PROVINCIAL COUNCIL ELECTIONS.

Westport Times, Volume III, Issue 581, 16 November 1869, Page 2

PROVINCIAL COUNCIL ELECTIONS.

THE BULLER DISTRICT. The nomination of candidates for election as representatives of the Buller District in the Nelson Provincial Council took place on Saturday at the Court-house, Westport. Dr Giles presided as Returning Officer. He read the writ for the election of two members, and stated that the qualification of a voter was to be on the electoral roll, or to hold a miner's right or business license taken out six months previous to the election or renewed. The 17th of May would, therefore, be the date previous to which miners' rights or business licenses must have been obtained. Mr John Southern, seconded by Mr J. W. Humpkbet, proposed Mr Alexander Reid. Mr James Milne, seconded by Mr T. Sheahan, proposed Mr Eugene Joseph O'Conor. Mr Robebt Whtte, seconded by Mr Alexander Mitchell Whitelaw, proposed Mr John Braithwaite. Mr Reid, as the first nominated, first addressed the electors. He said that, when he told them that this was the first occasion on which ho had ever ventured, in cold blood, to address a public assemblage, he was confident, from the consideration which they had shown to others at other times, that they would estimate leniently the indifferent appearance —it might be the " sorry spectacle" which he was likely"to make as a public speaker. He even trusted that, some of them who might be no more to the manner born than he was himself would sympathise with him if he achieved, on his first attempt, nothing better than an ignominious break-down. It was well to be honest ; and he might say that, though he had used much midnight oil in reproducing the speeches of others, convivial meetings had really constituted the only school in which he had himself acquired the confidence to speak to more than one man or woman at a time ; and they all knew that post-prandial eloquence was of an order which was received, as it required to be received, in a very genial and forgiving humor. He was no orator as was their local Brutus—his worthy friend and fellow candidate Mr O'Conor. A knowledge of personal defects in this particular, they might think, should have made anyone hesitate before accepting their offer to return him to the Provincial Council. He had hesitated but he had also hoped ; and his hope was that time and patience would enable the most modest maiden as a speaker to overcome his disabilities and diffidence. As it was, and in the event of his being elected, he could only pretend to enter the Provincial Council in the character of a lamb, capable, at the best, of bleating very gently. He entertained no expectation of realising a reversal of the proverb by coming out as a lion ; he would be sufficiently proud if, by the end of the session, they would be able to recognise him as having attained something like the dimensions of a respectable sheep. To be candid with them, he was heretic enough to consider that, as matters were at present, this constituency need not distress itself much as to the member it returned, nor need a candidate distress himself much as to the amount of representative ability which he might possess. He grieved to say, but he believed it was truth to say that, as the system of Provincial Government was carried out in the Province of Nelson, both they and he were at that moment merely playing a part in a political sham. These might be rather strong words to come from a candidate who had not yet got over his teething as a Provincial politician, but he repeated—of course only as a single and humble opinion—that the whole Provincial Council of Nelson, constituted as it was, and treated as it had been, was nothing better than a political sham. It might be even more appropriately deseribed as political shambles—the scene of a systematic " massacre of the innocent"—at once the birth-place and the grave of all the excellent resolutions of all the six-and-twenty worthy men of whom the Council had hitherto been formed. So long as the existing Executive Ordinance was in force, and so long as there was in the Superintendent's chair a gentleman who took such expansive views of his own privileges and powers as did Mr Curtis, so long would this comparison bold good. It was, at least, likely to do so unless an effort were made by the Council itself so that it might do what it certainly did not now do—sq that it should command respect from the Superintendent and from the Executive; and to achieve this end, he thought the first thing to be done was- to import into the constitution of the Executive what it should never have lost—the element of responsibility. One of the candidates for election as Superintendent, Mr Akersten, had avowed his intention, in the event of his being elected, to discharge the present Executive " at one fell swoop." The bare anticipation of the accomplishment of such a coup d'etat was, no doubt, a source of satisfaction to some. To others the question must have suggested itself—Had

