the measure proposed " may be used to bring about that Customs Union to which Lord Kimberley is not averse ; and, as already shown, it may be used to stop those retaliatory tariffs which impede free trade and stimulate protection. In fine, it may be used to encourage tho exchange of tho productions of the temperate and tropical portions of the Australasian Colonies, without even remotely affecting the interests of British exporters. If, in commenting upon Lord Kimborley's despatch, tho Colonial Treasurer has appeared to travel beyond the immediate questions referred to in it, he has scrupulously abstained from doing so to an extent greater than he has considered necessary for tho purpose of representing to Lord Kimberley that, although the New Zealand Government still adhere to the desiro they have expressed, they do so for reasons which are not calculated to create unfriendly feelings between the Imperial country and the colonies. Such Lord Kimberley deems to be the tendency of the present question, although his Lordship very considerately does tho Government the justice to believe that it is their desire to preserve the friendly feeling now existing on each side : and. it is with a view to prove that such is tho desire, that the Colonial Treasurer, whilst expressing the adherence of the Government to their former opinions, has endeavoured to show that those opinions have not the unfriendly tendency suggested, but that, on the contrarj7, their full and free discussion may lead to a determination to. make yet more intimate, and more subservient to mutual welfare, the ties which bind together the Imperial country and the colonies. Wellington, Bth December, 1871. Julius Vogejq.

XIX.-Intcr-!colo_iali Reciprocity,

No. 9. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbebley to Governor Sir G. F. 80-wen, G.C.M.G. (Circular.) Sie, — Downing Street, 19th April, 1872. Her Majesty's Government have had before them your Despatch No. 117, of the 9th December last, and also the despatches from the Governors of the other Australasian Colonies, of which copies are enclosed, in reply to my circular despatch of the 13th of July of.last year. As the resolutions signed by the Delegates of the Australian Colonies, and the memorandum conveying the views of the New Zealand Government, relate to the same subject, it will be convenient that I should deal with them in the same despatch. Her Majesty's Government have no desire to enter upon a controversy on pointft of detail, as to the tariff arrangements of the colonies. On the contrary, believing, as they do, that such controversies can scarcely bo carried on without leading to misunde-nstandiiigs and differences, they are anxious that their decision on the questions now before them should be based upon broad principles of policy, so as to avoid the irritation which is sure to arise from constant demands on the one side, and concessions on the other. But, after an attentive consideration of the various documents submitted to them, Her Majesty's Government are of opinion that, looking to the

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gravity of the issues raised by the Colonial Governments, involving, as they do, the commercial relations of the whole Empire, and even the right of the Imperial Government to conclude treaties binding the colonies, they ought not to come to a final decision without further friendly discussion, inasmuch as it appears to them to be required, in order that the nature and extent of the questions which have to be determined may be fully understood, both in this country and in the colonies. I will, therefore, proceed to examine the demands which are now put forward. The resolutions signed by the Delegates from New South Wales, Tasmania, South Australia, and Victoria, claim that the Australian Colonies shall have the right to make arrangements with each other for commercial reciprocity; that no treaty shall be concluded by the Imperial Government interfering with the exercise of such right; and that Imperial interference with intercolonial fiscal legislation shall absolutely cease. The resolutions signed by the Delegates from New South Wales, Tasmania, and South Australia, enter into fuller details. They maintain the right of the Australian Legislatures to control their fiscal policy as between themselves, without interference on the part of the Imperial Government; they express the desire that the connection between this country and her colonies in Australia may long continue; they deny that any treaty can be constitutionally made which treats those colonies as foreign countries; they maintain that foreign Governments ought not to be allowed to become parties to stipulations respecting the trade of one part of the Empire with another, whether by land or sea ; they declare that, if the article in the treaty with the Zollverein, referred to in my abovementioned despatch, were interpreted so as to prevent the Australian Colonies from imposing differential duties as between themselves and foreign countries, those colonies would claim to be considered free from the obligation; and they refer to the agreement between New South Wales and Victoria as to border duties, as a precedent for reciprocal arrangements between the colonies. Lastly, the Delegates who sign these resolutions, whilst they agree that efforts should be made in the Colonial Legislatures to provide for mutual freedom of trade, assert the right of the colonies which they respectively represent, to impose such duties on imports from other places, not being differential, as each colony may think fit. The memorandum by Mr. Vogel, expressing the views of the New Zealand Government, commences by an examination of the Acts which have been passed, giving to the British North American Colonies certain powers as to reciprocity with each other and with the United States. It then proceeds to discuss the question of treaty obligation ; and, on this point, it observes that "it is a matter which should create much satisfaction, on broad and enlightened national grounds, that the right of Her Majesty's colonies to make between themselves arrangements of a federal or reciprocal nature, without conflicting with treaty agreements, has been recognized." The New Zealand Government think " it would have been demoralizing to the young communities of Australasia had they been taught to believe that reciprocal tariff arrangements between the colonies were inconsistent with Her Majesty's treaties with foreign Powers, but that they could over-ride the spirit of such treaties by the subterfuge or evasion of a Customs Union." They suggest that the object of the Zollverein Treaty "seems to be to prevent the colonies making such reciprocal arrangements with the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland as from time to time may be found desirable;" and they ask " why a foreign treaty should contain a provision tending to preclude the union of different parts of the Empire." They urge that, in considering the subject, the question should not be confined to that of mere intercolonial arrangement:—■ " It may be for the interest of the Australian Colonies, just as much as it has been for that of the British American Colonies, that arrangements should be made to admit free, articles from the United States, or from some other country. It is desirable that the Secretary of State should define the position of the Australasian Colonies in this respect." They conclude by pointing out that " Great Britain must logically do one of two things —either leave the colonies unfettered discretion ; or—if she is to regulate tariffs or reciprocal tariff arrangements, Or to make treaties affecting the colonies—give to the colonies representation in matters affecting the Empire. In other words, she must apply in some shape to the Empire that federation which, as between the colonies themselves, Her Majesty's Ministers constantly recommend. To urge the right of Great Britain to regulate these matters under present circumstances, is to urge that the interests of the colonies should be dealt with in the absence of the requisite knowledge of their wants and requirements." It is apparent at. once that these propositions, taken together, go far beyond what was understood by Her Majesty's Government to be the original request, namely, that the Australasian Colonies should be permitted to conclude agreements amongst themselves, securing to each other reciprocal tariff advantages. I will deal, in the first place, with the point raised as to the obligation of the Australian Colonies to conform to the seventh article of the Zollverein Treaty. Her Majesty's Government apprehend that the constitutional right of the Queen to conclude treaties binding all parts of the Empire cannot be questioned: subject to the discretion of the Parliament of the United Kingdom, or of the Colonial Parliaments, as the «case may be, to pass any laws which may be required to bring such treaties into operation. But no Acts of the Australian Legislatures could be necessary to give validity to a stipulation against differential duties, inasmuch as, by the Australian Colonies Govei nment Act, 13 and 14 Vict. cap. 59, section 27, it is provided that " no new duty shall be imposed 1 upon the importation into any of the said colonies of any article the produce and manufacture of, or imported from, any particular country or place, which- shall not be equally imposed on the im] lortation into the same colony of the like article, &c. from all other countries and places whatsoevei ." And the Constitution Acts of New South Wales, Victoria, and Queensland contain like pro. isions. Moreover, the Australian Colonies Government Act and the New Zealand Constitution Ad ' prohibit the Colonial Legislatures from levying any duty, imposing any prohibition or restrict ion, or granting any oJL— —-A, 4 t

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exemption or privilege, upon the importation or exportation of any articles, contrary to at at variance with any treaty concluded by Her Majesty with any foreign Power. If, therefore, article seven of the Zollverein Treaty were construed to prevent the Australian Colonies from imposing higher duties upon goods imported from the Zollverein than upon goods imported from each other, it is manifest that Her Majesty would not have exceeded her? Constitutional powers in agreeing to such a stipulation, and that the colonies could not refuse td consider themselves bound by it, without repudiating the treaty. Her Majesty's Government, after a further careful examination of the Zollverein Treaty, remain of opinion that the strict literal interpretation of the seventh article of that treaty does not preclude the imposition of differential duties in one British colony or possession ifl favour of the produce of another British colony or possession; but they must, at the same time, point out that it could hardly have been intended that, by -reciprocal arrangements between colonies, perhaps far distant from each other, the produce of the Zollverein should be placed at a disadvantage as compared with colonial produce, whilst colonial produce should enjoy, in the ports Of the Zollverein, all the privileges of the most favoured nation. No doubt the negotiators of this treaty thought that they had obtained; sufficient security for the Zollverein, as regards the intercolonial trade, by the provision that "in the colonies and possessions of Her Majesty, the produce of the States of the Zollverein should not be subject to any higher or other import duties than the produce of the United Kingdom;" but, if the colonies are to be at liberty to impose differential duties as against British produce, it is obvious that this security altogether disappears. Apart, however, from the obligations of existing treaties, it is necessary to consider the effect of the general views expressed by the Australian and New Zealand Governments on the subject of commercial treaties. It is easy to understand the claim asserted in the second of the resolutions to which the Victorian Delegates were parties, that no treaty entered into by the Imperial Government with any foreign Power should in any way limit or impede the exercise of the right of the Australian Colonies to enter into reciprocal tariff arrangements with each other; but it is not, at first sight, so clear what is meant by the statement in the other set of resolutions, that no treaty can be properly or constitutionally made which directly or indirectly treats those colonies as foreign communities. It seems inconsistent to object to stipulations which treat the colonies as separate communities, so far as relates to their fiscal arrangements, on the ground that the colonies are thus treated as foreign communities, when a claim is at the same time set up by the colonies to treat the United Kingdom itself as a foreign community, by imposing differential duties in favour of other parts of the Empire, as against British produce. But the meaning is, I apprehend, to be gathered from the succeeding paragraph, which affirms that foreign Governments ought not to be allowed to become parties to stipulations respecting the trade of one part of the Empire to another, whether by land or sea : and further light is thrown upon it by the observations in the New Zealand memorandum, that the object of the treaty with the Zollverein seems to be to prevent the colonies making reciprocal arrangements with the United Kingdom; that, "if Great Britain were to confederate her Empire, it might, and probably would, be a condition that throughout the Empire there should be a free exchange of goods ;" and that the effect of the Zollverein Treaty "is to make Great Britain hold the relation of a foreign country" to her colonies. It seems, therefore, to follow that, in the opinion of some at least of the Australasian Governments, the ports of the United Kingdom should not, as at present, be open to the produce of the whole world on equal terms, but that the produce of the colonies should be specially favoured in British ports; or, in other words, that we should abandon tho principles of free trade and return to the old system of differential duties. The New Zealand memorandum, indeed, suggests that the best arrangement would be a Customs Union embracing the whole Empire; but it may perhaps be thought that, if it has been found impossible for adjacent communities, such as those of Australia, to come to an agreement for a common system of Customs duties, it is scarcely worth while to consider the possibility of so vast a scheme as the combiriation of all parts of the British Empire, scattered over the whole globe, under such widely-varying conditions of every kind, in one Customs Union. But, apart from the insuperable practical difficulties of such a scheme, it is sufficient to point out that its results, if it could be adopted, would certainly not be to promote the views of commercial policy set forth in the papers now under consideration. For, in such a Customs Union, Great Britain, with her wealth and population, must for an indefinite period exercise a greatly preponderating influence; and it is not to be supposed that the people of this country would, in deference to the views of the colonies, depart from the principles of free trade, under which the trade and commerce of the Empire has attained to such unexampled prosperity. The New Zealand Government seem not to have perceived the difference in principle between the formation of a Customs Union and the conclusion of reciprocity agreements. Customs Unions, which have hitherto, as far as I am aware, never been formed except between neighbouring communities, have for their object the removal of the barriers to trade created by artificial boundaries, and the establishment of a cheaper and more convenient mode of collecting the Customs revenue of the united countries. But the formation of such an Union-does not, in itself, involve any question of protection to native industry, nor of inequality of treatment of imports from countries not belonging to the Union. On the other hand, such reciprocity arrangements as the colonies desire to conclude are not confined to the promotion of free intercourse between each other, but are intended to secure for the trade of the respective colonies special advantages, as against imports from other places, in returfi for corresponding concessions. It is no doubt true, as the New Zealand memorandum points'out, that reciprocity agreements might somewhat mitigate the evils of the '' retaliatory tariffs of a protective character, which have grown up " in the Australasian Colonies.

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But, although they might avert the ruinous policy of retaliation, they would also tend to perpetuate and strengthen the system of protection, and to aggravate in other quarters the very evils which, as between the favoured colonies, they would professedly diminish. A Customs Union, while it would incidentally secure important advantages to native industry, by the removal of all obstacles to internal trade, would do so without establishing the principle of differential duties. The colonies forming the Union might, no doubt,'pursue a protectionist policy, and, as Her Majesty's Government have ceased to interfere with the right of the self-governing colonies individually, as claimed in the memorandum signed by the New South Wales, Tasmanian, and South Australian Delegates, " to impose such duties on imports from other places, not being differential, as each colony may think fit," they would have no reason for interfering with the right of a Colonial Customs Union to impose such duties ; but there would be nothing in the Union itself, as there would be in the proposed reciprocity agreements, inconsistent with the maintenance of the present rule against differential duties. Moreover, if the principle of differential duties were admitted, it would be very difficult to limit the application of the principle to agreements between particular colonies. The New Zealand memorandum points out that " the vast limits of the United States bring that country into ready communication with Australia as well as with British America; and that it may be for the interests of the Australasian Colonies, just as much as it has been for that of the British American Colonies, that arrangements should be made to admit free,, articles from the United States or from some other country." These are the logical consequences of the adoption of the system of reciprocity agreements; but no such questions are involved in the establishment of a Customs Union. It is observed, in the New Zealand memorandum, that the measure proposed by the Colonial Governments may be used to make similar arrangements to those which were introduced in the treaty with France devised by the late Mr. Cobden. Her Majesty's Government would certainly have no ground for objection, if the Colonial Governments proceeded upon the principles which were acted upon by this country in the case of that treaty. Instead of establishing differential duties, the British Government extended to all countries the benefit of the concessions made to Prance, and, far from seeking any exclusive privileges for British trade, they cherished the hope, unfortunately now frustrated, that the treaty would pave the way to the complete adoption by France of the system of free trade with all nations. Some stress is laid upon the agreement made in 1867, between Victoria and New South Wales, respecting the duties on the land frontier between the two colonies, as affording a precedent for reciprocity agreements between the colonies. It appears to me that the agreement of 1867 was rather of the nature of a limited Customs Union : no differential duties were imposed under it, upon goods entering the ports of Victoria or New South Wales; but, so far as concerned commercial intercourse by land, the two colonies were united, the loss to the New South Wales Treasury by the arrangement being redressed by a yearly payment of £60,000 by Victoria. The precedents in the case of the North American Colonies are, however, to a certain extent, in point, as I have already admitted in my despatch of the 13th of July of last year. It may, indeed, be observed that, as the whole of the British possessions on the Continent of North America are now united in one Dominion, the application of the principle of Intercolonial Reciprocity is exceedingly limited, being confined to Prince Edward Island and Newfoundland; and that, as regards reciprocity between the Dominion and the United States, the contiguity of their respective territories along a frontier now extending across the entire continent, renders the case so peculiar, that the precedent cannot fairly be applied to the commercial relations of Australasia, which is separated from the United States by the Pacific Ocean. But it cannot be denied that reciprocity bargains may be made between countries far remote from each other, and that the ever-increasing facilities of communication between all parts of the world must render it more and more difficult to maintain distinctions based upon merely geographical considerations. All these complications would be avoided if the colonies adhered to the free-trade policy of this country. Not the least of the advantages of that policy is, tliat, as it seeks to secure no exclusive privileges, it strikes at the root of that narrow commercial jealousy which has been one of the most fertile causes of international hatred and dissensions. Her Majesty's Government believe that protectionist tariffs and differential duties will do far more to weaken the connection between the Mother-country and her colonies than any expressions of opinion in favour of a severance, such as are alluded to in the resolutions of the Delegates from three of the Australian Colonies. Whilst, however, Her Majesty's Government deeply regret that any of the Australasian Colonies should be disposed to recur to what they believe to be the mistaken policy of protection," they fully recognize, so far as the action of the Imperial Government is concerned, the force of the observations made by the Chief Secretary of Victoria, in his memorandum of October 7, 1871, " that no attempt can be more hopeless than to induce free self-governed States to adopt exactly the same opinions, on such questions as free trade and protection, which the people of England happen to entertain at that precise moment;" and they are well aware, to use again Mr. Duffy's words, " that the colonists are naturally impatient of being treated as persons who cannot be intrusted to regulate their own affairs at their own discretion." Similarly, Mr. Wilson, Chief Minister of the Tasmanian Government, in his memorandum of September 11, 1871, observes that " it is only on an abstract theory of the superior advantages of a, free-trade policy, that the Secretary of State objects to a proposal which seems to sanction protection under the name of reciprocity. These are views," he goes on to state, " which can find noacceptance with Colonial Legislatures under a system of constitutional government." It is obvious;

