PARLIAMENT OUT OF SESSION.

Star (Christchurch), Issue 3357, 11 January 1879, Page 3

PARLIAMENT OUT OF SESSION.

THE ATTORNEY-GEVERAL AT

DUNEDIN.

fBY. TELEG-BAPll.'l

[IT KIEV SPECIAL WIRE.]

DI'NEDIN, -Tax. 10.

In rcsponao to an invitation '• to the electors and non-elcctovs of Dunedin," a largo audience assembled in the Queen's Theatre this evening to hear ;m address by the Hon R. Stout, Attorney-General. It had been arranged that the whole of the dross circle should bo reserved for ladies, and gentlemen with ladies. A considerable time before tbe meeting commenced nearly all the seats were occupied. The pit also was crowded. On the motion of Mr Stout, the Mayor of Dunedin, Mr fl. .T. Walter, took tho chair. On the platform were Messrs R. Rutherford, B. Isaac, J. O. Eva, It. H. 1-aary, T. Burt, J. Armstrong, Profossor Macgrogor, and others. The OhAIBMAN said it was not necossary to claim their attention for the speaker, and at the cloeo of his address they might question him. It was possible Mr Stout might then impart some Ministerial information they would liko to hear. Tho Hon. R. Stout, who was received with applause, apologised for tho absence of his colleague, Mr Macandrew, who had knocked himself up travelling over the North Island,

and was now, as it were, in dock. He was glad, however, to say he had received a letter stating that he was much better. (Applause,) For some time past he had been subjected to a good deal of abuse, but in speaking to them that night he felt that he had their sympathy, and he would let the abuse go. It had been Baid that the Government desired to advance the interest of Otago at the expense of the rest of the Colony ; but a good answer to this was that there were people in Otago who opposed the Government. He liked to meet those who attacked him face to face, but he had no time to devote to answering all the newspaper charges that had been levelled against him. If he did he would have no time for anything else. There were one or two charges, however, that he would deal with, and first of these was the allegation that the Tapanui railway was a job. He defied anyone to show that any member of the Ministry had any private interest in the Tapanui district. This railway was proposed in 1864 and in 1865, and a resolution was passed to set aside land for its construction. The Government believed the proper way to construct the railway was to select land that was likely to be benefitted by railway construction, and sell it at its enhanced value for the benefit of the country, instead of allowing it to fall into the hands of speculators. As the work had been authorised the Government thought this was a fair opportunity to put this system to a test, particularly as in 1877 Parliament had pledged itself to the survey of the line. A memorial was sent in praying for a change of route, and this was referred to the Engineer, who advised that by taking it nearer Tapanui township it would be taken away from settlement, be on a -worse gradient, and a mile and a half longer. If this had been done, then Government might have been accused of making a political railway. No money had been voted for the line, and when tenders were called and advertisod for a month, it was known that the contractor would not receive a penny until the work was done. The statement that the work -was let before the time for sending in tenders had expired was utterly untrue, and he might say there were a large number of tenders for the work. The Government followed a rule that should always be earned out, and accepted the lowest tender, which was £2000 below the engineer's estimate. The Government had to do many things without the complete sanction of Parliament, and he might mention the Brogden contract and the San Francisco mail contract. Would the House have confirmed the action of the Government if there had been anything in the nature of a job about it ? (Applause.) He had been subjected to a good deal of abuse over the introduction of the Otago University Bill, but if he lived until next year he would introduce the Bill again. (Applause.) It was determined years ago by an Act of Parliament, that a third of the land held by the Presbyrian Church should be set apart for the endowment of a literary chair in the Otago University. The University Council could not lake the money unless it had the sole power of appointment and removal of the professor ; and the church could not give the money under the Ordinance, unless it had power to appoint and remove the professor. The Synod had been wrangling over this matter for two years, and two of its most conservative members had wished to divest it of the powers of appointment and dismissal andj hand the funds and power over to the University. It had been said that lie did not consult tho church, but as a politician he had nothing to do with the church. All he wanted to see was that the

