Wairarapa Daily Times [Established Third of A Century.] TUESDAY, AUGUST 19, 1913. THE RIGHT TO STRIKE.

Wairarapa Daily Times, Volume LXV, Issue 11755, 19 August 1913, Page 4

Wairarapa Daily Times [Established Third of A Century.] TUESDAY, AUGUST 19, 1913. THE RIGHT TO STRIKE.

In a recent interview with an Otago , Daily Times reporter, Mr Robert Sem- > pie, organiser of the New Zealand FedI eration of Labour, gave expression to > views on industrial questions which ' lead us to tho satisfactory conclusion ■ that the body which Mr Semple represents is inclined to take a far more reasonable attitude in the labour world than formerly. It is apparent from the remarks of the organiser that the Unity Congress has at least toned down tho opinion of members of the Federation, and induced them to look upon matters appertaining to Labour from a somewhat changed standpoint. "We arc called Syndicalists by a great num. ber of people who know no better," said Mr Semple, ''but we did not adopt the methods of the Syndicalists organisations. The Syndicalists are antipolitical; we are not anti-political. We believe that the first thing essential in this country is to organise the worker on the job. Have his industrial organisations well marshalled and his industrial strength will then become manifest at the ballot box at election timir. In other words, if we have an intelligent industrial democracy, that democracy will manifest its power politically. There is quite a misunderstanding in connection with the strike clause agreed to by the congress, some people contending that the National Executive of the United Federation of Labour ! will have complete power to call strikes when and where it likes. That is incorrect. Under tho present form of organisation the most disastrous thing to the community and to the unione themselves is the crafts strike. Such a strike is mostly created on the impulse of the moment without serious and cool !■/ , /

deliberation. The strike is .created by a small section of the particular industry without in any way consulting the main body of the workers , engaged throughout the Dominion in that particular industry. The congress had first to consider whether it was possible to bring down some proposal whereby the strike could be done away with. There has been no government in the world and no body of men that has so far brought down such a proposal. The congress found it impossible to do that, the strike being inherent in the very social system. Where there is a privileged class upon the one hand and the great bulk of tho people dependent upon it on the other hand the strike will exist so long as the interests of those two sections remain in conflict. What the congress had to do was to consider the most intelligent way to prevent useless comic opera strikes or to deal with strikes when they occurred. The strike clause, which was adopted, dealc effectively with that question."

Mr Scmplo proceeded to describe tho working of the strike clause, which, ho contended; dealt effectively with that question. Under the new system it was laid down, he explained, that m> craft in trouble had any right to strike till it consulted the rest of the people connected with the industry. For example, if thero were four or five unions iv Dunedin connected with the transport industry they would form between them a board or council, and the union in trouble would consult that board when it failed to effect a settlement of its trouble. If the board failed to effect a settlement it had no power to strike, but must consult the national executive of the transport workers' industry, and the two would then use their combined efforts to promote a settlement. Failing ugaiu to meet with success, they could not strike, but must seek the co-operation of the national executive of the United Federation ol' Labour, which would make a final effort to obtain a settlement. This national executive was composed of representatives .from the eleven different industries listed on tho federation's chart —one from each industry. The course to be followed would be considered by the national executive and tho workers involved, if they so wish the latter might have a secret ballot. "Congress never repudiated or expressed an opinion against, the secret ballot," continued Mr Semple, "but to blindly pledge ourselves to take a ballot upon all questions would be imposing an injustice upon the workers of the country. It is not the intention of the United Federation of Labour to create strikes if it is possible to prevent them, but we are making an honourable effort to deal with the strike in. a sane and rational fashion. Congress, however, rightly observed the right to stiike as a final reserve. That right we will never relinquish. If all disputes go through the channels as suggested in the strike clause, I venture to say that 90 per cent, of the strikes will be settled, as they will receive the cool judgment of men who are not on the spot where the trouble is created, and can deliberate calmly. So far as the general strike bogey is concerned," concluded the speaker, "there is no danger. When the workers arc well enough organised to bring about a general strike they will have no need for one. " These views, expressed by the accredited leader of the Federation and a man who has taken part in strikes in the past, will no doubt be rend with satisfaction by employers of labour, as it must, be admitted that while the Federation may be repreFentative of only a small section of the workers of New Zealand it is an organisation which, when it is so disposed, can cause much trouble to employers and employees alike. Knowing the misery that results from strikes, and what a disaster a general strike would be to New Zealand, we trust that the latter is in reality only a bogey.