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that a prolonged controversy, on a subject on which the opinions entertained on either, side are, unfortunately, so entirely at variance, would not tend to promote the principles of free trade, opposition to which would become identified in the minds of the colonists with the assertionof their rights of self-government; and that it could scarcely fail to impair those relations of cordial and intimate friendship which both the Imperial and the Colonial Governments are equally desirous to maintain. . - . • . But although, for these reasons, Her Majesty's Government might not feel justified m refusing to allow the colonists to adopt the policy which they think best for their own interests, they desire to point out that, in order to meet the views of the Colonial Governments, as expressed in the papers now before me, it would be necessary not only to repeal so much of " Tho Australian Colonies Government Act," 13 and 14 Viet. cap. 59, as prevents the imposition of differential duties, but to exempt the colonies in question from the operation of any future commercial treaties which may be concluded by this country, containing stipulations against such duties, leaving ihem at liberty, subject to the obligations of existing treaties, to make such arrangements as they may think fit for reciprocity with each other or with foreign nations ; and, before so serious a step is taken, they would ask the colonists gravely to consider the probable effects of a measure which might tend materially to affect the relations of the colonies to this country and to the rest of the Empire. In the meantime, they have thought it right not to proceed in this matter until the Australasian Governments concerned have had an opportunity of communicating any further observations which they may desire to make in explanation of their views. I have, &c. Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. Kimbekley.

XlX.—lntercolonial Reciprocity.

Enclosure 1. NEW SOUTH WALES. The Earl of Belhore to the Earl of Kimberley. My Lord, Government House, Sydney, October G, 1871. Ihave the honour to transmit the copy of a letter which I have received to-day from Sir James Martin, the First Minister, respecting the proceedings at the recent Intercolonial Conference at Melbourne. 2 I also enclose one from Mr. Robertson, the Colonial Secretary, forwarding certain printed papers, marked A and B, in duplicate, which should form the enclosures to Sir James Martin's letter, together with six copies of a memorandum of the proceedings of the Conference. ,■ ~ 3 The paper marked A is, in fact, a reply to your Lordship's circular of 13th July, on intercolonial tanH arrangements. I

Sub-Enclosures. Sir J. Maetin to the Earl of BelmoEe, My Lord Attorney-General's Office, October 8, 187L I'have the honour to inform your Excellency that, at a meeting of the Delegates from the Colonies of New South Wales Tasmania, South Australia, Queensland, and Victoria, held in Melbourne on the 27th ultimo, a memorandum, of which a copy (marked A) is herewith transmitted, was agreed to and signed by the Delegates from New South Wales, Tasmania, and South Australia. The third paragraph of that memorandum was specially objected to by the Delegates of Victoria ; and the Delegates from Queensland, acting on instructions from their Government, declined to become parties to any resolution unconnected with the postal question. The objection of the Victorian Delegates was so strong, that they declined to submit the memorandum to their Parliament as a part of the proceedings of the Conference, and their minute of such proceedings differs from ours in not containing a copy of such memo2. Certain resolutions, of which a copy is herewith sent, were agreed to, and signed by the Delogates of New South Wales, Tasmania, South Australia, and Victoria. 3. On behalf of the Cabinet, I have the honour to request your Excellency to transmit copies of the memorandum and resolutions to the Right Honourable the Secretary of State for the Colonies. I have, &c. James Martin,

Mr. Robertson to the Earl of Belmore. My Lord,— Sydney, October 6, 1871. Referring to the letter of Sir James Martin, on the subject of tho Conference at Melbourne, which I had tho honour to hand to your Lordship at tho Executive Council to-day, I beg to forward enclosed copies of the memorandum and resolutions therein referred to, and to add that, having, at the request of Sir James Martin, submitted his letter to the Cabinet here, it met with their entire concurrence. I have, &c. John Robertson.

Report of Proceedings of Intercolonial Conference. A Conference of Delegates from the Colonies of Victoria, New South Wales, South Australia, Tasmania, and Queens" land, commenced its sittings *in the Executive Council Chamber, Government Offices, Melbourne, on Monday, Present ;' The Hon. Charles Gavan Duffy (in the Chair), the Hon. Sir James Martin, the Hon. G. W. Lord, tho Hon Joseph Docker, the Hon. Graham Berry, the Hon. John Hart, C.M.G. the Hon. Wm. Milne, the Hon. Wm. Morgan tho Hon. J. M. Thompson, the Hon. T. L. Murray-Prior, the Hon. J. M. Wilson, and the Hon. James Dunn* &'*** * * * * * Lord Kimberley's circular despatch of the 13th of July having been brought under consideration, the Delegates from New South Wales proposed a memorandum on the subject, which was accepted by tho Delegates from South Australia and Tasmania, and objected to by the Delegates of Victoria, and which the Queensland Delegates did not consider themselves authorized to adopt. The Delegates of Victoria then proposed certain resolutions insisting on the right of the colonies to make intercolonial tariffs without limitation, which were unanimously adopted, subject to tho consent of the Queensland Government being obtained. The Queensland Delegates, however, having been instructed to confine their llbours to the postal question, the resolutions proposed by the Victorian Delegates were adopted by the other colonies. (Signed) C. G. D. G. W. L. J. H. J. M. T. W. M. T. L. M.-P, W. M. J. M. W. Friday, September 29,1871. 3- M- J' D'

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Memorandum on the Subject of Lord Kimberley's Despatch, as agreed to by the Delegates from New South Wales, Tasmania, and South Australia. We, the undersigned Delegates from the Governments of New South Wales, Tasmania, and South Australia, now assembled in Melbourne, having had under our consideration the despatch of Lord Kimberley, dated the 13th July, 1871, have agreed to a joint memorandum in reference to that despatch. We are of opinion that the right of the Legislatures of these colonies to direct and control their fiscal policy as amongst themselves, without interference on tho part of Her Majesty's Ministers in England, is a right which it is our duty to assert and maintain. We desire that the connection between the Mother-country and her offspring in this part of the world should long continue ; and we emphatically repudiate all sympathy with the views of those who, in the Imperial Parliament and elsewhere, have expressed a wish that tho bonds which unite us should be severed. As members of tho British Empire, the relations of which with other countries are conducted by the Imperial Government, we deny that any treaty can be properly or constitutionally made which directly or indirectly treats these colonies as foreign communities. With the internal arrangement of the Empire, whether in its central or more remote localities, foreign countries can have no pretence to interfere ; and stipulations respecting the trade of one part of the Empire with another, whether by land or sea, are not stipulations which foreign Governments ought to be allowed to become parties to in any way. The article in the treaty with the Zollverein, to which Lord Kimberley refers, is, therefore, one from the obligations of which we should claim to be considered free, if it were interpreted so as to prevent these colonies from imposing differential duties as between themselves and foreign countries. By the agreement made between Victoria and New South Wales, in 1867, free trade across or by way of the River Murray was established ; and free trado between these colonies by sea, as well as by land, might at that time, with equal propriety, have been established, had it been thought expedient. Nothing, that we are aware of, has since occurred to call for or justify any interference with a similar arrangement between the same or other colonies. It is of great importance that a cordial understanding should at all times prevail amongst these colonies, and, to that end, nothing can be more conducive than a free interchange of their products and manufactures as amongst themselves. We all agree that efforts should be made in oar respective Legislatures to provide, at as early a period as practicable, for this mutual freedom of trade ; but we at the same time assert the right of the colonies we respectively represent, to impose such duties on imports from other places, not being differential, as each colony may think fit. In conclusion, we agree that copies of this memorandum shall be transmitted, through the Governors of our respective colonies, to the Secretary of State for the Colonies. Signed at Melbourne, this 27th day of September, A.D. 1871. James Mabtin, \ Attorney-General and Premier, GE°- Treasurer, New South Wales. Joseph Dockee, Postmaster-General, ) J. M. Wilson, j Colonial Secretary and Premier, \ Tasmania. James Dunn, M.L.C. ) John Habt, "\ Treasurer and Premier, William Milne, \ South Australia. Chief Secretary, W. Morgan, M.L.C. )

XIX.-l.nter-colonial Reciprocity.

Resolutions in reference to Intercolonial Tariffs, as agreed to by the Delegates from New South Wales, Tasmania, South Australia, and Victoria. The Delegates from the Governments of New South Wales, Tasmania, South Australia, and Victoria, in Conference assembled, having had under their consideration Lord Kimborley's circular despatch of the 13th July, 1871, have unanimously adopted the following resolutions : — Ist. That the Australian Colonies claim to enter into arrangements with each other, through their respective Legislatures, so as to provide for the reciprocal admission of their respective products and manufactures, either dutyfree or on such terms as may bs mutually agreed upon. 2nd. That no treaty entered into by the Imperial Government with any foreign Power should in any way limit or impede the exercise of such right. 3rd. That Imperial interference with intercolonial fiscal legislation should finally and absolutely cease. 4th. That so much of any Act or Acts of the Imperial Parliament as may be considered to prohibit the full oxeroisc of such right should bo repealed. sth. That these resolutions, together with a memorandum from each Government, or a joint memorandum from such Governments as prefer to adopt that method, shall be transmitted to the Secretary of State, through tho Governors of our colonies respectively. Signed at Melbourne, this 27th day of September, A.D. 1871. James Martin, * Attorney-General and Premier, Geo. W. Lobd, . t „ ~ im , Colonial Treasurer, F ew South. Wales. Joseph Dockeb, Postmaster-General, t 3, M. Wilson, ' Colonial Secretary and Premier, ■ Tasmania. James Dunn, M.L.C. John Habt, Treasurer and Premier, William Milne, ■ South Australia. Chief Secretary, W. Morgan, M.L.C. C. Gavan Duffy, ' Chief Secretary and Premier, Gbaham Beery, -Victoria, Treasurer and Commissioner of Customs,

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Enclosure 2. VICTORIA. The Viscount Cantebbuby to the Earl of Kimbebley. (No. 134.) My Lobd, — Melbourne, October 9, J.871. I have tho honour to transmit to your Lordship copies of the Report of the Proceedings of tho Intercolonial Conference, recently assembled here in Melbourne, together with a copy of a memorandum on tho same subject, which has been submitted to me by the Honourable the Chief Secretary. The time, this afternoon, at which this memorandum reached my hands, would, under any circumstances, have precluded me from offering to your Lordship any lengthened observations on the points referred to in it: but, in reality, no such observations are required in this case, for the subjects brought under your Lordship's notice in tho report, and in the memorandum which accompanies^ it, involve questions of Imperial as well as of colonial interest, and your Lordship is already fully conversant with them in both points of view. I have, &c. Cantebbuby.

XIX.--Inter-colonial Reciprocity.

Sub-Enclosure. Memobandtjm for His Excellency the Viscount Cantebbuey, K.C.B, &o. I desibe! to bring under His Excellency's attention a report of the proceedings of tlx© Intercolonial Conference, which has just closed its sittings, with a view of having it transmitted to the Secretary of State for the Colonies. The main business of the Conference was to consider the most effectual and economic method of establishing a fortnightly mail with Europe. Two routes have been agreed upon —the existing on© by Suez and Brindisi, and a second through the United States. As the commercial and political interests of the United Kingdom would be promoted by these services in as great a degree as the corresponding interests of the Australian Colonies, it has been assumed that the imperial Government will be willing to bear a moiety of tho entire cost of both services. The negotiations which have already taken place between the agents of certain of the colonies and the PostmasterGeneral, in London, justify, I think, this assumption. The specific grounds, however, upon which the claim of the colonies for eo-oporation and assistance in these undertakings is based, will b« brought under the attention of the Imperial Government anew by tho two colonies intrusted with tho duty of transacting this business on behalf of tho contracting colonies, as soon as tho sanction of the Colonial Legislatures has been obtained for the proposed routes. In tho meantime, I have to request your Excellency to send copies of the proceedings to the Postmaster-General in London, through the Secretary of State, that he may be acquainted with what has been done, and have an opportunity of considering whether he will be pleased to undertake, on behalf of the Imperial and Colonial Governments, the negotiations and arrangements specified in clauses 8 and 10 of the Contract. I have further to bring under your Excellency's notice resolutions unanimously adopted by the Conference—with the exception of the Delegates from Queensland, who were restricted to the consideration of the Postal question'— With respect to the recent despatch of tho Secretary of State on the subject of " reciprocal tariff advantages." I wish at the outset to acknowledge, on the part of this Government, the evident desire the Secretary of State exhibits to treat the wishes of tho colonies with respect and courtesy, and to find a method, if possible, compatible with political fooling at Homo, to accomplish their wishes. We reciprocate this sentiment, and desire also to find a method of securing a necessary concession, strictly compatible with our determination to maintain the closest and most affectionate relations with the Mother-country. The Secretary of State intimates grave doubts whether the subject of Intercolonial TariSs presses for immediate decision and action, and it was, I believe, this doubt which chiefly induced the Conference to come to an immediate and unanimous decision. The question certainly has passed from the stage in which it might be justly described as not yet urgent, when three of the Australian Colonies have passed Bills, and two Intercolonial Conferences in succession have adopted resolutions, with respect to it. What the Australian Colonies claim to do, the Dominion of Canada and some neighbouring colonies have already done; and we arc unable to comprehend any peculiar claim the North American Colonies have to exercise powers which cannot be safely intrusted, or, indeed, can be legitimately denied, to the Colonies of Australia. The Secretary of State suggests that there were peculiar circumstances arising out of the expectation that a Federal Union between the Dominion and tho colonies which it favoured would soon be accomplished; but it is the desire of the leading statesmen in Australia to effect a Federal Union of these colonies also, and the moans that were considered effectual for that purpose in North America ought not, we submit, to be denied to us. But, in truth, the right of establishing differential duties between the colonies has been already exercised by the two principal colonies of Australia. There is an agreerncnt known as tho Border Treaty, which has been in force for several years, by which the products of New South Wales pass into this colony duty-free, an advantage enjoyed by no other colony or country whatever. The right for which we contend, therefore, has been long in operation, not only in Canada, but in Australia. The Secretary of State admits that there are no treaty obligations which fetter the discretion of the Imperial Government on the subject; and, for our part, this Government do not understand how any treaty obligations with foreign countries can now or hereafter pretend to regulate the relations of two British colonies, any more than the relations between two counties of the United Kingdom. The political difficulties which the Secretary of State suggests are, no doubt, entitled to consideration. A Bill to repeal the laws prohibiting tho full exercise of colonial rights would, he thinks, give rise to serious discussion in Parliament and elsewhere. But we believe a distinct statement of our claims will tend not only to facilitate their recognition, but to- remove these difficulties ; and we are well aware that since colonies existed they havo not obtained any concession that did not, in the first instance, raise serious discussion both in Parliament and in the country. The Secretary of State warns us against the impolicy of exercising the powers which we seek. Wo contend, with unfeigned respect for the Secretary of State, that this is a question which belongs solely to the Colonial Legislatures. No attempt can be more hopeless than to induce free self-governed States to adopt exactly the same opinions, on such questions as free trade and protection, which the people of England happen to entertain at that precise moment. They were protectionists when they thought it their interest to be protectionists, and they are free-traders when they think it their interest to bo free-traders; and in these respects large communities and small ones boar a close resemblance to each other. I trust your Excellency will assure the Secretary of State that the desire to which he alludes, of seeing the connection between the colonies and the Mother-country strengthened, is nowhere more active than in Victoria ; but a people who have founded a great State —who have built great cities, and established a commercial navy larger than that of many kingdoms in Europe—who have maintained order and protected property as strictly as they aro protected and maintained in any part of the United Kingdom—and who have done these things without asking assistance from the Imperial Government —are naturally impatient of being treated as persons who-cannot be intrusted to regulate their own affairs at their own discretion. Government Offices, Melbourne, 7th October, 187li C. Gavan Duff*.