he really the power to do it? Unfortunately Mr Akorsten bad fallen a long way short of being elected, and he bad not the power, but had he been elected he would have had, as Mr Curtis now had. Not only had the Superintendent the power of appointing the Executive of five, but he might appoint such " person or persons " —it might be so many old ladies—as he might be pleased to select. Not one of them need be members of the Provincial Council. Indeed they might form a bureau—a sort of small Legislative Council, with whose appointment or conduct the Provincial Council had nothing whatever to do.. In fact, this nominated body might and did govern the Province irrespective of the Council altogether. This might perfectly accord with the views or wishes of those who would emasculate Provincialism, but he contended that, so long as we lived under Provincial government, we should have Provincial government in its integrity. People would then know what they were about. Though the Superintendent's approval is and should be necessary in the appointment or disruption of an Executive, they should themselves, with professional exceptions, be of the Council, and directly responsible to the Council; and if he were returned as one of their representatives, that was one of the principles which he should endeavor to assist in establishing de facto, if not de jure. At present the Council might be said merely to meet to part to meet again. Their annual achievements were like those of the army of the French King, whose men marched boldly up the hill and then marched down. Practically, they effected nothing. Of this there was ample illustration in the fate of all the resolutions carried last year at the instigation of the members for the West Coast. It was in this respect only that he meant to say that the work of the Council was a sham ; and, however it was to be done, the task to which, he thought, the Council should first address itself was to make its own work—its own votes and proceedings—not a pleasing fiction, as they had been, but a practical reality, as they ought to be. If this could be done—if the Council, the Executive, and the Superintendent were got to occupy only their own and their proper places in the machinery of Provincial government—he thought they might indulge in hope for the Province, and especially for the West Coast. With this accomplished, they had the more reason to fhope for the West Coast, because the West Coast would now, in point of numbers, be better represented than it had ever been, and with their knowledge of those who had already been elected, he need not say how efficiently represented tho district was likely to be in other respects. Associated with the West Coast, and next in importance to the necessity for Executive responsibility, came the consideration of distinctively representing the Coast or, at anyrate, Goldfields interests in the personality of the Executive. This principle had been affirmed by the Council last year. The same principle, it was to be hoped, would be re-affirmed next session. If that were done, and if attention were only given to what the Council affirmed, there might then be some chance of the affairs of the Coast being efficiently supervised, and ons probable effect would be the securing a superior and more ambitious class of candidates for the representation of the district. How it might best be carried out, he was not prepared to suggest. There were physical difficulties. There was the geographical position of Nelson. TJbiguity was unfortunately not a human characteristic, and it was impossible for a Goldfields member to be of much service in consultation if he were always on the Coast, or of much use as a medium of communication between the people and the authorities if he were to be always in Nelson. Whether it were wise to have a Goldfields Secretary or not, it was surely unwise to have our present Wardens such mere automatons that, without the action of the wires from Nelson, they could not even spend a ten-pound note in the saving of a schoolhouse, and had bo official credit for contingencies. They wore gentlemen in whom the public must and did put great trust; why should they not be' proportionately trusted by the Government ? With greater discretionary powers to Wardens, there might be less necessity for a Goldfields member of the Executive, but it was a question which was fairly open to debate. Any radical change either way would, of course, necessitate the multiplication of offices; and to that there was always, and perhaps justifiably, an aversion ; but at its worst, it would be the lesser of two evils. At present there was, with good grounds, a feeliug that there was, on the part of the Nelson Government a misconception, if not a deliberate neglect of those elements of administration which were necessary to promote the prosperity and the settlement of a goldfields community. Whatever form it assumed, any change must inevitably act in the direction of abating existing grievances; but superior in point of influence to that change was the change upon which he had already "rung the changes"—a material change in the relative positions and influence of the Council, Executive, and Superintendent. There was a variety of other subjeets —the stock subjects of candidates on such an occasion—to which, steretype as they might be, he might be ex-

