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present moment. It would be disastrous to attempt to lay down something in the nature of a written Constitution that is going to govern us in the future. It is quite impossble for an Empire progressing continually as we are to have any such document. If we had had it in the past, either it would have had to be torn up or it would have destroyed the Empire. lam certain that if at this Conference we again, as has always been done at these Conferences in the past, approach these problems with a real appreciation of the aspirations and ideals, not only of Britain but of the Dominions; all governed by the one central fact that we are a great Empire and are determined to remain united, there will be no difficulty in solving any of the difficulties that may present themselves. Defence. On the question of defence I would say little save to stress that it is a common Empire problem, and it is necessary that we should recognize that our interests are all common though our circumstances are so divergent. Trade and Oversea Settlement. In regard to the question of inter-Imperial trade, of settlement, and that greatest problem that faces us in the British Empire to-day, a better distribution of the white population of the Empire, I, Sir, you remember, agreed that on the present occasion we should not follow the precedent of the 1923 Conference and have separate Imperial and Economic Conferences, but that the two should be one. I did it not in the belief that the economic problem was less important to-day than it was in 1923, but because I believe that, if we have the one Conference, anything that might be proposed by the different parts of the Empire in regard to economic questions this Conference with the full authority of the Imperial Conference, and ;| would probably be of more weight and have a greater effect. It was because I believe that the economic and trade problem is even greater to-day than in 1923 that I so readily agreed that it should be dealt with in the Imperial Conference rather than in a separate economic conference. The only point that I desire to stress in regard to the economic side of our discussion is that I firmly believe, and I think the people of Australia believe, that this is the most vital and important question of the Empire at the present time, and could we solve this great question, really bring about a true and co-ordinated development of the resources of the Empire and a better distribution of the white population, most of the great problems that face us to-day as British people would disappear. I believe further that in thus solving our own difficulties we should be making a great contribution towards a solution of the world's problems. On these questions of Imperial trade and the whole economic situation that we have to face, I would, Sir, suggest that it is desirable that we should try and get down to a practical basis. The accusation that has been made against Imperial Conferences in the past has been, as you have indicated and so admirably refuted, that in regard to many of our questions we come to no definite decision and make no great movement upwards. Nevertheless, the Imperial Conferences have served a great purpose in moulding public opinion in regard to great Imperial questions. Conferenea to give a Lead. In regard to these economic questions that face us, I venture to say the whole Empire expects a great deal more, and indeed is looking to this Conference to give a lead. There is a great and deep-set feeling throughout the Empire that something could and should be done, and, while it may not be for Governments alone to effect a solution of these problems, it is for Governments to give the lead, and there is no better opportunity than a meeting of the Imperial Conference at which the representatives of the whole Empire are present. I would stress to this Conference that it is vital to the future of the Empire that the Imperial Conference should live. I believe it does more to cement the Empire than anything else. But, if this Conference can give no lead to the Empire nor accomplish anything in regard to the matter that is burning in the minds of the whole of the people of the Empire because their personal conditions are tragic in many respects, then I think we will strike a blow at the Imperial Conference. Unless we can do something to show to the people that on the material side, if you will, we are capable of giving some lead and accomplishing something, it will not be easy to bring from the corners of the Empire (with all the disadvantages and trouble which it involves in being absent for such a length of time) the Prime Ministers and the representatives of the whole of the Empire to meet in consultation as often as we would desire in the future. lam confident, however, that on all these questions, our relations with each other, questions of defence and trade, with that good will which has always distinguished the Imperial Conference, and with a genuine desire on the part of all to try and find a solution of our problems which will be of material benefit to the whole of the citizens of the Empire, we shall find some way of making a useful contribution towards Imperial unity and the advancement of the Empire in this present session. OPENING SPEECH BY THE PRIME MINISTER OF NEW ZEALAND. Mr. Coates : Prime Minister, I should like to say at once that, on behalf of New Zealand, I support whole-heartedly the loyal resolution moved by the Prime Minister of Canada and seconded by the Prime Minister of Australia for presentation to Their Majesties the King and Queen. Tribute to Mr. Massey. I desire in the first place to express my recognition of the vast importance of these Imperial Conferences, and the appreciation of the people of New Zealand of the opportunity of joining with the representatives of the Imperial Government, of the Dominions and India, and of the colonies, in

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