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Enclosure 3. SOUTH AUSTEALIA. Sir J. Fergusson, Bart., to the Earl of Kimbebley. (No. 44.) My Lobd, — Adelaide, September 11, 1871. I have tho honour to acknowledge your Lordship's circular despatch of the 13th July, 1871, in which you inform me of tho views of Her Majesty's Government with regard to the desire of this colony and others of the Australasian group that any two or more of them should be permitted to conclude exclusive " agreements " with respect to their Customs tariffs. 2. I have communicated that despatch to my Eesponsible Advisers, and, by their desire, have authorized its presentation to Parliament, now in session. 3. The Government have introduced, and carried through the House of Assembly, a Bill to enable the Governor to enter into agreements for the free interchange of the products oik this colony with any or all of the other Australasian Colonies; and it is therefore probable that the question will before long be again brought before Her Majesty's Government. 4. In the meantime, the great increase of import duties contemplated by the Government of Victoria will render any Customs Union, or even an agreement for free interchange with that colony, still more remote ; but it is probable that an arrangement will be accomplished for the free interchange of traffic with New South Wales, by means of the Bivor Murray, and possibly this may pave the way to a more general tariff agreement with that colony, whose general principles and scale of duties differ but slightly from- our own. I have, &c. James Fergusson.

XlX.~lntercolonial Reciprocity.

Enclosure 4. Sir J. Febgusson, Bart., to the Earl of Kimberley. (No. 59.) My Lord, —■ Adelaide, Bth November, 1371. I have the honour to enclose a memorandum which has been addressed to me by tho members of the Ministry who represented South Australia in the Conference of Delegates from the several Australian Colonies, lately assembled at Melbourne. 2,. Your Lordship will observe that my Advisors have chosen to address to me a separate memorandum for your consideration, rather than adopt the terms there jointly agreed to : both because the Delegates of Victoria procured the omission from them of certain sontiments which the others desired to express, and because they deem the circumstances of this colony to be so special as to demand a separate embodiment of the common purpose. 3. I need not comment upon tho subject of the memorandum, having had occasion to do so in other despatches. 4. I should, however, inform your Lordship that, though the Ministers whose names are appended to this paper have now quitted office, I have no doubt that the views set forth in it aro fully shared by their successors, who aro not yet actually appointed, and also by the Legislature and the people of this colony. I have, &o. James Fergusson.

Sub-E nclosure. Memorandum by Ministers to His Excellency the Govebnor. The proceedings of the late Conference, held in Melbourne, having been forwarded by last mail to the Secretary of State, we are desirous of submitting to your Excellency, for transmission to the Colonial Office, our opinion on the important subjects treated therein, as considered from a South Australian point of view. And, first, we would emphatically affirm that this colony is second to none in loyalty to the Crown; and that the idea of separation from the British Empire would bo most distasteful to the colonists at large, and one that would only be entertained at the express desire of the parent-state. We would desire to point out, for the information of the Secretary of State, and for the purpose of silencing those agitators in Great Britain who, on the pretence of economy, desire that the colonies should be abandoned, that this province has been governed for the last thirty years, and has arrived at its present state of prosperity, without any expense whatever to the Imperial Government during that period. It is true that, in former years, a small number of Imperial troops were at intervals quartered in Adelaide, the colony providing for them barrack and other accommodation, with extra colonial pay ; and when, subsequently, the Home authorities demanded that this Government should bear the expense of the detachment, to the extent of £40 a man, the Colonial Legislature passed an Act to provide payment of the same without any conditions whatever as to retaining the troops in time of need ; the universal feeling being, that their appearance among us was a visible proof that we were recognized as British subjects, and therefore secure of British protection in the event of the Mothercountry engaging in war. With reference to the right so earnestly contended for by the Delegates, that the colonies should be at perfect liberty to direct and control their fiscal policy as amongst themselves,-we would desire to impress onihe Secretary of State how important it is that an understanding with respect to intercolonial free trade should be arrived at as speedily as possible, because that understanding must necessarily precede any attempt at federal union; and, although recent action taken by some of the other Colonial Legislatures would seem to prove that intercolonial free trade is now for the moment unpopular, we have no doubt that public opinion will in the end condemn that action, and insist upon a more enlightened policy. It is the more essential, therefore, that the power should be at hand, so that advantage may be taken at once when the favourable time arrives. In conclusion, the Ministry would urge that the grievance this colony has laboured under so long, with respect; to the ocean postal service, should be removed without delay. There can be no valid reason why either the Imperial Government or the Peninsular and Oriental Company should continue what is felt to be an injustice, for which they are now alone responsible ; and we trust that within a very short period your Excellency will be informed that the necessary stops have been taken to provide for the mail steamers calling at Glonelg. John Hart, Treasurer and Premier, William Milne, Chief Secretary, Adelaide, 6th November, 1871. Members of Conference.

Enclosure 5. TASMANIA. Governor Du Cane to the Earl of Kimberley. (No. 39.) My Lobd, — Government House, Tasmania, 29th September, 1871. I have the honour to forward to y'Sur Lordship a memorandum addressed to me by my Responsible Advisers, in reference to your Lordship's despatch of 14th July, 1871, on the question of Colonial Beoiprocity. 2. In my despatch to Lord Granvillo of 14th July, 1870, as well as in subsequent despatches to your Lordship, dated 27th October, 1870, and 24th March, 1871, I have already stated, somewhat fully, my individual views upon this question, and I am unwilling again to trespass at any length upon your Lordship's attention.

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3. I should wish, however, more particularly to bring under your Lordship's consideration that portion of the enclosed memorandum which relates to the necessity and utility of the proposed measure, so far as concerns the interest of this colony. At the present moment, her nearest and most natural market—that, namely, of Victoria— is closed against Tasmania, by the imposition of a Customs tariff of a rigidly protective character, to the very serious injury of the producing and manufacturing interests of tho Tasmanian community. It is only natural, as it appears to me, that this colony should seek relief under such circumstances, by asking for the power to enter into such reciprocity conventions as would remove the restrictions at present imposed upon its trade and commerce. Nor do I apprehend that a convention of this kind between Tasmania and Victoria, or any other of the neighbouring group of Australasian Colonies, would be likely to affect, to any appreciable extent, the producing and manufacturing interests of all other parts of the Empire, or of foreign countries. In the special case of this colony, the principal articles for which an extended market would be sought are, undoubtedly, Timber, grain, hops, ale and beer, fruits, jams, and potatoes. Of these, hops, ale, and beer alone are imported to any extent into Victoria from the United Kingdom; and any check or injury which might thus possibly be caused to the English hop-growers and browors, or to any other class of producers or manufacturers, by a reciprocity convention between Tasmania and Victoria, would be more decisively effected under a complete Customs Union between the two colonies. Such an Union could only be effected by Tasmania consenting to an absolute adoption of the Victorian tariff, which is of a far higher protective character than her own; and thus the area of prohibition against importation from the United Kingdom, or foreign countries would be virtually widened, and a stronger barrier than ever at the same time erected. 4. It is most undeniably true that, as your Lordship points out, what is termed reciprocity is another form of protection, and, as such, " inconsistent with those principles of free trade which Her Majesty's Government believe to bo alone permanently conducive to commercial prosperity." But this remark seems to hold equally good of the Customs tariff at present maintained, with the consent of Her Majesty's Government, by each individual colony of tho Australasian group. The lowest of these- is of a highly protective, and, in some instances, of almost a prohibitory character, as compared with that of tho United Kingdom : and the question at present at issue appears to me to be between a system of protection pure and simple, maintained by each colony against its neighbours, and a system of protection modified by reciprocity conventions, which would extend the basis of commercial operations between each colony and its neighbours. Tho first system appears to me to be highly injurious, if not positively suicidal, to the best interest of all the colonies concerned. The second, though doubtless open to objection from a strictly free-trade point of view, would yet tend to create more extended markets for colonial produce, to establish friendly commercial relations, and promote a better understanding between the colonies which enter into such conventions. The benefits of even a partial relaxation of a strictly protective system becoming gradually recognized by these means, it seems not improbable that the final result may be tho establishment of a commercial union of the Australias and New Zealand, on the basis of a common tariff, or, in other words, complete intercolonial free trade. 5. There is, no doubt, another view to be taken of this subject; and it may be urged that the injurious consequences of the rigid protection system at present maintained by the Victorian Government will soon become apparent; that the evil will thus work its own remedy, and a reaction of public opinion will then take place in favour of an entirely free-trade policy. That such a result may one day happen is not altogether impossible ; but, if the action of the Victorian Parliament may be taken as reflecting the public opinion of the colony, there are certainly no signs of it to be gathered at tho present moment. I have, &c. Charles Du Cane.

Sub-Enclosure. Lobd Kimbeeley's despatch, under date the 13th July, 1871, on the question of Intercolonial Eeciprocity, has received the attentive consideration of His Excellency's Advisers. It is satisfactory to find that the Secretary of State admits that, in the cases of Newfoundland and Prince Edward Island in 1856, and of the Dominion of Canada in 1867, Her Majesty's Government have assented to Acts exempting colonial products from the duties imposed on similar articles when imported from Europe; and that, as regards the latest precedent, Lord Kimberley is " not prepared to deny that the Australasian Governments are' justified in citing it as an example of the admission of the principle of differential duties." It is not easy to understand why the earlier precedents are not similarly recognized as applicable to the recent demand for an admission of the same principle by the Legislatures of New Zealand and Tasmania, to which may now be added that of South Australia. The lists of articles in the sections of statutes appended to the despatch, comprise, in tho main, tho products and manufactures of the provinces and colonies therein named; and the reciprocity conventions contemplated by the reserved Bills of Tasmania and New Zealand would deal similarly with the products and manufactures of the Australasian Colonies. There is, however, another example of the admission of the principle of differential duties by Her Majesty's Government, which is not referred to by Lord Kimberley. The Acts of tho Legislatures of Victoria and New South Wales, which sanction the reciprocal importation across tho Murray border of goods which are liable to Customs duties ou the wharves of Melbourne and Sydney, have received Her Majesty's assent, and constitute a recent and conspicuous precedent for legislation in favour of Intercolonial Eeciprocity; and this example derives special importance from the fact that the Acts in question were passed in the exercise of powers to legislate on this point specially conferred upon Victoria and New South Wales by the Imperial statutes which granted to those colonies their present Constitutions. It would, therefore, seem that all tho precedents that can be instanced of Imperial assent to colonial legislation on this point may be " cited as examples of the admission of the principle of differential duties." When we come to the extent to which such colonial legislation would affect Her Majesty's treaty obligations with foreign Powers, it is admitted that there is but one treaty in existence which contains a stipulation restricting the fiscal legislation of " colonies and possessions " of the British Crown ; and that the Secretary of State is "advised" that the article in question " may be held not to preclude Her Majesty from permitting," to quote the language of the despatch, " such a relaxation of the law as would allow each colony of the Australasian group to admit any of the products or manufactures of the other Australasian Colonies duty-free, or on more favourable terms than similar products and manufactures of other countries." From this we may infer that, while Her Majesty is bound to require that differential duties shall not be imposed upon imports into British colonies from the United Kingdom and foreign States, Her Majesty is not required by any treaty to refuse the Eoyal assent to measures admitting the reciprocal importation between two or more British possessions, duty-free, of articles which the Colonial Legislatures have subjected to Customs duties when imported from Europe. Lord Kimberley's suggestion of the impolicy of placing " German products and manufactures under disadvantages in the colonial markets," seems to touch a subject on which it may be said the Legislatures of Australasia are the legitimate, perhaps the best, judges. Lord Kimberley's observations on tho question of colonial differential duties, as affecting the general Imperial policy, seem to proceed upon a misconception of the object aimed at by tho Australasian Governments, and of the motives which influence the advocates of the removal of Imperial restrictions on the fiscal legislation of the colonies. The object of the Tariff Conference, held in Melbourne last year, was to establish a commercial union of tho Australias and Now Zealand, on the basis of a common tariff, with a distribution of the Customs-revenue to the several colonies, according to population. That object was found to be, at that time, unattainable ; and the Conference adopted a unanimous resolution, to the effect that it was desirable that the Colonial Legislatures should be freed from Imperial restrictions on their reciprocal fiscal arrangements. Her Majesty's Government had intimated their readiness to assont to a Customs Union of two or more colonies ; but, when such an arrangement was found to bo impracticable, the Governments represented at the Conference were willing to rest content with the removal of tho existing restrictions on intercolonial trade by reciprocity conventions.

