5

E—NoJfi^

was useful to many others. It was the basis of a great deal of very effective Despatch-writing; it seemed liberal and philanthropic, though in reality frought with infinite mischief to both races; and being dwelt upon by one who, from his position, was necessarily well acquainted with the Colony, commanded the attention of the Home Government. The effect of those representations was to postpone the introduction of representative institutions. For it was tacitly admitted that the Natives ought not yet to be placed on an equal footing with Europeans, and the suspension of the Charter of 1846 was deemed the lesser evil of the two. Tho danger which had been thus evaded, recurred in full force on the passing of the Constitution Act. And it is becoming more imminent, year by year. For the Natives are advancing in knowledge, and must pass through that phase of knowledge, which is sufficient for evil, before rising to that which will render them able for good. For a while the European settlers, themselves, succeeded in keeping the Natives, with a few exceptions, off the Electoral Roll. The question was left, as it were in abeyance ; although strife was carried to extremes, in the Northern portion of the Colony, neither of the contending parties took the desperate step of seeking Native alliance, and swelling their own returns by the help of Native votes. For the admixture of a Native Constituency with our own must necessarily throw into utter confusion our whole system of representation; it will throw the power of the State into the hands of those who are the least scrupulous about the means employed to obtain it; through the evil effect of those means, it will debase, instead of elevating the Native race; and it must also end in tho debasement of the House of Representatives. For a Native constituency implies, Native representatives; and what "■reater debasement to the House can be conceived, than the occupation of seats in it by men raised, as yet, but one step above barbarism —who would not only be unable to comprehend the reasons adduced concerning the measures upon which they were about to vote, but even to understand the language in which those reasons would be given. What could be more debasing to the House than the inevitable endeavours of rival parties to catch the votes of the Native members—not by force of argument, but by any means available. The first evil would be, the wholesale corruption of the Native electors, —for it is idle to talk of enforcing the provisions of the Bribery Act against them; the second would be, the corruption of the House itself; and the third would be, the permitting men who do not yet obey our laws to take a share in making laws, —men who in reality acknowledge no allegiance to the Crown,—a large body ot whom are even now overtly engaged in treasonable proceedings. The dano-er of corruption of the House, would probably be treated, in England, as a common place an argument adduced for the purpose of making a case, and unjust towards men against whom no opportunity of making good the assertion, has been afforded. But it is not even an impeachment of the Native character. In New Zealand we are aware that we have to deal with a race whose point of honour consists in receiving payment, as ours in refusing it. It would seem scarcely necessary to refute an argument, which has nevertheless been seriously adduced, that the Natives, being British subjects, have a natural or inherent right to vote, even though unable to exercise that privilege with advantage to the State. From what is such assumed right derived? No such abstract right is acknowledged in the Mother Country; for if it were, manhood suffrage would be the logical consequence. The natives have a natural right, not to vote, but to be well governed; and whatever is likely to interfere with good governance is actually an infringement of that right. Even to those who argue that as tax-payers, they have a right to be represented, the answer is equally simple. They are represented even as the whole nation is represented in the Mother Country—even as those in England are virtually represented who, nevertheless, are not qualified to vote. That they are practically, as well as theoretically represented in the Assembly, the annals of tho present Session suffice to shew. There are those in that Assembly who guard their rights and watch over their interests more carefully and effectually by far than some of those who made much more profession, in former times, before Representative Government had been introduced. Be it remembered that in the great debate which took place in the first Session of the General Assembly on the subject of the establishment of Ministerial Responsibility, one of the arguments most strongly insisted upon was this, —that Responsible Government had become necessary for tho real advancement of the Native race who had merely been mado use of, until then, as material for Despatch writing, and the acquirement of an ungrounded reputation; nothing of consequence in fact having then been actually accomplished, beyond that which had been effected by the labours of the Missionaries. The result has made good the argument; it is to _the Responsible Government, so far as its share in Native management extends, that the decisive, and so far as they have been brought into operation already, successful measures which have been devised for the civilization of the Maori are due. The difficulties and dangers attendant upon the swamping of the European constituency by the Natives, was got over by a very simple expedient, devised by a Ministry that has done more towards the political advancement of the Native race, than was effected during the whole time that elapsed from the foundation of the Colony, to their assumption of office. They provided that no Estate should confer a qualification, unless held or occupied by Title derived from the Crown. This is not an exclusion of Natives from the enjoyment of the franchise; a Native is free to exchange his Maori title for a Crown title; the machinery is provided; every encouragement is given. If he be so intelligent, or even so wordly wise, as to see his advantage in the exchange, he becomes almost, perhaps quite, a fit recipient of the privilege attached. He acquires a stake in the general welfare of the community; he becomes personally interested in the maintenance of order. And more than this, —a Native who accepts a Crown title does actually feel himself bound to render true allegiance to the British Crown. This is a fact which cannot be too strongly insisted on. It may be said that the prior arguments against the admission of Natives to the franchise, apply to