pected to refer. There were Boards of Works, river protection, and street works for the towns; there were Mining Boards, tracks, and one much neglected subject schools for the mining districts. Some of these things were already established as first principles. Their necessity was axiomatic. Others of them would more appropriately become the subject of consideration during the session or on the eve it. One of such subjects was the development of the Mount Rochfort coalfield, and, with a view to that consummation, he would recommend that a Select Committee should at once be appointed to recommend a definite course to the Council, based on tho evidence available, as to the best means of opening the mine. Important as these subjects might bo collectively or individually, they must always come back to the consideration that, without a due recognition of the Council, all that he might say now would be so much empty sound, signifying nothing—all that might be done would be so much love's labor lost. He would only add that, should he happen to be elected, he would be glad, during the interval before the opening of the session, to become the recipient of suggestions from all sorts of men, so that he might be the better able to represent, to the extent of his desire, both the urban and mining interests of this important district. If elected, he would endeavor to do his duty ; if not there was an end of it. With the other candidates who had been proposed, the constituency could not fail to be well represented. Mr O'Conob thanked the preceding speaker for the honorable mention ot his name as the local Brutus, more especially as he had spoken of himself as a lamb. He hoped that, even in that character, he would learn to butt, and to butt to some purpose. The subjects upon which he had principally dwelt were, in his opinion, very desirable. There was undoubtedly something inherently and radically wrong in the constitution of the Nelson Government, and the principal failure was the absence of responsibility in the Government. At the same time, whatever the Council agreed upon was either negatived or neglected by the Superintendent, who acted as one supreme. Indeed, what they should do was to crown him at once, and they could then better appreciate the imperial character in which he acted. At present, whatever were their demands, they had no means of enforcing them On this subject he entirely agreed with the sentiments enunciated by the previous speaker, and if he were elected as his colleague, or the colleague of anyone else, he would pledge himself to support any motion embodying these sentiments to the utmost of his power. A great deal depended upon having, in Nelson, a government fairly representing the feelings of the majority of the Council, and also representing the interosts of the district. Members were elected to represent this community, but practically they were able to accomplish nothing. The privileges apparently given they were actually deprived of. It was most neeessary that this should be altered—that the positions of the Council and Government should be so arranged that really the public wishes would be carried out. While hoping that this would be achieved, there were other subjects of local interest upon which he desired to declare his opinion. He was no milk-and-water advocate of their rights. He was prepared to be the miners' advocate to the utmostextentof his humble ability. This might be called an electioneering squib. But it was really not so—such had been his line of conduct ever since he had lived on goldfields and took an interest in their affairs. The mining interest was the mainstay of Nelson Province, and it was, therefore, the duty of the Government to nourish that interest, and, as far as possible to increase and develop it. The way to do this was exceedingly simple. One was by assisting prospecting. Prospecting associations should be assisted, not such associations as would encourage " loafers " —he would not recommend that—they should not encourage a class of men who merely went out into the bush, pretending to dig. But bona Jide miners who went into the depths of the wilderness should at least have provisions forwarded to them at such a cost as would enable them to work without any great sacrifice of their own means. The next thingwasto reward prospectors opening a large tract of country. They should not only have an extended claim, but from the public funds they should have a bonus as public benefactors. Besides in these respects, the claims of the mining community had been sadly neglected in the matter of roads and tracks. Without tracks, the obtaining of provisions entailed great expense, and, in consequence, claims otherwise payable had to be deserted. Was such a state of things advantageous to the country, or fair to those who were doing so much to develope its resources ? For fourteen years he had been on goldfields, and most of that time he had lived in Victoria, where diggers had their rights and wants acknowledged in a manner far superior to what they were accustomed to in New Zealand. Here miners were not treated according to their merits. A miner, though he might have expended in the country much time, capital and labor, was, in certain cases, denied the privilege of a vote, while the townsman or the herdsman of Nelson who might have no claim to the intelligence of the commonest