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It is difficult to apprehend the force of objections offered to this mode of treating tho question, when no objection is raised to a Customs Union, which would produce precisely analogous results on a much iarger scale. A Customs Union between all the Australasian Colonies would enable these countries to impose, if it were thought desirable, protective duties upon imports from Europe, while colonial products and manufactures were reciprocally interchanged duty-free. How, it may be asked, can such a system be deemed legitimate and admissible, when apian for carrying it into only partial operation by less direct means is held to be open to grave objections ? Her Majesty's Government are prepared, we are informed, to sanction an arrangement that would enable a group of six colonies, if they were so minded, to establish, absolute free trade amongst themselves, in combination with protection against all the world beside. But, when two colonies desire to be placed in a similar position by a Tariff Convention, " Her Majesty's Government are bound to say that the measure proposed seems to them inconsistent with those principles of free trade which they believe to be'alone permanently conducive to commercial prosperity." By Lord Kimberley's own showing, there are precedents for the legislation now submitted for the Royal assent; and there are no legal obstacles to its recognition in the shape oflmperial treaty obligations. It is only on an abstract theory of the superior advantages of a free-trade policy, that the Secretary of Stato objects to a proposal which seems to sanction protection under the name of reciprocity. These are views which can find no acceptance with Colonial Legislatures under a system of constitutional government. The question they desire to solve is one directly affecting the interests of the communities for which those Legislatures are elected to make laws. Its effect upon Imperial interests is almost inappreciable. The doubt whether " the imposition of differential duties upon British produce and manufactures might not have a tendency to weaken the connection between the Mother-country and the colonies, and to impair the friendly feeling on both sides," seems scarcely warranted by a fair consideration of the whole bearing of the application under discussion. It may be observed that the tariffs of the Australasian Colonies have, in effect, for some years past, imposed duties on British manufactures, either intentionally or incidentally protective. Is it to be supposed that the " friendly feeling on both sides," which has survived the imposition of protective or prohibitory duties on British manufactures, would be " impaired " by a reciprocity convention, for example, between Victoria and Tasmania, which permitted tho products and manufactures of those colonies to be mutually exchanged duty-free, or under a lower duty than similar articles imported from the United Kingdom ? It may be suggested, with far greater probability, that the " friendly feeling on both sides " is more likely to be impaired by the refusal of Her Majesty's Government to relax a law which imposes an irksome restriction on tho fiscal legislation, and vexatiously intermeddles with tho domestic taxation, of these self-governed colonies. Lord Kimberley seems to complain of tho absence of " strong representations and illustrations of the utility or necessity of the measure." The unanimous resolution of the Conference of last year, and the subsequent identical legislation of New Zealand, South Australia, and Tasmania, may be taken as a sufficient indication of the strength of the conviction of the Governments and Legislatures of Australasia, of tho urgent necessity and, by consequence, in their judgment, of the utility, of the measure. As far as the Colony of Tasmania is concerned, the "necessity and utility of tho measure " are sufficiently obvious. Our Customs duties are imposed for revenue purposes only. But, when our nearest neighbours practically close against our producers and manufacturers their best and natural market, by the comprehensive operation of an intentionally •protective tariff, we seek relief in reciprocity conventions, which, while they would extend the basis of commercial operations between us and our neighbours, would in no way prejudice the interests of European producers and European manufacturers, inasmuch as the desired convention would, for the most part, " deal with a limited list of raw materials and produce not imported to these colonies from Europe." Lord Kimberley's treatment of this question indicates throughout a natural anxiety to avoid a decision which might seem to commit Her Majesty's Government to a departure "from the established commercial policy" of the Mother-country. But, since his Lordship assures us that Her Majesty's Government have not " come to any absolute conclusion on the questions which he has discussed," we may venture to hopo that a firm but respectful persistence in the course of legislation already adopted by New Zealand, Tasmania, and South Australia, will shortly secure for the Australasian Colonies that freedom from Imperial restrictions on their fiscal relations with, each other, which the conciliatory policy of Her Majesty's Government has already conceded to the colonics of British North America. Colonial Secretary's Office, 11th September, 1871. J. M. Wilson.

XIX.-Inter-colonial Reciprocity.

Enclosure 6. NEW ZEALAND. [See No. 8, and its Enclosures.]

No. 10. Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.O.M.G. to the Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbekley. (No. 99.) My Lobd, — Government House, Wellington, 16th November, 1872. Adverting to your Lordship's circular despatch of the 19th April ultimo, concerning Intercolonial Beciprocity, and to previous correspondence on the same subject, I have the honour, at the request of my Responsible Advisers, to transmit herewith a Ministerial minute by Mr. Waterhouse, covering a memorandum by Mr. Julius Vogel, G.M.G. the Colonial Treasurer of New Zealand. I have, &c. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimberley. G. F. Bowen.

Enclosure. Memorandum for His Excellehcy. MinisteeS present to His Excellency, for transmission to the Secretary of State, the accompanying memorandum by the Colonial Treasurer, on the despatch from the Eight Hon. the Secretary of State, on the subject of Intercolonial Reciprocity. The memorandum represents the views of Ministers. G. M. Wateehouse. Wellington, 16th November, 1872.

Sub-Enclosure. The Colonial Treasurer has given careful consideration to the Earl of Kimberlcy's despatch, dated 19th April, 1872, on the subject of Intercolonial Reciprocity. Though the long correspondence on the subject has rendered inoperative the Bill passed by the New Zealand Legislature, the passage of which, in some degree, led to that correspondence, yet the colony has no reason to complain; since it is evident, throughout the communications of the Secretary of State, that his objections have been 32—A. 4.

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; urged in a spirit in no sense hostile to the colonies, but, on tho contrary, in one of anxiety to do justice to all parts of ' tho Empire. Whether or not tho colonies agreo with the Secretary of State, they cannot fail to recognize tho conciliatory manner in which he has dealt with the question. The Colonial Treasurer proposes to confine himself as far as possible to comments upon those portions of tho present despatch which refer to his previous memorandum. The Secretary of State, in his despatch of July 13th, 1871, admitted the precedent of the British North American Provinces in favour of Intercolonial Reciprocity, but qualified tho admission by contending that the precedent applied to exceptional conditions, and that its operation was very limited. Similarly, in the despatch now under consideration, Lord Kimberley admits that the precedents "are to a certain extent in point," and goes on to observe that the application of the precedent "is exceedingly limited." This point underlies the whole contention of tho Colonial Treasurer, and it involves a question rather of fact than of argument. In tho previous memorandum, it was pointed out at some length that the precedent of the British American Provinces went beyond the limited operation claimed by Lord Kimberley, and, indeed, that it went beyond that for which the Australasian Colonies were asking. In support of the application of the British. Americanjprecedent, tho following points were relied on : — 1. That one of the first acts of tho Legislature of the Dominion of Canada was to pass such a measure as the Australasian Colonies desire to have the power to pass. 2. That the provisions in respect to reciprocity were similar to those which were in an Act of 1866, before the Dominion was constituted; that that Act was a reproduction of a former Act; and, therefore, that the legislation was not new. ■ 3. That Lord Kimberley, in stating " that it (the Dominion Act) was passed in the expectation that, at no distant date, the other possessions of Her Majesty in North America would become part of the Dominion," and that "the assent of Her Majesty, given to a measure passed in circumstances so peculiar, cannot form a precedent of universal and necessary application," virtually admitted that the Dominion Act was assented to not because of any omission to reconsider the expediency of former legislation, but, on the contrary, because the legislation was approved of in the expectation that the consolidation of Her Majesty's possessions in British America would be completed: that, therefore, the Australasian Colonies could not only appeal to the precedent as one of long standing, but also could appeal to it on the ground that it was recognized as compatible with, if not leading to, that very union which it is known the Secretary of State would highly approve of, in the caso of tho Australasian Colonies. i. That it was singular " Lord Kimberley should give two instances only of British American legislation of the kind, and that he should assign to that legislation the character of ' dealing with a limited list of raw materials and produce not imported to these colonies from Europe.' There are other Acts of the British American Provinces of a similar nature, but which leave to the Governor in Council to determine the articles to be admitted. Indeed, it is difficult to understand on what grounds Lord Kimberley considers the two clauses which he quotes from the Newfoundland Act to have the character he assigns to them. The clause quoted from the Prince Edward Island Act professes to deal with 'raw materials and produce,' but includes several manufactures. The clauses from the Newfoundland Act do not even profess to excludo manufactures from the list; and the first of those clauses, instead of not dealing with goods imported from Europe, proceeds to the length of exempting from duties the articles mentioned, being ' the growth, produce, or manufacture of tho United Kingdom.' " 5. That tho British American Acts " contain not only a discretionary power to admit colonial articles free, but also to admit, under similar conditions, articles from the United States." These allegations are in no way denied by Lord Kimberley, and, indeed, they are undeniably correct; but his Lordship fails to recognize that they cut at the root of some of the reasons he urges. It seems to tho Colonial Treasurer that one of Lord Kimberley's objections to granting the requests of the colonies has, throughout the correspondence, been that to do so would invite vast changes in the relations of different parts of tho Empire. He hints that in the United Kingdom the desire of the colonies may be regarded as one unfriendly to Imperial interests ; that it would lead to the necessity of adopting a particular course with future commercial treaties ; and he says that Her Majesty's Government, "before so serious a step is taken, would ask the colonists gravely to consider the probable effects of a measure which might tend materially to affect the relations of tho colonies to this country and to the rest of the Empire." These apprehensions are disposed of, when it is said that all that is asked is to place tho Australasian Colonies in the same position as those of British America. By an accident, probably (because tho stipulation ia differently worded in tho case of New Zealand, and an alteration in the New Zealand Constitution Act is not necessary), words were inserted in the Constitution Acts of some of the colonies, which prevent those colonies entering into reciprocal Customs arrangements. Those words require to be altered; and, if the alteration were made, the Australasian Colonies would still have less powers than the British American Provinces have exercised for many years. But no momentous consequences have arisen from the powers exercised by the British American Provinces. It is not pretended that the exercise of those powers has retarded the progress of British America, or imperilled or injuriously affected the relations between different parts of tho Empire. The Australasian Colonies ask for nothing new. They desire nothing which is not sanctioned by precedent: they wish only to know why they, more isolated than the British American Provinces, may not be allowed to make those convenient tariff arrangements which are suitable to their condition, as a group of colonies far distant from other countries, and from other parts of tho Empire. All that is asked has been granted to Canada: why should a different result follow the application of the Australasian Colonies ? It would be intelligible if it were alleged that Great Britain has changed her policy ; but why predict consequences that have not arisen in the past ? Existing treaties, it is admitted, interpose no obstacle: why need they in future ? If, as appears to bo assumed, it is chance rather than design that has prevented existing treaties interposing obstacles to the present proposal, surely, when the conditions are more clearly understood, it is not likely that mistakes will be made in future treaties from which accident has saved those of the past. When Lord Kimberley denies the full application of the British American precedent, his Lordship, it is submitted, fails to recollect that precisely similar questions of theory were raised in respect of the policy of those provinces, but that the Imperial Government again and again decided not to allow theoretical objections to over-ride obviously practical considerations. The Colonial Treasurer, in referring to the history of the question, is under the disadvantage of not having access to the whole correspondence, which extended over many years. It seems to have boon admitted between the Imperial Government and the British American Governments, that the question of reciprocity waa to be considered in two phases, the one as between the different provinces themselves, and the other as between those provinces and foreign countries. As far as the Colonial Treasurer is able to ascertain, theoretical objections were from time to time urged against the operation of reciprocal agreements, whilst tho warmest possible assistance waa rendered in order to bring them about. The Lords of the Committee of Privy Council for Trade were in the habit of reporting, in more or less decided terms, against such arrangements; the Canadian Government replied to the objections ; and the Imperial Government accepted the Canadian view, sometimes warmly, sometimes under a species of protest. In 1850, the Canadian Legislature passed an Act empowering the G-ovcrnor in Council to admit into Canada, free of duty, the products of any of the British American possessions. The then Secretary of State for the Colonies, Earl Grey, though he called attention to its provisions, did not disallow it. Various Acts of the same nature were passed, until, in 1860, it was proposed to much extend the conditions of interchange. The Board of Trade interposed an objection ; the Finance Minister of Canada replied, in a report which was adopted by the Executive Council of Canada; and, after some consideration, the Duke of Newcastle intimated that Her Majesty's Government had no wish to offer " an obstacle to any endeavour which might be made by the respective Provincial Governments to bring about a free commercial intercourse between the North American Provinces." Nearly seven years afterwards, on the occasion of a similar Act being again passed, the Duke of Buckingham and Chandos sent out another remonstrance from the Lords of the Committee of Privy Council for Trade, to which another rejoinder was made; and no further objection appears to have been offered. A similar controversy was proceeding, during the same period, concerning tho principle of reciprocal arrangements between the provinces and the United States. In this caso, also, theoretical objections were from time to time stated—it could hardly be said they were urged; but, on the other hand, the warmest aid was given towards effecting such arrangements. The Colonial Treasurer appends a report of Sir John