grant should be properly managed under the Act of 18GG. He>.did not find any opposition in this matter among the Otago members until a petition was sent to Wellington, and then some said—" Oh, it will not do to go against the church." Some blame had been attached to him with regard to the Savings' Bank Bill, which proposed that certain accumulated funds should be handed over to the benevolent institution, and the Hon W. H. Reynolds gave it hi 3 hearty support. He would now come to matters affecting the whole Colony. They were told by newspaper writers, speakers and others who had nothing else to say against tho Government, that the late session had been a. barren one, but it Lad only been barren to the Opposition. Let them look at the social legislation first, which, in liis opinion, was of the utmost importance to the advancement of a people. (Applause.) They passed several Bills that would confer a great benefit on them socially ; in fact, Borne people might consider them revolutionary. Ho would first allude to the Trades' Union Bill. Before this, a meeting of workmen to try to get an advanca in their wages was illegal, but this had been done away with, and the workers could now unite for mutual protection. Then there was the Amending Friendly Societies Bill, and the important alteration in the Juries Bill, providing that a person to be tried by a special jury should not know the name of his jurors until he stepped into Court. Then there was an important Licensing Bill dealing with the Natives. It had been reported by officers that the Natives were being killed off by drink, and now the Natives had power to say whether drink should be sold in certain districts or not. There had been a great deal of law amendment, which went a long way to make our complicated laws clear to all. So far as law reform was concerned, the session could not be called a barren one. The Administration Act, which wa9 passed last, session, was a most important one. The old law of primogeniture was most iniquitous, but under the new Act the land of a deceased man, like his money, was equally divided among the whole of his children. Land would also be applied to the payment of a deceased man's debts as well as money. If an illegitimate man or woman died under the old law his or her property went to the Governinekt, and hard cases of this kind had come under liis notice in this Colony. This Administration Act had not yet received the assent of her Majesty, but when it did he had no doubt it would do away with a great injustice. Ho had thus shown that the session was l.ot a barren one so far as social legislation was concerned, and he would now deal with the political legislation of the session. The Land Tax Act was one of the most important measures, and in bringing in this the Government looked upon land as different from every other kind of property. The State ought, in theory, never to part with the fee simple of the land, for it was entitled to the unearned increment. All civilised countries had admitted that land was different from other kind of property. There was the tenant-right law for Ireland, while the Prussian Government compelled tho large landholders to break up their estates to enable tho people to settle. Then, again, landholders wvre also constantly getting subsidies from the Consolidated Fund to an extent that no one else enjoyed, and yet some said that land was not to be taxed. Some of this money was obtained from the sale of the land, but still the people were taxed to improve the value of the landholders' land. Land was a special k ; nd of property, which had been escaping taxation altogether, until it was time to make a change in the incidence of taxation, and to make it bear its fair share of the burthen of taxation. It was therefore determined to impose a tax of one half-penny per acre on the value to sell, excluding all improvements. (Applause.) J3ut the Opposition pitched into them, and they were attacked in the House and Council, and out of it, for proposing to let improvements go free. He might warn them that it' they did not take care, there would be an attempt to tax improvements next year. Then again, the exemptions up to £500 in value met with great opposition, and the Government was accused of endeavouring to create a class who would attack the rich. The Opposition bad proposed a tax on realised property, but such a thing would be a curse on the Colony, and would oppress and crush all industry. He would refer to another phase of this in connection with the Companies' Act. A tax on mortgages was proposed, but he thought this would be a most suicidal policy, for the withdrawal of English capital would produce stagnation here. It was then proposed by tho Government to tax companies, and lie did' not think anything could be more fair. Then there wa-j the Customs' Duties Bill. The Government did not believe in a tax on food, or that a protective duty was needed on grain. There must be Customs' duties, of course, and it was the duty of the Government to impose them in such a way that the industries aud manufacturers of the Colony would bo encouraged. Such a course a 9 this would, he was sure, meet witli the support of the country. Ho would now, having dealt with political legislation sufficiently to show that the session had not been a barren one, come to some of the measures that had been lost. First of all was the Electoral Bill. Some new progressions of the greatest iin- ! portance were carried, but the ostensible

