THE DEBATE ON NEW ZEALAND.

Wellington Independent, Volume XX, Issue 2218, 13 June 1865, Page 1 (Supplement)

THE DEBATE ON NEW ZEALAND.

(Wellington Independent, June 1.) Nothing more clearly indicates tke change of opinion which has taken place in England in reference, to New Zealand, than the late debate in the House of Commons. Less than a year ago the genuine " Britisher" — that wonderful combination of ignorance and egotism so peculiarly the product of English society — had it all his own way in Press and Parliament. In his eyes the colonists were monsters of meanness, making war for the sake of commissariat expenditure, and utterly without honorable feeling and common humanity. The war was pronounced " unholy and unjust," and the efforts of the colonists to protect themselves, and to render pence permanent when it arrived, were de nounced as the acts of men who " hungered and thirsted after their neighbor's land." It would be unfair to say that the change to which we allude is due entirely to the fact that justice happens to coincide with self-in-terest,—that because the English tax payer will save by trusting us, therefore he has come to the conclusion that we are trustworthy. This consideration has doubtless had its full weight, but it cannot be denied, that siuce lasb session, the home public has become far bettor informed on New Zealand affairs. Where all was darkness, there is now, at any rate, light enough to see that the horrible monsters were purely imaginary, and that though we are not " out of the wood," we are far more able to get out of it alone, than with the assistance of such '• blind guides " as the professional philanthropist. There was throughout the debate, a complete agreement on the practical part of the question. The House was unanimous in accepting Mr Weld's solution of the difficulty. It was admitted on all sides, that the system of meddling and muddling must cease, and as the Times puts it " the Imperial Government no longer aims to destroy the natives, or to rescue them, or to improro them, or Christianise them, or to see that they have their rights, or to see that they do not push their claims too far, or to obtain from them land, or titles to land. It no longer aspires to either a humane or a vigorous policy. It leaves all this to the colonists." These concessions have been made too ungraciously, and too late to deserve much gratitude, though they cannot fail to be accepted by the Colony with entire satisfaction. Taught by past experience, we should have but little faith in the permanence of the new order of things, were it guaranteed merely by the Colonial Minister, but a3 it is the tide of public opinion has at length turned, and though Mr Card well may still drift, he will probably drift in the right direction. It is fortunate for the Colony, that the present Ministry represents the South Island fully as much as the North, as otherwise, the old cries might have been raised with some show of reason. As it was, it would have been palpably absurd to confound New Zealand with Auckland, and even Mr Mills, though he defended his Excellency and praised the natives for the sake of consistency, virtually made a retractation of his former opinions, for the value of (ruth. Mr Itoebuck gave that offence which people are apt to give by " calling a spade a spado," and by exposing a " sham." It was unpleasant for those who had long endeavored to make a little virtue go a long way, to be told that it was very poor stuff after all. Those who "hadassumed to themselves a sort of exceptional virtue, and in addition to that, assumed to themselves the right of abusing everybody who opposes them," must have known that the cap fitted them remarkably well. Probably, every one of Mr Iloebuck's hearers really agreed with him in considering the treaty of Waitaugi, " a wretched farce," at least few could place that implicit confidence in its provisions which would enable them to reason deductively from it, till they reached their own foregone conclusions. Like the " rights of man," or the " social compact," it did very well as the most general way of stating a certain number of propositions, as to which all were agreed. No one wished to murder the natives for the sake of getting their land. No one cared about needless interference with their concerns. Therefore certain absolute rights were recognised, which not only assured the Maories, that we would not do what we had no wish to do, but assured them that we would do what was simply impossible. But although Mr Itoebuck merely said what few could deny to bo the truth, it was disagreeable to be reminded that a structure which so many had helped to raise, rested upon so unsound a foundation. The native question cannot be sottled by an appeal to mere legal technicalities, but must be settled upon the wide grounds of expediency. Facts, actually existing, must be constantly kept in view, and not mere phrases which are only harmless when they are emptied of meaning. Mr Buxton talked a little of tho veriest nonsense, about "The necessary measures of security which the colonists would havo enforced against the natives." It is a pity that such reckless assertions should still be made, for the " wholesome restraint of public opinion at home," "upon the colonists generalby," is I much weaker when it is seen to be thus i hastily formed Still wo agree with him that it is " preposterous to speak of the natives as traitors," in the strict sense of tho term, just as it is " preposterous " to ba^e a nativo policy upon the "treaty" of Waitangi. Lord Stanley was the only speaker who seemed to entertain any adequate sense of the claim which the colony might fairly make for assistance in order to carry out a policy which " Imperial interference had made a difficult task." The right policy ho thought was to afford aid for a time to the colonists ; but, when the war ceased, they should be left aa free as possible to deal with

the natives." We trust the noble Lord meant that we should be left free to deal with the natives now, and helped to deal with them effectually. It uever seems sufficientlyunderstood in England, that the effect does not always cease with tho cause, and that having set fire to the forest, it is not sufficient to extinguish the torch. We rather thiuk that England might help us to subdue the conflagration, without insisting upon her right to use kerosine for the purpose, especially after she has admitted that water is better. In other words, why should not England assist us, and yet leave us to decide how that assistance shall be used? Mr Cardwell seemed more anxious to pour oil upon the troubled waters, than to point out in detail, the course he intended to take. He discoursed with admirable propriety upon colonisation, " the honor of the British Crown," and the courage of the natives. He gave a one sided, not to say garbled version of the " difference of sentiments" which led to the resignation of the Whittaker-Fox Ministry, and as no one knew much about the matter his own blunders escaped notice. On the whole Mr Cardwell's speech was as satisfactory as the rest, though it is to be feared that lie has placed more confidence in General Cameron than he deserves. Possibly the next mail will bring out despatches, which are the natural results of communications received from Sir Duncan Cameron, and of the tone adopted by the Auckland press. Still any slight re-action of this kind will be but temporary — the mere vibration of an irregular solid, attaining the position of stable equilibrium, in a new element. It cannot be doubted that if the Colony remains true to itself, it has its fate in its own hands. All attempts at separation must be resisted, the Weld ministry must be supported, and, at whatever sacrifice, the colony must carry out the policy embodied in the words of the honorable member for Sheffield, " We will give you (the natives) what you want so long as you behave like civilised men ; but the moment you appear in hostility to us, we will put you down." This, we say with Mr Roebuck, " is the true way, and in the long run it will be the humane way."