One Standard for the workers of all nations

Camp News, Volume 4, Issue 157, 15 January 1943, Page 2

One Standard for the workers of all nations

(From the “Daily Mirror,” London)

No Government declaration, on a matter unconnected with the war, has aroused among the workers of Britain such interest as Mr. Bevin’s statement that the principle of a minimum wage for all had been accepted. It will need strong and determined men to carry through this policy, for its opponentsand they are many — will fight it, not openly, but by stealth . . . seeking with all the Parliamentary and legal skill they can muster to impede and delay the necessary legislation. For a century or more, the ideal that no man .be employed at a rate lower than that which gives him power to enjoy to the full the fruits of his labour, has been the dream of all reformers. For the first time we see it likely to be realised. There is, however, little hope that the necessary legislation can be passed during the war. It might, in fact, be dangerous to pass it. At the most we can prepare the way. I do not know .what was in Mr. Bevin’s mind when he gave us this pledge, but I can tell you the principles which many of his friends have in mind. They are:- J < The fixing’of a minimum wage for all workers over a certain age, with a scale, for those below this age. A declaration that the payment of the fixed rates be a first charge on every business and industry. Acceptance of the principle that any non-essential industry, which cannot pay the rates, be closed down. Essential industries, such as coalmining and agriculture, to be enabled to meet the rate by means of a levy on the non-essential industries, so that the cost of the necessities of life will not rise. . Four very simple principles. ■ The day on which they become law 'will see the workers of Britain given, for the first time, that security to which they are as much entitled as they are to. the air they breathe. After all, there is no moral, difference between the theft of a man’s pocketbook, and the theft of his work by taking profit, earned from the underpayment of labour. Both are crimes, the second having the difference that it is a crime against the person. L*. '' It should be a simple, and generally accepted, fact that the non-essential business, which cannot afford to' pay a fair wage, just goes out of business. There is no real reason for its existence. There are some hot-heads — wellmeaning but lacking in understanding —who would like to see the necessary legislation rushed through Parliament right away. , By doing so, we might easily plunge millions into unemployment, and leave the nation so poor as to make the payment of even the smallest relief to the destitute difficult, if not impossible. >( . For in setting up a new standard, we cannot afford to lose our markets. " Let us try to visualise the position after the war. The nations of the world will then be in the market place as frantic buyers for everything they have had to forgo through the years

of conflict. If there remains one nation willing and able to underpay its workers, then it will be the cheapestand in time the —seller, and will bring ruin to the others. So we must seek a new and . higher standard, not only for ourselves, but for all the peoples who produce. Is there any valid reason why an agreement, fixing such a standard, should not form part of the peace treaty, both, for our own protection and for that of the workers of other nations? America and Russia would not differ from us in this aim, and if .we can impose our will on others, so that the peace be kept, then equally we can insist that all nations play their part in making the world a place that all, and not only a few, can enjoy. There is an effective way to enforce such an agreement. If it were found that—say—Germany was underselling her competitors in the world market, not by reason of better methods of production, but by imposing on the workers a lower standard of life, then elsewhere there could be raised' against her products a tariff wall which would make the . selling of her goods impossible. The size of that wall would be equal to the estimated difference between the internationally-agreed standard, and the standard in force in the culprit country. Please don’t write to me, listing all the difficulties. I know all about the problems of concealed subsidies. I know, also, how hard it will be to arrive at any common standard, which would bring into line with Britain and America such Balkan countries as those in which the workers are considered amply repaid, if they can afford to buy coarse bread and a little meat once a week; and where sugar and | tea are unknown luxuries. It is, therefore, useless for. us to tackle this problem within national limits. We dare not set a standard which would only result in the wheels of our factories ceasing to turn.

If our tiny island cannot share in the world markets, we are doomed for it is beyond all possibility that we could live by taking in each other’s washing. Even Russia, with resources far beyond ours, found that she must buy and sell.

On the other hand—by taking steps to protect the workers of all nations we, at the same time, prevent the exploitation of our own people. Above all, we safeguard the future of the men who fight for us to-day. After the last war they suffered both want and exploitation the reason for that was to be found not only in these isles. It must never happen again. Mr. Bevin. has given the lead 'towards the new goal. While we strive towards' it, let us take steps NOW to , ensure that the United Nations are prepared to join with us in treating as criminals countries which attempt to foster . their prosperity at the expense of their workers. ' , Therein is not only our protection but that of all peoples.