/eason why the Bill was lost was in connec.fcipn with the iMaori -franchise. It would do no good to any country to trample on the weak or to set up a sort of slave caste, and thiß would he done unless the Maoris were given equal rights with Europeans. He therefore proposed, in introducing his Bill, that the Maori should only retain the ratepayers' franchise, but that when the Redistribution of Seats' Bill was passed they should return more members than at the present time. After a reference to the hard work Ministers had to get through in Wellington during the session, the lion gentleman said he found it impossible to get the Redistribution of Seat 3' Bill passed, and he then thought it would be unfair to take away the franchise the Maoris possessed, and at the same time add to that of the Europeans. He did what he considered just, and he would always maintain that he had been right. Mr Waterhouse and Mr Holmes both voted against the second reading of the Bill, and were appointed on a Conference between the two Houses over the Bill. When the Bill came dowr. from the Upper House they could not possibly accept it, for it deprived the Maoris of nearly all their rights, giving them only the ratepayers' qualification. The Government asked that things might even be left as they were, but this was not agreed to, and he determined to have all the objections that were taken to the Bill placed on record. The Government were co anxious to give the increased franchise to Europeans that they were prepared to restrict the Maori a little, but they would never consent (that the race should be unfairly dealt with. The Maoris had been sulleu, isolated, and would not trade with them, but he hoped they »rere on the eve of a better state of tilings. But could they have gone to the Maoris with the whole of their franchise destroyed ? The Opposition knew this, and in this way made them drop the Bill. He Would never be a party to deprive the Maoris of the rights they had possessed for years, and the rights they had never abused. But there was something else he would tell them : Since the present Government came into office there were no Native lands to be acquired by private speculators treating directly with the Maoris. (Applause.) No wonder the Government were abused by these people. The Government said these people should not be allowed to buy the land, but that justice would be done, and the prosperity of the Colony secured by the Government acquiring the land and disposing of it in small blocks on deferred payments to small settlers. (Applause.) No wonder the members of these disappointed land rings said that Sir George Grey was an awful man. He had dealt with land and Native affairs, anc he would come to the Beer Duty Bill. (Applause.) In all these matters he desired to lay before them his reasons for his conduct, and to tell them that he was prejmred to stand by what he had done. Beer was a legitimate object for taxation, and in support of this lie tnighfc call their attention to the Customs' duty on English beer. The Government said with three-halfpence per gallon there was a good margin ; and he might remind tho3c who were so anxious that the working-men should have cheap beer, that beer was just double the price here it was in Nelson. Soon after the beer tax was proposed there was great agitation in Wellington. One gentleman objected that it was taxing a Colonial industry, and that it would be binding the Government up more closely with the drink traffic. Would they think that the gentleman he referred to was his friend, and lie hoped their friend, the HonW. Fox ? If Mr Fox believed that beer was a necessity to the working men, how was lie going to get his Local Option Bill through ? Mr Fox strongly same forward for the purpose of opposing the Government in their endeavour to impose a legitimate and fair tax, that would have helped to lighten the burden of the people. (Hear, hear.) He would now come to the future He thought it his duty as a politician not to cloak or disguise his opinion, and lie lor one would always support secular education. (Loud applause.) It would be a great calamity to the Colony if all schools were not not kept clear of sectarian strife. (Applause). Ho was sorry to see it, a movement had been set on foot for the introduction of denominational schools, but the State could not afford it, and it would not bo done. (Applause.) In no British Colony had it been a success. It had been tried in Auckland and in Victoria, and in both places had it been declared a failure. Then there was a proposition that there should be Bible reading in schools, but then there must bo a reduction of teachers. Would they like to see a Jew teaching the New Testament, or a freethinker the Old Testament? If that system were to be adopted steps would have to bo taken to see that every teacher was " sound in the