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Rose, Minister of Finance of the Dominion, which, although marked "Confidential," has already elsewhere been published, in which that gentleman traces the history of tho question as between the Imperial and Provincial Governments. It appears by that document that, so long ago as 1849, Lord Palmerston instructed Sir Henry Bulwer, " that Her Majesty's Government regard it as of the very highest importance, both commercially and politically, that free admission to the market of the United States should be obtained for those articles which are enumerated in an Act passed in the last session of tho Canadian Parliament, of which I enclose a copy for your information." Tho anxiety of the Imperial Government to arrange the Reciprocity Treaty with America is a matter of history, as is also the regret which was felt at its abrogation. When it became known that the Reciprocity Treaty was to be abrogated, the Confederate Council of Trade held a meeting at Quebec, in September, 1865, at which the following resolution was passed :—" That, in the opinion of this Council, it would be highly desirable that application be made to Her Majesty's Imperial Government, requesting that steps bo taken to enable the British North American Provinces to open communications with the West India Islands, with Spain and her colonies, and with Brazil and Mexico, for the purpose of ascertaining in what manner the traffic of tho provinces with .those countries could be extended and placed on a more advantageous footing." The Secretary of State for tho Colonies, Mr. Cardwoll, cordially approved the suggestion, and promised that Her Majesty's Government would "support it by all the means in their power." Even the Lords of the Committee of Privy Council for Trade expressed their approval of the proposed step, although, as was to bo anticipated, they drew attention to possible difficulties that might arise from it. Tho Commissioners appointed had every facility granted to thorn by Her Majesty's Government: a man-of-war was placed at the command of some of their number. The offers these gentlemen made —under instructions received from the Minister of Finance of Canada, and approved by Her Majesty's Government—in the various parts of the world to which they extended their travels, were in the direction of reciprocal arrangements for the remission of Customs duties. These proposals were made not only to the British West Indian Colonies, but to the Spanish West Indian Dependencies, and to the Imperial Government of Brazil. That the Commissioners were not disinclined to make exceptional and specific arrangements, may be gathered from the following proposal made in Cuba to the Intendente, the Count De Toledo : —" I venture to suggest to your Excellency, that it would be an important step in this direction, if the Spanish Government would sanction some considerable reduction in the rates of duty—say, on grain, flour, meal, provisions, fish, lumber, and other productions—provided they be imported from British North America, in vessels sailing under the flag of Spain." It is surely unnecessary further to urge that the Imperial Government have shown as much alacrity to aid tho British American Provinces to form reciprocal alliances, as they have shown a contrary disposition in respect to the Australasian Colonies. Yet there are many records df opinion that these reciprocal arrangements were vastly beneficial to the North American Provinces ; and it is in point to add, that those Imperial officers in the Australasian Colonies whose opinions are recorded, strongly recommend that the colonies should have conceded to them the powers for which they ask. Thus, the Earl of Belmore epigrammatioally disposed of the objections which had been raised, when he wrote, "I am sure the true policy with regard to Australia, so far as the law permits of it, is to do everything to bring its various divisions closer together, even at the expense of a certain amount of economic theory." Governor Du Cane has personally supported in cogent terms the representations of his Responsible Advisers on the subject. Of late, some of the Australian Colonies have narrowed their demands to a power to make reciprocal arrangements amongst themselves. But in October, 1868, the then Premier of New Zealand, Mr. Stafford, invited the Australian Colonies to agree to a Conference, to consider, amongst other subjects, a resolution of the House of Representatives, moved by the present writer, recommending that steps should be taken to ascertain the position of the colony in relation to commercial treaties between Great Britain and foreign Powers ; and especially that authority should bo sought to enable New Zealand, in connection with the Australian Colonies, to negotiate with the United States for the free admission into that country of wool, the product of the several colonies. That invitation was favourably received by all the colonies, although the Conference was not held, owing to an agreement not being arrived at as to the time of meeting. Resolutions were, however, in January, 1870, agreed to by the representatives of New South Wales and Now Zealand, one of which was to the effect that the respective Governments should "address an earnest representation to the Secretary of State for the Colonies, respecting the disadvantages under which the Australasian Colonies labour, in regard to the doubts which exist as to their power to make mutual arrangements for the interchange, duty-free, of their several products and manufactures, as also in respect of the doubts which exist as to their powers to enter into conventions with foreign countries; to point out that Canada for a lengthened period has been placed on a more favourable footing ; to urge that all doubts as to the right to exercise such, powers be removed; and that, in entering into arrangements with foreign countries, tho Imperial Government should aid the colonies. That such aid should be immediately granted in respect to endeavouring to negotiate with the United States for the introduction into that country, duty-free, of wool, the product of the Australasian Colonies." The Colonial Treasurer does not urge that arrangements between the colonies and foreign countries should necessarily be made by the colonies. It would be more in consonance with an Imperial policy that such treaties should be made for the colonies, at their desire, by the Imperial Government. Mr. Hammond, of the Foreign Office, in a letter dated November, 1865, to the Under-Secretary for the Colonies, laid down an apparently very convenient mode by which such treaties might be arranged. A copy of tho letter is appended. In some way, the want of arrangements of the kind must shortly be recognized. The Imperial Government have declined to accept the cession of the Fiji group, and of other groups of islands in the Pacific. Tho consequence is that, more or less near to the Australasian Colonies, foreign possessions are continuing to increase ; whilst, concurrently, the trade between them and the Australasian Colonies is also increasing. Thus, there are already the Fiji Islands, a gMessi-independent kingdom, and the Navigator group, likely to become a United States dependency ; and, of older standing, there are the French colonies of Nov. Caledonia and Tahiti, tho independent Kingdom of Hawaii, and the Dutch dependencies of Java and New Guinea. The necessity must, sooner or later, arise of regulating tho relations between these countries and their Australasian neighbours; and it must be decided whether the colonies are to act for themselves, or whether the Imperial Government are to act for them. To return to tho question of simple Intercolonial Reciprocity. Lord Kimberley seems to ridicule tho idea of a Customs Union comprising tho whole Empire, when he writes, " It may perhaps be thought that, if it has been found impossible for adjacent communities, such as those of Australia, to come to an agreement for a common system of Customs duties, it is scarcely worth while to consider the possibility of so vast a scheme as the combination of all parts of the British Empire, scattered over the whole globe, under such widely-varying conditions of every kind, into one Customs Union." In fairness to himself, tho Colonial Treasurer must point out, that Lord Kimberley scarcely does justice to the suggestions on which he comments ; and that it is hardly accurate to say that it has been found impossible for adjacent communities, such as those of Australia, to arrive at an agreement for a common system of Customs duties. Those communities have desired to arrive at such an agreement; but the opportunity has been denied them by tho Imperial Government—that is to say, the Imperial Government have refused to allow them to make reciprocal arrangements. The Colonial Treasurer is surprised that suggestions such as those made by him are considered extravagant, since the theory involved in thoso suggestions has been enunciated by ono who was recently Her Majesty's Prime Minister, Mr. Disraeli. The Colonial Treasurer wrote, "If Great Britain wore to confederate her Empiro, it might and probably would be a condition, that throughout the Empire there should be a free exchange of goods. The arguments in favour of a Customs Union between colonies have as much force in their application to a wider union, embracing the whole Empire." Again, " The Colonial Treasurer submits that these questions really raise the issue, whether, in the original Constitutions granted to them, the colonies should have been allowed so muchdiscretion as to fixing their own tariffs ; and, if this bo the issue, the Treasurer admits that much may be said against the discretion which has been granted. *'t* * In short, Great Britain must logically do one of two things—either leave tho colonies unfettered discretion; or—if she is to regulate tariffs or reciprocal tariff arrangements, or to make treaties affecting tho colonies—give to the colonies representation in matters affecting tho Empire." Six months after the Colonial Treasurer's memorandum was written, and within a few weeks of the date of Lord Kimberley's despatch, Mr. Disraeli, speaking at a meeting of the National Union of Conservative and Constitutional Associations, is reported to have said, " I cannot conceive how our distant colonies can have their affairs administered except by self-government; but, when self-government was conceded, it ought, in my opinion, to have been conceded as part

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and parcel of a great Imperial consolidation—it ought to have been accompanied by an Imperial tariff. * * * It ought, further, to have been accompanied by the institution of some Representative Council in the metropolis, which would have brought the colonies into constant and continuous relations with the Home Government. * * * In my opinion, no Minister of this country will do his duty, who neglects any opportunity of reconstructing as much as possible our Colonial Empire, and of responding to those distant sympathies which may become the source of incalculable strength and happiness to this land." The Colonial Treasurer is content to think that he did not mean anything more extravagant than was propounded by Mr. Disraeli on the occasion referred to._ Lord Kimberley states, "The Now Zealand Government seem not to have perceived the difference in principle between the formation of a Customs Union and the conclusion of reciprocity agreements." The Colonial Treasurer, in his former memorandum, did not desire to assert 'that the principle of a Customs Union was the same as that of reciprocity agreements ; but he wished to suggest that the power to make reciprocal arrangements might lead to the Customs Union which it is believed the Secretary of State desires. The Treasurer is unable to see how this can be questioned. There cannot be a Customs Union of the Australasian Colonies until it has been agreed what tariff will be for their advantage, severally and collectively, or until Great Britain gives to them an Imperial tariff. The latter, Lord Kimberley does not approve, and he questions the policy of giving to the colonies a status which would enable them to enter into arrangements for a common tariff. Had they the power to make reciprocal arrangements, a tariff might be built up by common consent—which would amount to a Customs Union, requiring for its cqmpletion a final ratification only. But whilst the colonies are prevented making reciprocal arrangements, there is little probability of their arriving at a common tariff. Lord Kimberley considers that the desire of the colonies to enter into reciprocal arrangements amounts to setting up a claim "to treat the United Kingdom itself as a foreign community, by imposing differential duties in favour of other parts of the Empire, as against British produce." If the Secretary of State is entitled to consider in such a light reciprocal arrangements which the colonies might make, he would be entitled to attach the same significance to a Customs Union of the colonies ; for the effect of a Customs Union, through the free interchange of goods, would be to give to different parts of the Empire— id est, to separate colonies —an interchange of goods free of duty, whilst the same goods from other parts of the Empire would be subject to duty. It is difficult to understand why it should be supposed that such an effect would be hostile to Great Britain if it resulted from reciprocal arrangements between colonies, whilst it would not partake of such a character if it resulted from the operation of a Customs Union, unless it were contemplated that the Customs Union should be the precursor of throwing off the colonies from the Empire. Upon no other supposition is it conceivable that more serious disadvantage to Great Britain could flow from reciprocal arrangements between the colonies than from a Customs Union. It is clear that the proposition is not a novel one ; and it can only be considered as prejudicial to the interests of the Empire, by the light of the altered policy of the Imperial country towards the colonies. Of late years, the disintegration of the Empire has been officially treated as a possible contingency. 'While such a contingency is admitted, all questions between the colonies and the Imperial country are liable to be discussed under embarrassing conditions ; but, if, as was the case a few years ago, no possibility of the kind was contemplated, it could not now be urged that the consideration of the means best calculated to promote the trade of the colonies had a greater significance, or one more hostile to the Empire, than the same policy had at a period when it was warmly espoused by the Imperial Government. The change, in short, is not with the colonies, but with those who imperially govern them. In reply to the suggestion that reciprocal arrangements would partake more of the nature of protection than would a Customs Union, the Colonial Treasurer has already pointed out that the absence of the power to make such arrangements has led to the adoption in the colonies of tariffs which are not only protective, but retaliatory. As pointed out by Mr. Du Cane, in his despatch of the 29th September, 1871, the choice lies "between a system of protection pure and simple, maintained by each colony against its neighbours, and a system of protection modified by reciprocity convention," and which might ultimately result in " the establishment of a commercial union of the Australias and New Zealand, on the basis of a common tariff." Lord Kimberley's principal objection, apparently, to giving power to the colonies to make reciprocal arrangements is, that it might be used for protective purposes ; and it is not clear that he does not consider that it is in the very nature of such arrangements that they should be antagonistic to the principles of free trade. It is right, therefore, that the Colonial Treasurer should state that his former memorandum was adopted by the then Government of New Zealand, most of the members of which were opponents of the doctrine of protection. If it really be that the disinclination to grant to the colonies the power of making reciprocal arrangements arises out of a desire to indoctrinate the colonies with the free-trade ideas of Great Britain, too much stress cannot be laid upon the observation of the Chief Secretary of Victoria, in his memorandum of October 7th, 1871, that " No attempt can be more hopeless than to induce free self-governed States to adopt exactly the same opinions, on such questions as free trade and protection, which the people of England happen to entertain at that precise moment." Great Britain has, at various times, adopted different fiscal policies, in accordance with what seemed to her rulers suitable to the circumstances of the country; and there are not wanting persons who fail to see that there is any greater guarantee against modifications of the present free-trade policy, than there was against the reversal of the policy of protection which at one time had an equal hold upon the minds of the people of the United Kingdom. When it is asserted, on behalf of Great Britain, that free trade is the only wise policy, it can hardly fail to be remembered that free-trade doctrines have made very little progress in other countries. And when Lord Kimberley urges, as an argument against granting to the colonies the powers they require, that a suspicion that they mean to resort, under those powers, to a protective policy, is likely to foster an unfriendly feeling between them and Great Britain, the thought naturally suggests itself that, if agreement with Great Britain's fiscal policy is necessary to the maintenance of friendly relations with her, there is scarcely a colony or country in the world with which she can be said to be on friendly terms. The Colonial Treasurer shares with Lord Kimberley tho desire that the colonies should avoid doing anything calculated to alienate from them tho cordial feelings of friendship entertained by the people of the United Kingdom '. but ho cannot understand how any such result is likely to follow from reciprocal arrangements between the colonies. Possibly, a few persons interested in manufactures might feel aggrieved by one or two items of the tariffs which would result from such arrangements ; but the great bulk of the people of the United Kingdom would surely not judge the colonists by any such standard. It is within the knowledge of the great mass of the people of the United Kingdom, that it is the desire of the Colonial Governments to promote the prosperity of the colonists ; and that they are anxious to secure as colonists an unlimited number of the inhabitants of the United Kingdom. Whatever direction the legislation of the colonies may take, that legislation is not intended more for the benefit of the present colonists than for the benefit of those who may come to the colony from the United Kingdom, and who, as colonists, would be eagerly welcomed. It would be an injustice to the good feeling of the great mass of tho people of the United Kingdom, to suppose that they would resent as unfriendly the honest desire of the colonists to guide their legislation in the direction which they believe best calculated to promote the welfare of the colonies, and—through the interests which the Imperial country has in the colonies—the welfare of the Empire. It is, indeed, difficult to realize why the people of the United Kingdom should be alienated by the Australasian Colonies asking for only that which the British American Provinces already possess ; or because of the Australasian colonists holding opinions which are held by those of British North America, and which have been held by the people of the United Kingdom. The question really seems to narrow itself to this —Should the theories of a comparatively modern school of economy outweigh the teachings of actual experience in tho colonies, backed by the recommendations of able practical men, including amongst their number officers in the Imperial service ? A brief resume of tho case, so far as it relates to New Zealand and the Australian Colonies, will, the Colonial Treasurer believes, convince tSo Secretary of State that, whilst the colonies have been patient and respectful in their demands, they are not likely to recall them. It is some years since it was first felt by the colonies that it was desirable there should be an interchange of colonial productions. That feeling did not arise in connection with any commodity which Great Britain could, or can, supply. It arose principally in respect to the excellent wines which Australia produces; and as to which the people of New Zealand and Tasmania felt it a great hardship that a supply should be

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denied them, except upon payment of the same rate of import duty as was demanded upon wines the produce of far-distant and foreign countries. When the question was looked into, it was found that the Constitution Acts of the several Australian Colonies expressly prohibited the imposition of differential duties, whilst the Constitution Act of New Zealand merely prohibited the imposition of any duties inconsistent with Her Majesty's treaty obligations. It seems probable that the different scope of the enactments in question was the result of accident; and that, in each case, what was meant was merely to prohibit colonial legislation inconsistent with Her Majesty's treaty engagements. This supposition is borne out by the fact, that the first opposition to the colonies making reciprocal arrangements was based upon the ground that such arrangements would be opposed to some of the conditions of treaties between Great Britain and foreign countries. The Legislature of Now Zealand, holding strongly that there would not be such opposition, passed a Eeciprocity Bill, which was reserved by the Governor for the signification of Her Majesty's pleasure. Upon careful inquiry, it was found that the view taken by New Zealand was correct; that the reserved. Bill did not contain anything in conflict with the foreign treaties of Great Britain; and, therefore, that legally, so far as New Zealand was concerned, there was no obstacle in the way of the desired legislation. But, inasmuch as a colony cannot reciprocate with itself, New Zealand's legislation was necessarily fruitless, unless other colonies were relieved of their disabilities. The question therefore is—Whether the Australian Colonies shall be shut out from powers which New Zealand possesses, which the British American Provinces have for a long time exercised, and which, it is to be assumed, the Australian Colonies did not receive through their Constitution Acts, only because somebody supposed that such legislation would conflict with Imperial treaty obligations, which supposition, after careful investigation, has been found not to be warranted ? In another form, the question is—Whether, on account of a new Imperial policy, an accidental disability, affecting only some of the colonies, shall be continued and confirmed, to the injury of them all ? A new policy has not grown up in the colonies. They are as loyal and true to the Empire as when their Constitution Acts were granted ; and the powers they all seek are asked for in a spirit which is in no sense hostile to the Empire, and which has not grown out of any feeling which can be construed into evidence of a desire to weaken the connection, or render less friendly the relations, between the colonies and the Mother-country. Wellington, 15th November, 1872. Julius Vogel.

XIX.-Inter-colonial Reciprocity.