among us, had the privilege which was refused to those who were really the backbone and the mainstay of the country. These things were radically wrong. They were as wrong a3 was the administration of affairs in Nelson. To remedying them he would always give his assistance. Another subject which he had overlooked was that of tolls on tracks and bridges. They were a very great injustice. In nine cases out of ten they secured nothing to the population but a tax, and a benefit to one individual for doing what the Government would do more appropriately and without any loss. Another subject referred to by his predecessor was the coal mine. He would go further than him on that subject. It was a disgrace to have such a property, and not to bring it into the market. He believed the coal could be brought to the banks of the Buller for a third of the amount estimated. This was not hi 3 opinion, but the opinion of persons who had made careful calculations. For £40,000 a railway capable of delivering 300 tons a day could be constructed, and at that rate there would for six years be coals available without touching on the main deposit at Mount Rochfort. Were there any grounds for the Government hesitating in encouraging what would be not only of local benefit, but which would in a variety of ways, be affecting benificially the interests of the inhabitants of all parts of New Zealand? Even in the matter of the Coal Quay Reserve the Government had been very remiss. He considered that to be a valuable property, and if left unprotected, and liable to be washed away as it was, the interests of any company proposing to work tho coalmine would be detrimentally effected by the loss of that reserve, or fresh ground would have to be purchased at the public cost. If returned, he would certainly endeavor to know the reason why the Tote of last year had not been expended. In conclusion, ho might say, with reference to himself that his claims were not very great, but neither was the occasion very great. If returned, he would act up to the line of principle upon which he had always gone. It had been said that he went too far. That was a failing ; but it was a great deal better to go 100 far than not to start or go at all. All he asked was that they would return him at the head of the poll, and he was sure that they would do it. The Retusntng Officer, being informed that Mr Braithwaite was not present, said it was open to one of his proposers to address the electors. Mr Whyte, who was called upon, said that Mr Braithwaite had, as most of themwcre aware, been a resident of the district since the opening of the Caledonian, and during that time he had commanded the respect of all who becamo acquainted with hirn. During the long time he had been in the Colony, he had been solely on the goldfields, and in consenting to come forward now, he did so distinctively as desiring to represent the mining interests, which he well understood and warmly advocated. A show of hands was taken, and the numbers declared by the Returning Officer were Reid, 30; O'Conor, 32 ; Braithwaite, 13. On behalf of Mr Braithwaite, a poll was demanded; and it was intimated that the poll would be taken on Wednesday, at Westport, Addison's Flat, and Caledonian Terrace.

MEETING AT GILES TERRACE. Mr Braithwaite met and addressed the electors in Harrison's Hotel Giles Terrace on Saturday evening. Mr Reid and Mr O'Conor were also present and addressed the meeting. The chair was occupied by Mr Ccwen, and by his admirable tact, as well as the hearty humor in which all present were, the meeting was very orderly and otherwise satisfactory "both to the candidates and electors. Mr Braithwaite said he would have much preferred if one of the miners themselves were in his place—he would have preferred if one out of the pick-and-shovel ranks had been persuaded to come forward to represent the mining community in the Nelson Provincial Council—but, for that consummation it was now too late, and he had been bold enough to come forward desiring to be recognised as representing more particularly the mining interests. He was not going to promise them a shower of blessings, for they were all well aware that in Nelson they were a stubborn people. He would promise, however, to do all he could for them that the experience of eleven years on the goldfields could suggest. For half that time he had been a digger himself, and he hoped he was sufficiently acquainted with the requirements of the diggers to be able fairly to represent them. Mr Braithwaite continued by stating in detail his views on subjects interesting to the mining community. Ho referred to the excessive taxation to which, directly and indirectly, colonially and provincially, the inhabitants of the country were subjected- He referred to the necessity for a revision of the Bye-laws—laws in which there was a great deal about puddling machines, which did not exist here and not a word about tailing-washers and others, who not exist, but who were practically put out of Court. He spoke of the necessity of facilitating the water supply on diggings by'systematic survey and otherwise; he favored the giving of rewards to the actual discoverers of new areas of ground; he referred

to the toll on the Orawaiti bridge as a tax which should be at once removed, with due compensation to its proprietor ; and he expressed his regret that greater facilities for voting had not on this occasion been afforded by polling booths at Giles Terrace and further north. At the conclusion of Lis remarks, he answered a number of questions put by Mr Graham and other " free and independent electors ;" but the length of our reporting otherwise makes it impossible to give any statement of his numerous and apparently satisfactory answers.

Mr Eeid and Mr O'Conor were also closely questioned, and, after a protracted meeting, the proceedings were terminated by a vote of thanks to the Chairman, and by a majority of the " free and independent " betaking themselves to balls iu two of the hotels, where politics and exercise on the " light fantastic too" were indulged in with spirit and spirits. THE CHARLESTON ELECTION. MR. DONNE RETURNED. The Charleston nomination took place on Saturday ; the polling yesterday. Mr Hennelly and Mr Donne only were nominated. The following is the result of the poll as telegraphed yesterday evening:— Donne. Hennelly. Charleston ... 271 169 Brighton ... 84 2 Total ... 355 171