faith ;" then, what version of the Bible was to be read ? Some people, might like half an hour of Darwinism in school in the afternoon. Whenever the State tried to interfere in these matters it made a mess of it. He much regretted that the Presbytery of Dunedin had passed a series of " whereases " — (laughter) — and it was a pity that some of those " whereaseß " were wrong. Our system of education was referred to as godless, but was there anything godless in it. Was there anything godless in teaching grammar ? (A. voice: "There is.") (Roars of Laughter.) He thought some members of the Presbytery had come there by mistake. There was nothing godless about the teaching of arithmetic, sewing, or grammar ; it was simply a misuse of words. A great deal of ignorance and misapprehension existed with regard to Mr Curtis' Bill, for Mr Curtis himself said lie did not want to return to a system of denominational education. Under this Bill, jusb the same number of school hours as at present were set apart for purely secular education. Those who supported this Bill admitted that religion need not be mixed up with secular education. Under Mr Curtis' Bill, however, the profession of the teacher was degraded ; he would soon degenerate into a sort of assistant to the clergyman, and if he was not " sound in the faith" he would soon be let know that lie was not wanted. He had never changed his views on the education question, and he never would. Dealing with the work to be done in the future, he would draw their attention to the Triennial Parliaments Bill, wliich wns one that should be passed. He believed such a Bill was necessary, so that the people could be frequently consulted on important matters affecting their interests. There must also bo an Electoral Reform Bill based on manhood suffrage, and another matter of the greatest importance was the rc-distributbn of seats. After every census the members should be allocated on the basis of population alone. He would not dwell further on the subject of law reform, but would now come to the Chinese. He thought we should get passed some law similar to that in force in Queensland restricting their coming here, otherwise our civilisation might be interfered with. Speaking of the land quesLion, he might, say that since the present Government had been in ofiice more land had been thrown open fonetlleinentnnd taken up on deferred payments tlian before. Surveys were behind hand, and he had had to send to Australia for surveyors, but when this work was done he would see that the interior of Otago was settled. When he onco proposed to meet the just requirement* 01 settlement in Otago, the squatters aud other powerful men, such as bank managers and others sent np a manifesto asking whether there were no men to be found to oppose so cruel and disastrous a course, ilia ivply was that he would open up all the land he thought suitable and required for settlement, and that he did not care for either bank malingers or squatters. Had we not come to this Colony with some aspiration to frame our laws so as to avoid some of the social erils of the old country ? No country caiilcl ever be prosperous where the bulk of the land fell into the hands of a few people. They must take care that the property aud money were somewhat equally distributed throughout the people. This could bn done either by the French system of the subdivision of the land, or by the imposition of a progressive land tax, which would fall heivily on those who acquired a vast irea of land. With reference to the Legislative Council, he thought the Government should have the power of creating new Peer?, but in this Colony there wsa the fact that the Liberal Government hud a, ricad \vei»ht to deal with in a majority of Conscnativts in the Legislative Council. The only remedy for the present etatCof things was to declare that the tenure of officers or uiembeis of thoCoun.nl should onl\ be for 7 or 10 years, and not for life. The present system of election forlife was out of keeyiug with the whole of our political institutions. In hie opinion the time had come wlieu we aluuk) bq*in to think of fleeting our own Governor. (No! no! and applause.) He had akotcheH out to them a

few liberal measures, and he might tell them that he went into politics with a desire to see some of his hobbies carried out. So long as he remained in politics he should speak out the opinion he held and believed in, and he could assure them that nothing should prevent him trying to carry these opinions into effect. If they thought that the present Government were working hard for the advancement of the good of the Colony, he asked them to give it their support. (\pplauee.) c

On the motion of Mr J. P. Armstrong seconded by Mr W. D. Sutherland, a resolution thanking Mr Stout for his address, and expressing confidence in him was carried unanimously.