Appendix I. Sib, — Foreign Office, 11th November, 1865. I have laid before the Earl of Clarendon your letter of the 7th instant and its enclosures, relative to the measures proposed by the Government of Canada for the extension of the commercial relations of the British North American Provinces with the British and Spanish West Indies, and with Mexico, Brazil, and other countries; and I am to request that you will state to Mr. Secretary Cardwell, that his Lordship concludes that, as regards foreign countries, the agents who may be sent from the British North American Colonies will not assume any independent character, or attempt to negotiate and conclude arrangements with the Governments of foreign countries, but will only, as proposed by the seventh resolution of the Confederate Council on Commercial Treaties as regards negotiations with the United States, enclosed in Lord Monck's Despatch No. 185, of the 23rd of September, be authorized to confer with the British Minister in each foreign country, and to afford him information with respect to the interests of the British North American Provinces. A similar process has been adopted in various negotiations for commercial treaties in which Her Majesty's Government have recently been engaged with foreign Powers; and Lord Clarendon, on receiving from Mr. Cardwell copies of the instructions given to the colonial delegates, will be ready to authorize Her Majesty's Minister at Madrid, as regards the Spanish West Indies, and Her Majesty's Ministers on the Continent of America, to communicate with these colonial delegates, and, in the first instance, to assist them in their inquiries as to what openings there may be for extending the trade of tho British colonies, and afterwards to ascertain how far any overtures for that object would be likely to be well received by the Government to which those Ministers are accredited. Having thus obtained grounds for further proceedings, Her Majesty's Government might, in tho next place, consider, in communication with the Lords of the Committee of Privy Council for Trade, how far any proposals might be made to foreign countries in behalf of the colonies, consistently with the general treaty engagements of the British Crown; and, this point being satisfactorily ascertained, instructions might be framed in this country for Her Majesty's Ministers in the countries in question, and full powers issued to them by Her Majesty, under which they would endeavour to bring into the shape of international engagements such arrangements as might be ultimately considered acceptable, not only to the colonies themselves, but also to tho foreign Powers with whom they were contracted. I have, &c. The Under-Secretary of State, Colonial Office, E. Hammond.

Appendix 11, (Confidential.) The Minister of Finance —to whom has been referred the despatch of his Grace the Duke of Buckingham and Chandos, under date 24th July, 1868, transmitting a copy of a letter from the Lords of the Committee of the Privy Council for Trade, on the subject of the admission of certain articles (under the provisions of the recent Customs Act of the Dominion of Canada) duty-free, from the British American Provinces not included in the Dominion, and on the power reserved by the same Act to admit the like articles, when the growth and product of the United States, either duty-free or on reciprocal terms, so soon as the United States shall provide for the importation thereof on corresponding terms into the United States—has the honour to report: — The first of these objects has been already fully discussed by the undersigned, in a report which he had the honour of laying before, and which was approved of by, His Excellency in Council, on the 13th January last. It is believed that the special circumstances which are sot forth in that report, and the important political considerations which are involved, fully outweigh any objections which may be taken to the theoretical sanction given to the imposition of discriminating duties on the articles in question. My Lords, while reiterating the views expressed by them on former occasions, on economical grounds, admit that the provisions in question are consistent with the policy heretofore pursued by the North American Provinces ; and, as his Grace the Colonial Secretary intimates that ho is not prepared to object to that policy, this portion of the despatch would not seem to call for further observation. The second point, as stated by Ms Grace—viz. "the exclusive favour which substantially, or at all events apparently, might be conferred on the United States, if the clause providing for the admission of certain products of that country, in the event of certain contingencies, should come into operation," and which his Grace is pleased to say "he fears could not be acceded to"—raises a question of such deep import to the people of this Dominion, that the undersigned deems it his duty to advert to the course which has hitherto been pursued by Her Majesty's Government with reference to it, in the conviction that further consideration will lead his Grace to withdraw tho objections which by anticipation have been advanced. The peculiar position in which Canada and the United States stand to each other, makes it for their mutual interest to exchange certain articles on reciprocal terms. The truth of this proposition has never been denied by Her Majesty's Government; but, on tho contrary, their influence has been invariably exercised in furtherance of such reciprocal arrangements. As early as 1848, Mr. Crampton, Her Majesty's Representative, at Washington, was instructed by Lord Palmerston to urge on the American Government the establishment of reciprocal free trade in natural products between Canada and the United States; and, on the appointment of Sir Henry Bulwer, his successor, in 1849, the Imperial Government specially directed him to continue those negotiations, to the successful termination of which, in tho despatch of Lord Palmerston, it was stated that Her Majesty's Government attached the very highest importance. The consideration of the siibject continued to be repeatedly pressed on tho American Government between that time and the year 1854.

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In the latter year, the treaty known as the Beeiprocity Treaty was finally concluded, admitting certain natural products of each country free into the other, without any qualification as to the differential or discriminating character of its provisions. On the anticipated abrogation of that treaty by the United States, in 1865, Her Majesty's Government again lent the weight of their influence in favour of its continuance, and Her Majesty's Representative at Washington was persistent in his efforts, as well to prevent its termination as subsequently to effect its renewal. Indeed, since the period of its abrogation by the action of the United States Congress, the-propriety of its renewal has been an object of avowed solicitude on the part of the Imperial Government. In 1865, the delegates from Canada who visited England for the purpose of conferring with Her Majesty's Government on various important matters affecting the interests of the Dominion, were again assured that Sir Frederick Bruce, Her Mpjesty's Eepresentative at Washington, had received instructions to negotiate for a renewal of the treaty, and to act in concert with the Government of Canada to that end. It thus appears that the principle of establishing special trade relations on reciprocal terms between Canada and the United States, has been uniformly recognized and approved of by Her Majesty's Government since the year 1848. The question has, however, been raised by the Government of the United States, whether the arrangements ought properly to be effected by means of a treaty, or in the form of reciprocal legislation. Objections were taken to the former course during the first negotiations, in 1848 ; and, in order to remove them, it was proposed that concurrent legislation should be had by Canada and the United States of America, under which the products of each country should be admitted free into the other. The two Bills proposed at that time, the one by Canada and the other by the United States, are almost identical in their terms with the clause to which my Lords now take exception. It is worthy of note, that the object and scope of the legislation then proposed by Canada were specially brought under the notice of Her Majesty's Government at the time ; and, in a despatch from Earl Grey, the Secretary of State for the Colonies, to the Governor-General of Canada, his Lordship states, "that Her Majesty's Government can have no objection to the repeal by the Provincial Legislature of the duties enumerated in the Bill." On that occasion, the Lords of the Privy Council of Trade were pleased to observe, in reference to the reciprocal legislation proposed by Canada, to meet the provisions of a similar Bill then before Congress, that "My Lords, considering the various interests in Canada which may bo affected by the measure, and that the questions involved in it bear more upon the welfare of Canada than of Great Britain, recommend it to be left entirely to the decision of the Provincial Legislature." That Bill, having been passed by the Legislature, was specially transmitted for the signification of Her Majesty's pleasure by the Governor-General; and after full deliberation by the Imperial Government, and a consideration of its provisions by the Lords of the Committee of Privy Council for Trade, it was formally assented to by Her Majesty. If any further approval of the character of the legislation were needed, it will be found in a despatch of Lord Palmorston to Sir H. Bulwer, under date the Ist November, 1849, in which his Lordship states, " that Her Majesty's Government regard it as of the very highest importance, both commercially and politically, that free admission to the market of the United States should be obtained for those articles which are enumerated in an Act passed in the last session of the Canadian Parliament, of which I enclose a copy for your information." This is the same Act as that already referred to. The exercise of the power conferred by that Bill was, however, prevented by the failure of Congress to pass its measure ; and, before reciprocal legislation could be had, the treaty of 1854 was entered into. That treaty afterwards received the formal sanction of the Imperial Parliament (17 and 18 Viet. c. 3). On the expiry of the treaty in 1865, negotiations took place for its renewal, and the question which had been originally raised by Mr. Clayton, the American Secretary of State, in 1848, as to whether trade relations might properly and constitutionally he regulated by treaty, was again raised by the American Government. Mr. McCulloch, the distinguished Secretary of the Treasury, in his Annual Report for 1865, thus adverts to the objections:— " There are grave doubts whether treaties of this character do not interfere with the legislative power of Congress, and especially with the constitutional power of the House of Representatives to originate Revenue Bills." " It is certain that, in the arrangement of our complex system of revenue through the tariff and internal duties, the treaty has been the source of no little embarrassment. The subject of the revenue should not be embarrassed by treaty stipulations, but Congress should be left to act freely and independently. Any arrangement between the United States and the Canadas and Provinces, that may be considered mutually beneficial, can as readily be carried out by reciprocal legislation as by any other means. No complaint would then arise as to subsequent changes of laws, for each party would be free to act at all times according to its discretion. "It is desirable to diminish the temptations now existing for smuggling; and if the course suggested, of mutual legislation, should be adopted, a revenue system, both internal and external, more in harmony with our own, might justly be anticipated, from the action of our neighbours, by which this result would be most likely to be obtained." To meet the objection thus repeatedly urged by the Government of the United States, the clause in the Canada Customs Bill of 1868, to which his Grace calls attention, was inserted; the sole object of that clause being that Canada might, by means of reciprocal legislation (in case the United States preferred that course), perform its part towards the accomplishment of an object which, as has been shown, Her Majesty's Government had repeatedly urged on the United States, and sanctioned, both by direct negotiation with that Power, by the solemnity of a treaty, and by a formal engagement with the Canadian Delegates. The undersigned has felt it to be so important that any negotiations which may take place with the United States for the re-establishment of free commercial intercourse between them and Canada, should be untrammelled, that ho has perhaps entered at needless detail into a review of the past history of this question, and possibly gives rise to the impression that in carrj'ing on these negotiations in the future, it is intended, or that it will be necessary, to disregard the sound rules of political economy adverted to by My Lords, or practically to violate the international treaty engagements of Great Britain, entitling foreign Powers to participate in any concessions which Canada may grant to the United States. If the obnoxious clause were put in operation, it would only renew in effect an almost identical provision in the Act of 1849 and in the treaty of 1854. In the correspondence adverted to in the despatch of his Grace, which took place on the subject of the treaty, it was shown that its operation was not to put an end to, nor even to diminish in any sensible degree, the import from other places than the United States of articles admitted free under its provisions, nor to subject either England or foreign countries to any practical disadvantage in reference to the import of their products into Canada. Any exemptions which the United States and Canada might respectively find it for their advantage to accord, could hardly, in their very nature, influence the trade of either country with foreign nations, since they would probably be limited to the interchange of those products of the two countries which, from their proximity, each might profitably interchange with the other, but which neither would receive to any sensible extent from other nations, even if no reciprocal arrangements existed. The inquiry made by His Grace touching the articles enumerated in Schedule D—viz. " Whether there would be any serious inconvenience to Canada, in the application of the same exemption from duty to similar articles from all other foreign countries and from Great Britain," in case Canada admitted them free from the United States —will be answered by the subjoined table, which distinguishes the amount of duty collected on each of those articles, the growth and produce of the United States, the growth and produce of Great Britain,- and the growth and produce of foreign countries. In conclusion, the undersigned trusts that, as the circumstances of political exigency and the important national considerations which, as stated by Her Majesty's Government, led to the conclusion of the former Treaty of Reciprocity with the United States, still exist —and in even a greater degree than previous to the date of the treaty— and as the interests of Canada continue to be seriously affected, Her Majesty's Government will not refuse to give tho

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same weight to these considerations as before ; and that, in any future negotiations between Canada and the United States, in reference to their trade relations, the Dominion will receive the co-operation and influence of Her Majesty's Government. It will be the endeavour of Canada to see that they involve no substantial violation of the treaty engagements of Great Britain, nor any practical departure from those sound economical principles upon which the undersigned has already expressed his opinion they should be based. John Rose, Ottawa, 3rd September, 1868. Minister of Finance.

XtX.—lntercolonial Reciprocity.

No. 11. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbbblby to Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. (No. 10.) Sie,- —■ Downing Street, 31st January, 1873. I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your Despatch No. 99, of the 16th November, enclosing a Ministerial minute, covering a memorandum by the Colonial Treasurer of New Zealand, on the subject of my circular despatch of the 19th April, 1872, relating to the intercolonial tariff question. The expression of the views of the New Zealand Government will be duly considered by Her Majesty's Government, in connection with other expressions of opinion on the part of the colonies concerned. I have, &e. Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, G.C.M.G. Kimbeeley.

No. 12. intercolonial conference, 1873. Sydney,. Febeuaey 11. It was resolved— "The representatives of the Colonies of New South Wales, New Zealand, Queensland, South Australia, Tasmania, Victoria, and Western Australia, assembled in Conference in Sydney, have carefully considered the correspondence which has taken place between the Eight Hon. the Secretary of State for the Colonies and their several Governments, upon the subject of Intercolonial Commercial Eeciprocity. The Conference, having given respectful attention to the arguments used by the Secretary of State, still consider it their duty to urge upon the Imperial Government the •removal of the restrictions which preclude two or more colonies of the Australasian group from entering into arrangements for the admission of articles the growth, produce, or manufacture of any part of Australia or New Zealand, upon terms to which they may mutually agree. " The Conference express their earnest hope that Her Majesty's Government will introduce, at as early a date as possible, the necessary measure of legislation to give effect to the wishes of the Conference." And it was further resolved— "That the Chairman be requested to move His Excellency, Sir Hercules Eobinson, to transmit a telegraphic message to Lord Kimberley, embodying the unanimous decision of the Conference in reference to Intercolonial Commercial Eeciprocity, with the object that no delay may take place in the introduction of Imperial legislation to give effect to the wishes of the Conference."

No. 13. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Kimbeeley to Governor the Eight Hon. Sir J. Febgusson, Bart, (No. 42.) Sie, — Downing Street, 13th June, 1873. I have the honour to transmit to you six copies of an Act intituled "The Australian Colonies Duties Act, 1873." 2. The telegram sent on 11th February, by desire of the representatives of the colonies assembled in Conference in Sydney, expressed their earnest hope that Her Majesty's Government would introduce, at as early a date as possible, the necessary measure for giving effect to the wish of the Conference, namely, that those restrictions should be removed which precluded two or more colonies of the Australian group from entering into arrangements for the admission of articles, the growth, produce, or manufacture of any part of Australia or New Zealand, upon terms to which they might mutually agree. 3. Her Majesty's Government, upon receipt of this telegram, determined, after a full consideration, to propose to Parliament a Bill giving effect to this strongly and repeatedly expressed wish of the Australian Colonies; and, Parliament having passed the Bill, there would be no advantage in continuing the discussion of the question raised in the correspondence which has taken place on this subject, and on which the general views of Her Majesty's Government have been explained. 4. It will be perceived that the Act gives full power to each of the Australian Colonies to make laws imposing or remitting duties, for the purpose of giving effect to an agreement in respect of any article imported into it from any other colony to which the Act applies. It has been thought expedient that, subject to the proviso against differential duties, the powers given to the Colonial Legislatures should be extended to articles not the growth, produce, and manufacture of Australia or New Zealand, in order to remove all doubts as to such arrangements as have already been made as to border duties between Victoria and New South Wales, and also to enable a Customs Union to be established between any two or ipore of the colonies to which the Act applies. 5. You will be at liberty, in consequence of the passing of "The Australian Colonies Duties Act, 1873," to assent to any Bill imposing such differential duties as fall within its provisions, notwithstanding anything contained in the Eoyal Instructions, which will hereafter be modified in accordance with the new enactment.

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6. With respect to the reserved Bill passed in 1870 by the Legislature of New Zealand, under the title of " The Colonial Beciprocity Act, 1870," I may observe that it would not be possible for me to tender any advice to Her Majesty on the subject, as it is more than two years since the Act was passed. I have, &c. Governor the Bight Hon. Sir J. Fergusson, Bart. Kimbeeley.

XlX.—lnter colonial Reciprocity.

