FUTURE INDIAN STATUS

Wanganui Chronicle, Volume 73, Issue 427, 19 November 1930, Page 8

FUTURE INDIAN STATUS

NATIVE VIEWPOINT STATED

EQUAL STATUS WITHIN BRITISH COMMONWEALTH

GOVERNMENT RESPONSIBLE TO POPULAR VOICE

Opening the general discussion upon the luturc constitution of India. Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru said that it was perfectly natural that such a country as his, brought into contact with Western ideas, and vibrating with the new movement in the East, should seek freedom within its own borders. As an integral part of the British Commonwealth. India wanted and was determined to achieve a status of equality with the other free members of the Commonwealth which ■would give it a Government not merely responsible, hut responsive to the popular voice. He personally believed that it would not do to offer provincial autonomy unless it was coupled with a derided anti clear change in the constitution of the Central Government, which must be made responsible to the Legislature. He was a strong believer in the Federal form of Government and believed that therein lay the salvation of India. He would welcome the Association of Indian States with British India, mainly for the reason that they would furnish a stablising factor in their constitution. The process of unification should begin without delay and in regard to defence matters they would furnish practical experience which was yet wanting in British India.

FIRST PLENARY SESSION

DESIRE FOR CO OPERATION | British Official Wireless. I RUGBY. Nov. 17. When the plenary session of the Indian Round-Table Conference opened this morning, the Prime Minister read a message from Lord Stamfordham stating that the King received with much satisfaction the communication expressing the dutiful thanks of the Conference to the King for undertaking the opening ceremony and to the Queen for the kindly solicitude displayed to wards the delegates. Before the meeting proceeded with the agenda prepared by the business committee, the Prime Minister extended a cordial welcome to the delegates. He said they must keep in mind two things —firstly, that they were there to co-operate together, and secondly, that they must be animated by determination to succeed. An interesting discussion was provoked by the recommendation of the business committee that the question should be debated whether the future constitution of India should be on a Federal or unitary basis. It is suggested that the general trend of such discussion would enable the Conference, with the help of the committee, to frame a programme for future discussion in committee. The Prime Minister indicated that he would, as chairman, rule that a liberal interpretation be put upon the committee’s report and would allow the delegates to refer to cognate questions. Trade and Defence. Referring to commerce. Sir laj Bahadur Sapur said that there was not a single man at the Conference who would like to have any expropriate legislation. Europeans were quite welcome to suggest any safeguards for their rights and interests and the Indians would most willingly meet them. Regarding the army they realised that they had to train a sufficient number of their own men, which would require patience. What they required was the opportunity to train them ami freedom to establish institutions. ‘‘So far as your army is concerned by all means keep it in the hands of the Viceroy. We on our part are willing to provide funds and agree to statutory charges in respect of the army." The Maharajah of Bikaner said that the ultimate attainment of Dominion status were inherent in the declaration of policy of 1917 and had more recently received authoritative endorsement. Let them aim at that, fully realising that their sister States did not reach the end at on stride, and in the intervening stage certain safeguards ami guarantees were imperatively necessary for security of the body politic and all parts thereof. Speaking for the viewpoint of the Indian States, he said that, linked with their devotion to the Crown, was their unfaltering adherence to the British Commonwealth of Nations. They of the Indian States were willing to take part in. and make their contributions to the greater prosperity and contentment of India n~ t whole. That could best be done a Federal system of G n rrnnvmt. composed of the States ami Brj - i In lit.

Jayakar, pulling furwrud liie point of view of the voting:.r g.'nerat.'ou of India, said that time was of the utmost importance, because if India got to-day what she wanted, she would be satisfied with many things which would not satisfy her six months hence. “If you give India Dominion status to-day, in the course of a few months the ery for independence will die of itself. If. on the other hand, we return emptyhanded it will be the surest way of raising in volume and intensity this cry for independence.” Safeguards Welcomed. Referring to the army question, be said that Indians would listen to any safeguards suggested during the period of transition in order to make it [more easy and safe for both sides. As for the minorities question, it could be solved by giving oportunities for common endeavour to Indians. That feeling could be created only by giving India complete freedom in the form of Dominion status. Harness all of the minorities together ami much of the discontentment would disappear. 'Young India did not insist upon impossible terms of federation but only [upon such terms as most of the Indian