Enclosure. An Act to Amend the Law with respect to Customs Duties in the Australian Colonies. (26th May, 1873.) Wb.eeeas it is expedient to amend the law with respect to Customs Duties in the Australian Colonies: Be it enacted by the Queen's most Excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, in this present Parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, as follows: 1. This Act may be cited as " Tho Australian Colonies Duties Act, 1873." 2. In this Act the term " Australian Colonies " shall mean the colonies of New South Wales, Victoria, South Australia, Queensland, Western Australia, and Tasmania: Tho term " country " shall mean any country or place except Australian colonies and the colony of New Zealand. 3. The Legislature of any one of the Australian colonies shall, for tho purpose of carrying into effect any agreement between any two or more of the said colonies, or between any one or more of the said colonies and New Zealand, have full power from time to time to make laws with respect to tho remission or imposition of duties upon the importation into such colony of any article the produce or manufacture of or imported from any other of the said colonies, or the produce or manufacture of or imported from New Zealand. Provided always, that for the purpose aforesaid no new duty shall be imposed upon, and no existing duty shall be remitted as to, the importation into any of the Australian colonies of any article, tho produce or manufacture of any particular country, which shall not be equally imposed upon, or remitted as to, the importation into such colony of the like article the produce or manufacture of any other country: Provided further, that no duties shall be levied upon articles imported into any of the Australian colonies for the supply of Her Majesty's land or sea forces, nor shall any duty be levied or remitted contrary to or at variance with any Treaty or Treaties for the time being subsisting between Her Majesty and any foreign power.

No. 14. Cieculab from the Colonial Seceetaby, New Zealand, to Austealasian Goveenments. (No. 14.) Sie, — Colonial Secretary's Office, Wellington, New Zealand, 6th May, 1874. I have the honour to enclose the copy of a joint memorandum by the Colonial Treasurer and the Commissioner of Customs of New Zealand, upon the subject of Intercolonial Eeciprocity between the Colonies of Australasia, which has been adopted and assented to by the Governor in Council of this colony. I desire to commend the subject of this memorandum to the consideration of your Government. I have, &c. Daniel Pollen.

Enclosure. The Colonial Treasure); and the Commissioner of Customs of New Zealand have jointly had under their consideration the question of what action, if any, it is desirable to take under the powers accorded by " The Australian Colonies Duties Act, 1873." Now Zealand possessed the power of imposing differential duties before that Act was passed ; but, inasmuch as similar powers were previously denied to the other colonies, the Act for the first time afforded the means to the Australian Colonies of entering into reciprocal arrangements. Hitherto, no action has been taken under the Act. The reason for this apparent indifference to a measure so eagerly sought is not difficult to discover. Independently of the fact that the earnest desire to obtain a particular power does not necessarily imply that it will be immediately used, there are reasons, in the late relations between several of the colonies in respect to postal services, border duties, cattlo importation, and other questions, which explain why it has not been considered expedient, or likely to be productive of useful results, to earlier press the exercise of the powers conferred by the Act. Even now, though it is well the subject should be ventilated, it is doubtful whether there will speedily be any results. The Colonial Treasurer and the Commissioner of Customs have, however, come to the conclusion to move the Government to take some action in respect to the Act. Past experience shows that Conferences of the representatives of all the Australasian Colonies lead to misunderstandings rather than to agreements ; and the Colonial Treasurer and Commissioner of Customs are of opinion that results are more likely to be arrived at by negotiations between different colonies than by the more ambitious attempt to devise plans which, would be suitable and acceptable to all of them. Indeed, the circumstances of the colonies aro so different, and the adoption of a common plan would involve so many sacrifices, that the attempt to obtain united action might lead to shelving the measure. On the other hand, any two of the colonies would be able so to consider their own circumstances as to make negotiations between them comparatively easy. Any arrangement entered into would probably, as far as circumstances did not compel a difference, lead to other arrangements of a similar nature, so that in the end there would probably be a nearer approach to a common agreement by separate negotiation than by attempting at the outset to secure such a result. Should, however, the other colonies be of a different opinion, the Colonial Treasurer and Commissioner of Customs think that New Zealand should not stand aloof, but that, on the contrary, she should invito the other colonies to mako this colony the scene of the Conference. There are reasons, which the other colonies will perhaps not be unprepared to allow, why a neutral ground like New Zealand, sufficiently removed from Australia to be free from the territorial prejudices which affect different Governments on one continent, would be suitable for a meeting of the representatives of all the colonies. The Colonial Treasurer and Commissioner of Customs, however, do not suggest that a Conference should bo recommended, but merely that, if it should bo deemed expedient to hold one, Wellington should be the place of meeting. In the meanwhile, it is advised that New Zealand should show itself ready to negotiate with other colonies. To facilitate such negotiations, the Colonial Treasurer and Commissioner of Customs have considered the articles about which it is desirable to treat. Any two colonies desiring to make arrangements would find it the most convenient course to first agree upon the articles which should become the subject of arrangement: tho details of such arrangement would then be arrived at with comparative facility. In the schedule attached, the Colonial Treasurer and Commissioner of Customs enumerate the articles concerning which they are of opinion it will be desirable to treat. In selecting those articles they have been guided by various considerations, such as—

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(as.) That they are sufficiently important or useful, or likely to become so, to make it desirable that agreements should be entered into about them ; (6.) That they are not of a nature likely to occasion difficulties by importations of foreign goods being palmed off as native productions : (c.) That they are articles which it is so essentially reasonable the colonies should exchange, and be dependent upon each other for, that Great Britain and other countries would not be justified in complaining of the arrangements as injurious to their commerce or prejudicial to their interests. A practice has grown up in one colony, if not more, of supplementing Customs duties by heavy wharf dues. As there would be no advantage in the remission of duties if they could be replaced by other burdens, it should be understood that the arrangements made would concern all charges of a direct nature, whether in the shape of Customs duties or wharf or jetty dues. In respect to the latter, it would be easy to agree that they should not exceed a specified rate. If approved in Executive Council, this memorandum might be forwarded to the Government of each of the other colonies. Some of the articles in the Schedule will not be applicable to the circumstances of all the colonies, but the general nature of the memorandum will sufficiently explain to any colony so situated the necessary inclusion. Julius Vogel. William H. Eeynolds.

XIX.-Ipter-colonial Reciprocity.

Schedule. Grain of all kinds, flour, malt and hops, ale and porter, colonial wines, New Zealand flax, timber, jams, butter, bacon, cheese, fish, fruit. April 25th, 1874. Approved in Council—Julius Vogel, Presiding. Foesteb GoBiNG, Clerk to Executive Council. Approved—James FbbgussoN) Governor;

No. 15, The Colonial Secketary, Tasmania, to the Colonial Secketaby, New Zealand. Sib, — Colonial' Secretary's Office, Tasmania, 25th May, 1874. With reference to my letter of the 22nd instant, I have now the honour of informing you that the memorandum from your Government on the subject of intercolonial free trade has received the careful consideration of the Executive Government of this colony. The Government and Parliament of Tasmania have long entertained the opinion that nothing wOuld tend more to promote the welfare of the inhabitants of the Australasian Colonies, than the free exchange of all articles the growth, produce, or manufacture of the said colonies; and on several occasions during the past ten years, this Government has sent delegates to the Conferences that have been held in Melbourne and Sydney to promote that object. As " The Australian Colonies Duties Act, 1873," authorized the Legislature of Tasmania to make laws with respect to the remission or imposition of duties on any article the produce or manufacture of New Zealand when imported into Tasmania, the Parliament of this colony passed an Act authorizing the Governor of Tasmania, with the advice of the Executive Council, to enter into an agreement with the Governor of New Zealand for the admission into the ports of Tasmania of all or any articles (except spirits and tobacco), the produce or manufacture of New Zealand, free from Customs duties, wharfage, or other charges : provided that the Governor of New Zealand would at the same time enter into an agreement to admit into the ports of New Zealand the products and manufactures of Tasmania, or some of them (except spirits and tobacco), free from all Customs duties,fwharfage, and other charges; and, further, that such agreements might be made for a period of five years. I transmit herewith six copies of that Act, for the information of your Government. Acting, therefore, under the authority of the Intercolonial Customs Duties Act of this colony, the Governor of Tasmania will be prepared to enter into an agreement with the Governor of New Zealand (for a period of five years) for the admission into the ports of Tasmania, free from all Customs duties, wharfage, and other charges, of the following articles of the growth, produce, or manufacture of New Zealand, viz.—Grain of all kinds, flour, malt, hops, ale and porter, jams, fruit, butter, cheese, bacon, fish, flax, and timber of all kinds, either cut, sawn, split, or in logs: provided that the Governor of New Zealand will at the same time enter into an agreement with the Governor of Tasmania for the like articles, of the growth, produce, or manufacture of Tasmania, being admitted into the ports of New Zealand free from all Customs duties, wharfage, and other charges. As it is desirable that no unnecessary delay should take place in carrying out what I understand to be the views of the Government of New Zealand and the Government of Tasmania, I venture to suggest that articles of agreement should immediately be prepared by the Law Officers of your Government, and, when ready, transmitted to this Government for the approval of the Law Officers of this colony, and, when finally settled by those officers, the agreements could be submitted for execution by the Governors of the respective colonies, and exchanged in due course. By following the plan I have suggested, we might see free trade established between Tasmania and New Zealand within two or three months from this date; and I have no doubt that, before many months are passed, we should find some of the neighbouring colonies willing to enter into similar agreements with us, for the free exchange of their products and manufactures. Trusting I shall be favoured with an early reply to this communication, I have, &e. The Hon. the Colonial Secretary, Wellington, N.Z. Thos. D. Chapman.

Enclosure. Ah Act to amena the Law with respect to Customs Duties on Intercolonial Products ana Manufactures. [31st October, 1873.] Whbbeas it is expedient to amend the law relating to Customs duties on intercolonial products and manufactures: Be it therefore enacted by His Excellency the Governor of Tasmania, by and with the advice and consent of the Legislative Council and House of Assembly, in. Parliament assembled) as follows;-** 33—A, 4.

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XIX. Intercolonial Reciprocity.

1. The Governor, by and with the advice of the Executive Council, may enter into an agreement with the Governors of the Colonies of New South Wales, Victoria, South Australia, Western Australia, Queensland, and New Zealand, or with any of them, for the admission into Tasmania of all or any articles (except spirits and tobacco) the produce 'or manufacture of the said colonies, or of any of them, free from Customs duties, wharfage, or other charges, or at such reduced Customs duties, wharfage, and charges as the Governor in Council thinks fit: Provided that every colony with whose Governor such agreement is entered into agrees to admit the products and manufactures of Tasmania, or some of them (except spirits and tobacco), either free from all Customs duties, wharfage, and other charges, or at such reduced Customs duties, wharfage, and other charges as may be agreed upon. 2. Any such agreement may be entered into for & period not exceeding five years, and may at any time during the said period be altered or rescinded by the Governor in Council, with the consent of the Governor of the colony who is a party to such agreement, but not otherwise ; and every alteration or rescission of any such agreement shall be made known by Proclamation, to be published in the Gazette. 3. Every agreement entered into under this Act shall be published in tho Gazette, and laid before both Houses of Parliament as soon as may be after the making thereof, and shall remain in force for the period named therein, unless Parliament, within one year after the same shall be so laid before Parliament, annuls the same. 4. Upon the publication in the Gazette of any such agreement, the products and manufactures which under such agreement are exempted from Customs duties, wharfage, and charges, or subjected to reduced Customs duties, wharfage, and charges, as the case may be, may be imported free of Customs duties, wharfage, or other charges, or subject to such reduced Customs duties, wharfage, or charges as set forth in such agreement, so long as such agreement continues in force. 5. The Governor in Council may from time to time make, alter, or rescind orders for carrying this Act into effect, and for determining what articles come within its provisions ; and all such orders shall be published in,the Gazette. 6. This Act may be cited as " The Intercolonial Customs Duties Act." ''.'•*:.

No. 16. The Sbceetaey, Customs, to the Commissionee. Interchange of Colonial Products between Tasmania and New Zealand. The accompanying return, compiled from the Trade Statistics for 1873, shows that New Zealand would lose nearly £6,000 per annum of Customs revenue by acceding to the proposals contained in the letter on this subject from the Government of Tasmania. The value of the articles proposed in that letter to be exempted from duty, which were imported from Tasmania into New Zealand in 1873, amounted to £56,738. The value of similar articles exported from New Zealand to Tasmania in 1873, amounted to £1,333. With regard to the Tasmanian Intercolonial Customs Duties Act, I observe that by the 2nd section any agreement can only be altered or rescinded by consent of all the parties thereto, so that under this arrangement it would be hopeless to expect Tasmania or any other colony to agree readily to rescind an agreement which was proving highly advantageous to it, when urged to do so by a colony that found it was suffering serious loss by the agreement. It is true that the 3rd section of the Act provides for agreements being annulled by Parliament; but the Executive should have similar power, otherwise much delay might occur in getting an unprofitable agreement put an end to, and the revenue of the colony might thereby be exposed to unnecessary loss. The fairest plan would be to provide that any agreement might be rescinded by either party giving, say, three months' notice of their desire for it to be terminated. 23rd June, 1874. W. Seed.

Return showing the Quantity and Value of the under-mentioned Articles imported from Tasmania to New Zealand, and the Amount of Duty collected thereon, during the Year 1873; also Quantity and Value of all Articles exported from New Zealand to Tasmania, and imported from Tasmania into New Zealand, during the same Period.

Exports from New Zei Tasmania. iland to Imports from Tas] tania into Ni ;w Zealand. Articles proposed to bo admitted Duty-free in Tasmania and in New Zealand. Quantity. Value. Duty. Quantity. Value. Duty. £ 1 &' s. a. 2 4 ■& & S. d. Butter ?ish— Potted and preserved .. ?lax flour ?ruit— Bottled and preserved Dried Green .. . • • • Jr&in— Barley Beans and peas Malt Wheat 281b. 33pkgs. .. 61 6 2 0 88 i 108 tons 13 cwt. .. i]849 108 13 0 1J tons .. 2,394 pkgs. 561b. 15,840 pkgs. 4,354 1 7,507 435 8 0 4 8 634 bush... 101J bush. 120 bush... 7 bush. 270 pockets, 76 bales 5,369 pkgs. 209 45 60 3 4,509 9,951 11 17 9 2 5 9 9 0 0 '3 2 655 10 0 995 2 0 lops 'ams .. .. ?imber — Sawn Logs Palings .. ..%.. Posts and rails Shingles Spars .. 1.307,958 ft. 66 1,374,285.. 56,074 8,398,500 9,685 119 10,327 1,016 7,041 1,307 19 0 1,374 5 6 132 7 2" 839 17 0' 51,800 ft. 102 160 800 34 10 0 120 21 Totals 56,738 5,878 17 4 1,113 34 10 0

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Return showing the Quantity and Value of the under-mentioned Articles imported from Tasmania, &c. — continued.

XlX.—lntercolonial ' Reciprocity.

No. 17. Memorandum for the Secretary, Customs. Mr. Seed will please supply a return of the following articles imported from other places than Tasmania, for the year ending 1873, together with the duty paid on same: —Flour, grain, hops, jams; timber—sawn, logs, palings, posts and rails, shingles. Mr. Seed will also be good enough to state, in the event of the proposal of the Tasmanian Government being acceded to, to what extent, in his opinion, it would further encourage importations from Tasmania of these goods to this colony. lam aware that only a very rough estimate can be made, but in entertaining the question it will be necessary to consider it in all its bearings as likely to affect the revenue of this colony. 23rd June, 1874. W. H. Eeynolds.

No. 18. Memorandum by the Secbetary, Customs. I append hereto the return asked for, from which it will be seen that the duties collected in 1873, on hops, malt, and timber, imported from other countries than Tasmania, amounted to £14,958 19s. 6d. If the proposal of the Tasmanian Government were acceded to, the effect would be that only Tasmanian malt and hops would be imported into New Zealand, and a larger quantity oi timber would also be imported from there than there is at present. This would cause a loss to the revenue of fully £14,000 a year, in addition to the £6,000 mentioned in my memorandum of the 23rd instant. Moreover, the introduction of Tasmanian malt and hops duty-free would, of course, act prejudicially against the producers of those articles in this colony. 27th June, 1874. W. Seed.

Return showing the Quantity and Value of the under-mentioned Articles imported from other Places than Tasmania to New Zealand, and the Amount of Duty collected thereon, during the Year 1873.

Imported. E: :portea. Articles not included in proposed Arrangement. Quantity. Value. Duty. Quantity. Value. Duty. Apparel and slops Bark Basket and wickerware Books Carriages and carts Carriage materials Cordage Curiosities Chaff Doors and sashes 8 pkgs. 1,634 tons 12 cwt. .. 30 pkgs. .. 1 pkg. .. ■ .. 2 £ 139 ia,76i 45 5 96 „ 333 £ s. c"l. 13 18 0 4 10 0 £ s. d. 912 0 4 pkgs. 10 tons 11 5 pkgs. 11 pkgs. 1 pkg. 2 pkgs. .. ■ .. 12 pkgs 1J tons 16| cwt. 8 145 14 30 223 1 4C 5 13 270 "lC 0 1 ton 77 1 10 0 Drapery Druggists'wares.. Furniture Haberdashery Hardware Hay Leather.. .. ... Live stock— Horses Poultry Sheep Mats and rugs Miscellaneous Paintings and engravings .. Plants Railway materials Seeds—Other kinds ■Soap Stone—Building .. Stoneware 11 0 3 0 0 22 6 0 2 0 4 12 0 10 0 7 16 4 267 5 pkgs. 60 29 pkgs. .. 1 pkg. 20 pkgs. .. 7,190 10 213 301 1,042 40 68 725 75 1 40 275 1 2,375 124 152 30 2 0 1' 0 0 78 pkgs. .. 28 lb. 10J tons 109 pkgs. 1 pkg. ... 335 tons, 1,366 pkgs. 372 pkgs. .. 18 pkgs. .. 11 2 0 Coys Vegetables Woodware Woollens 12* 8 0 15 4 0 52 tons .. 143 Totals 26,766 129 10 3 1 10 O

Articles. Countries from whence imported. Quantity. Value. Duty. Tons cwt. 46 13 337 18 2,026 10 1,763 9 3 11 £ 784 5,025 31,680 30,197 40 £ s. d. 'lour .. United Kingdom .. New South Wales South Australia Victoria .. South Sea Islands Total 4,177 19 11 4,178 1 67,726

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XIX.-Inter. colonial Reciprocity.

Return showing the Quantity and Value of the under-mentioned Articles, &c. — continued.

Articles. Countries from whence imported. Quantity. Value Duty. £ £ S. d. rrain—Barley.. United Kingdom New South Wales Victoria United States, America _ .. 6 bush. 151 „ 1,948* „ 67,604 J „ 2 20 565 14,560 1,291 16 8 Jeans and Peas Total 09,710 bush. 15,147 United Kingdom ,. New South Wales Victoria Hong Kong .. ., South Sea Islands 41* bush. 14* i, 659 „ 285 „ 21* „ 44 8 451 150 10 Total 32 4 0 lalt United Kingdom .. 1,021* bush. 663 Ex Warehouse New South Wales Victoria 48,006Jbush. ) 94 tanks j 2,807 bush. 1,888 „ 34.137J „ 31 tanks 1 459 bags J 2,800 bush. 6 tanks 26,342 987 21,552 1,710 Ex Warehouse United States, America 180 Total .. ,. J 84,032 bush. 131 tanks ) 459 bags } 5,607 bushels ex Warehouse 46,491 4,280 ) 6,722 15 1 fheat 9 B United Kingdom South Australia Victoria 21 bush. 59,133 „ 21 „ 10 19,893 8 • » 9 9 Total 59,175 bush. 19,911 1,332 17 4 United Kingdom .. ,, 831 pockets 8 bales 214 pockets 35 bales 171 pockets 26 „ 10 balea 46 pockets 520 „ 11 bales 198 pockets 24 bales 628 pockets ( 10,622 Ex Warehouse ,, ,, New South Wales ,, 3,388 * • 563 Ex Warehouse ., ,. Victoria «, ,, * * 0,868 Ex Warehouse .. ,, 2,987 Total -.i ,A 1,377 pockets 19 bales 412 pockets 09 bales 845 pockets 17,855 6,575 } 4,821 4 4 'imbe — Sawn • k * • United Kingdom ., », New South Wales.. ,, Victoria .. Norway ,. ,, ». South Sea Islands., ». United States, America 1,068,485 foot 101,708 „ 108,088 „ 24,709 „ 1,000 „ 1,869,287 „ 17,340 1,914 2,568 195 10 12,554 Total 8,254 2 4 3,273,307 feet 34,581 Logs M ? * New South Wales No. 2,221 6,130 Free. Palings ,, New South Wales .. », South Australia ,, ., Victoria ,, ,, United States, America 1,200 3,000 10,200 52,800 9 27 112 361 Posts and rails Total Victoria ,. .. ,, United States, America 67,200 509 68 68 67 1 4 1,500 11,755 Shingles Total 13,255 136 -20 8 0 United States, America 674,000 231 67 8 0 Spars * t Total duty £21,793 17

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XlX.—lntercolonial Reciprocity,

No. 19. The Colonial Seceetaey, New Zealand, to the Colonial Seoeetaey, Tasmania. Sib,— Colonial Secretary's Office, Wellington, 18th June, 1875. I regret that your letter of the 25th May, 1874, should have remained so long unanswered, especially as it relates to a matter of so much interest and importance to all the colonies in these seas. The delay has been occasioned by a desire to consider fully all the questions connected with that of reciprocity between the colonies, and to give time for the necessary correspondence which has arisen on the subject. The result of a careful consideration of all the aspects of the case, has led the Government of New Zealand to determine that nothing can be done at present to further the views you advocate; but, although I regret that no practical step can be taken at the present moment, I desire to express the readiness of this Government to reconsider the question, should circumstances arise which may give promise of a satisfactory arrangement throughout the Australasian Colonies. I have, &c. The Hon. the Colonial Secretary, Tasmania. Daniel Pollen.

No. 20. Return showing the Quantity and Value of the under-mentioned Articles exported from New Zealand to Queensland, and imported into New Zealand from Queensland, during the Year 1873.

William Seed.

No. 21. The Colonial Seceetaey, Western Australia, to the Colonial Seobetaey, New Zealand, Sib,- — Colonial Secretary's Office, Perth, 2nd June, 1874. I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 6th ultimo, enclosing, for the consideration of the Government of this colony, a copy of a joint memorandum by the Colonial Treasurer and Commissioner of Customs of New Zealand, upon the subject of Intercolonial Eeciprocity between the several colonies of Australasia, which memorandum has been assented to by the Governor in Council of New Zealand. I have submitted your letter and its enclosure to the consideration of His Excellency, the Governor of this colony, and I am directed to express a concurrence in the view therein put forth, that there is at the present time little probability that united action could be anticipated from, a Conference of representatives from the several colonies; and it seems hardly probable that great results will speedily follow negotiations between different colonies, in each of which local circumstances vary so greatly as to render it difficult to enter into reciprocal arrangements which would work equally, or, in other words, which would not confer great advantage in one colony with a corresponding disadvantage to another,

irticles proposed to be admitted Duty-free into New Zealand and Queensland. Exported from K Queeni few Zealand to 3land, Imp< >rted from Queensland to New Zealand, tity. Value. Eate of Duty iu New Zealand. Quantity. Value. Eate of Duty in Queensland. £ f 4s. per owt. \ 10 per cent, f Is. and Is. 3d. 1 per gal. Id. per lb. irrowroot Id. per lb. ile and porter .. 1,500 gals. 150 ( Is. per 6 bottles, 9d. per gal. 2d. per lb. Bacon Butter ,, 3heese .. 130*owt. '364 }t Pish. Fruit .. f 2s. per owt, 110 per cent. I Id. per lb. {10 per cent. Is. per 100 lb. ti 5s. per cwt. 2s. per doz. lb. 2d. per lb. Is. per doz. lb. Free. Flour 3rain— Barley .. Beans and peas ., Malt Oats ,, Wheat 27i tons 310 t » 9d. per 100 lb, »• 6d. per bush. R » 11 Is. 6d. per bush, 9d. per 100 lb, 1, 140 bush. "35 11 91 Hops ,, lams ,. Phormium (N.Z.) ,. Sugar 203 owt. *461 3d. per lb. 10 per cent. Free Id. per lb. /2s. per 100 ft. 83.) i 4s. \ per 100 2s, J 1.2s. per 1,000 4s. per gal. m ■ • t ) 2d. per lb. Is. per doz, lb. Free. 6s. 8d. and 5s. per owt. Kmber of all kinds Not stated. fp* Wine —Colonial ,, 6d. per gal. Total value 1,320

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XIX.-Inter-colonial Reciprocity.

Should, however, further consideration of' the questions involved in the memorandum lead to an opinion that a Conference would be desirable, this Government will be prepared to send a representative either to Wellington or to such other place of meeting as may be finally decided. There do not appear to be grounds for objection to the articles named in the schedule attached to the memorandum, as those in regard to which it is first desirable to treat; and, though other articles naturally suggest themselves, a very little consideration shows the objections and difficulties which would probably be raised, the discussion of which might result in precluding any arrangement at all. I am further directed to say that, though the trade between New Zealand and Western Australia is at present very small, this Government will be prepared to give careful consideration to any proposition which may emanate from your Government, in regard to the several articles enumerated in the Schedule attached to the memorandum of Messrs. Yogel and Reynolds/ I have, &c. The Hon. the Colonial Secretary, Wellington) N.Z. Feed. P. Baelee. i .i_... i j i n» jm .»,-,.-~.^-»r.n m . ♦

No. 22. The Colonial Seceetaey, Queensland, to the Colonial Seceetaey, New Zealand. Sie, — Colonial Secretary's Office, Brisbane, 22nd June, 1874. I have the honour to inform you that this Government have had under consideration the joint memorandum by the Treasurer and the Commissioner of Customs of New Zealand upon the subject of' Intercolonial Eeciprocity between the colonies of Australia, transmitted under cover of your letter of 6th May (74-1075); and I have now to acquaint you that, so far as New Zealand and Queensland are concerned, we are willing to negotiate for the mutually free admission of the articles mentioned in the schedule attached to the memorandum, provided the following additional articles are included—namely, sugar and arrowroot; and I have further to request that you will be good enough to communicate the decision arrived at by your Government at your earliest convenience, in order that advantage may be taken of the present session of Parliament to give effect to the proposal, if favourably entertained. It is also necessary to acquaint you that our principal exports would probably be timber, sugar,, and arrowroot; and it is also distinctly to be understood, that the exceptions would only embrace those articles which are the growth or production of the reciprocating colonies. The present wharf dues are 2s. a ton, but, as the wharves are in the hands of private owners, the charge could not be interfered with. I have, &c. The Hon. the Colonial Secretary, Wellington, N.Z. A. Macalistee.

Schedule. Geain of all kinds, flour, malt, hops, ale and porter, colonial wines, New Zealand flax, timber, jams, butter, bacon, cheese, fish, fruit. Additional articles —Sugar, arrowroot.

No. .23. The Colonial Seceetaby, Queensland, to the Colonial Seceetaey, New Zealand. Sie, — Colonial Secretary's Office, Brisbane, 14th November, 1874. Adverting to the joint memorandum by the Treasurer and the Commissioner of Customs of New Zealand, upon the subject of Intercolonial Eeciprocity between the colonies of Australia, transmitted under cover of your letter of 6th May, I have the honour to invite your attention to my letter of 22hd June last, in reply, submitting the conditions on which, so far as New Zealand and Queensland are concerned, we are willing to negotiate for the mutually free admission of certain articles; and I shall be glad to learn the decision arrived at by your Government at your earliest convenience, with the view of legislative action being taken on the first opportunity to give effect to the proposal, if favourably entertained. I have, &c. The Hon. the Colonial Secretary, Wellington, N.Z. A. Macalistee.

No. 24. The Colonial Secebtaey, New Zealand, to the Colonial Seceetaey, Queensland. Sib;— Colonial Secretary's Office, Wellington, N.Z., 6th March, 1875. I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letters of the 22nd of June and 14th of November last, upon the subject Of a reciprocity of trade between the Colonies of Queensland and New Zealand. Permit' me to apologize, on behalf of this Government, for the delay' which has taken place in replying to your first letter, and to assure you that that delay is not to be attributed either to a want of respect towards your Government, or to a want of appreciation on the part' of the Government of New Zealand of the importance of the subject. ' Your letter of June was referred to the Secretary of Customs, for 'certain returns and other information necessary to a full consideration of the question, and, that officer being absent on duty, the'papers were accidentally misplaced, and were only brought to light on receipt of your second letter. At that time, the Commissioner^ of Customs happened to be in a distant part of 'the colony,' and the papers were sent after him, but crossed him on his return"to the seat of Government, and thus did not reach him for some time.

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Since then, the subject has received that full consideration at the hands of the Cabinet which its political and fiscal importance demands; and I regret to say that the admission of the additional articles—arrowroot and sugar—stipulated for by you would so largely affect the revenue of this colony., that for the present it will not be in the power of this Government to conclude a reciprocal treaty with Queensland on the terms proposed. I make this communication with much regret, and beg you to accept my assurance, that it is purely on fiscal grounds that this Government have felt themselves necessitated to arrive at such a decision. We hope, however, that the suspension of negotiations will be merely temporary, and that the time may not be far distant when they may be resumed. I have, &c. W. H. Eeynolds (In the absence of the Colonial Secretary). The Hon. the Colonial Secretary, Queensland. [From Victoria and South Australia, formal acknowledgments of the New Zealand memorandum were received.]

XIX.-Inter-colonial Reciprocity.

No. 25. INTEBCOLONIAL CONFEBENCE, 1881. Thubsday, Januaey 20. Me. Mann moved (seconded by Mr. Morgan), "That, with a view of practically testing to some extent the feasibility of Intercolonial Free Trade, this Conference agrees that all wines, the product of Victoria, New South "Wales, and South Australia, shall be admitted into each of those colonies free of duty. This arrangement to be subject to determination on three months' notice, by any of the colonies interested." After discussion, further consideration of the motion was postponed. Tuesday, Januaby 25. Mr. Watson moved (seconded by Mr. Giblin), " That it is undesirable to deal with the question involved in Mr. Mann's resolution until all the products of all the colonies are included." Mr. Berry moved, as an amendment, " That, after the word ' products,' there be inserted ' and manufactures.'" Question put, "That the words proposed be inserted." Ayes: Victoria, Queensland. Noes : New South Wales, South Australia, Tasmania, New Zealand. Western Australia declined to vote. Mr. Watson's motion was then put and negatived. Ayes : New South Wales, Tasmania. Noes : Victoria, Queensland, South Australia, New Zealand. Western Australia declined to vote. Mr. Mann's motion being put, there voted— Aye: South Australia. Noes : Victoria, New South Wales. The other representatives declined to vote.

Authority: George Didsbubt, Government Printer, Wellington.—lBB4.