States were at present prepared to accept. They had no desire to interfere at all in the internal affairs of the Indian States but were prepared to wait until they themselves came into line with the ways of. Yuuug India. If the States would accept the Supreme Court of Justice to which all matters in dispute between them and British India could be referred, and would voluntarily submit to its jurisdiction, the question in effect would be solved. He promised his assurance regarding British and European commercial interests and pointed out that a contented community was a much better customer than a discontented one. He contended that the main interest of Britain in India was commerce, and said that the consuming power of 30,000,000 people was a powerful asset in their hands, even from the point of view simply of material interests and apart from the moral forces, such as friendliness and comradeship. Absolute Dominion freedom should be given to India in order that Britain’s trade might prosper. Committee Discussion. The Business Committee of the ConIfercnce decided to recommend, when the general discussion finished, that the Conference should set up a Federation Relations Committee. A resoluticfh to this effect will be submitted to-morrow. As the results of decisions reached to-day Lord Sankey was asked to accept the position of Deputy-President of the Conference, and a panel of six chairmen of the Coufcnln-e was set up, 'embracing Lords Reading and Peel, the Maharajah of Bikaner, the Nawab of Bhopal, the Aga Khan, and Shasora. li was agreed that the general disIcussion now proceeding should extend lover the mornings of three days and the order of speakers should be pre'arranged. After a discussion. revealing some division of opinion, the president said that the general sense was that the | press was not to be. admitted to the [general discussion, but would have full land impartial information regarding ihe proceedings from three officers of

the general secretariat, acting under rhe general control committee, consisting of Mr Wedgewood Benn, representing the British delegation: Mr Rushbrook Williams, the Indian States; and Mr Chintamani, the British Indiau delegation.

POINTS FROM SPEECHES THE INDIAN VIEWPOINT LONDON. Nov. 17. Speaking at plenary session of the Indian Round Table Conference Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru emphasised that the ordinary Parliamentarian had neither the necessary time nor the capacity of vision to understand India’s mind and feelings. Even a Secretary of State for India, no matter how disguised he might be. was one of them and consequently relied on the advice of the Indian Office staff. Therefore, Ind4a was not under Parliamentary sovereignty, but under that of half a dozen civil servants in England and another half dozen in India. It could not be expected that India, vibrating with the new Eastern movement, would remain content with such Government. Jayakar, referring to British trade, said: ‘‘We arc quite willing to accept safeguards giving the British an equal chance with Indians but we must warn them that they are not going to continue enjoying a monopoly because their skin contains less pigment than mine.' ’ THE PRINCE'S PROPOSALS ALL-LNDIA FEDERATION | British Official Wireless. J LONDON, Nov. 17. The Daily Telegraph says that an Indian Princes’s deputation met the British-India representatives at the Carlton Hotel yesterday and detailed the terms on which they were prepared to enter an All-India Federation, if an agreement acceptable to all parties is reached. The conditions are:— (1) The Viceroy to remain as the Ki ng's representative. (2) All dynamic questions affecting the Princes’s succession, marriage, and powers within their States, etc., shall bn left exclusively to themselves, the Federal Government having no authority. (3) They shall have a fair share in all State services common to British India and the Indian States such as railways, canals, irrigation and Customs. (4) The Army to remain under the Viceroy, who may employ State troops whe necessary. (5) Existing treaties to remain and shall not be changed into fresh agreements with the All-lndia Go\ - eminent. (6) Disciplinary authority shall be exercised in certain cases by the Viceroy, but such cases as misrule shall be left to the Council of Princes. It is also understood that the Princes will seek powerful representation in the Second Chamber.

The only Prince opposed to entering an All-India Federation is the Nizam Siderabad. Moreover, the Hindu leaders have agreed to recognise the North Frontier, the West Province and the Punjab as predominantly Moslem and agree to the separation of the Sind from Bombay.

The Moslem demand for 33 per cent of representation in the Central Legislature has not been agreed to. The question of equitable representation of Hindus and Moslems in the public service is left to a Public Services Commission, such as exists in the Irish Free State.