Wairarapa Standard Published Tri-weekly, Price 1d FRIDAY, JULY 29, 1887. Phlebotomy.

Wairarapa Standard, Volume XX, Issue 2098, 29 July 1887, Page 2

Wairarapa Standard Published Tri-weekly, Price 1d FRIDAY, JULY 29, 1887. Phlebotomy.

It is said that in one of the numerous republics oi Sooth America in which government and incidence of taxation are changed with ever; phase of the moon, a young lady, an enthusiastic amateur surgeon, promised to nyrry a certain adventurer, provided he could overthrow the then existing govern* ment, and instal her as Surgeon General to the forces. She had been practising the art of bleeding, but subjects were so atee and she desired to operate on the Army which probably consisted of two Field Marshals and a score or so oi Brigadier Generals. The Stont* Ballancs combination and the motley crew of politicians who follow the lead of the combination, irresistibly remind us of that American pblebotomist. The political amateur doctors to whom we have referred are all terribly eager to gain control of our purses, in order that they may bleed them by various experimental methods. They do not care much hew they bleed us as long as they are allowed to perform the operation. At the same time they suffer from the itch of change and desire for experiment. When the VogelStout combination obtained office by a despicable intrigue, we were told they would make things move, they would revive trade; under their skilful and patriotic management " the wilderness would blossom like the rose.” They have had three years tor their vagaries. Trade is dead as Julius Ctesar ; the country has moved —backwards. As for the wilderness, it may have blossomed like a rose—a rose with the blight. “ Never mind 1” say the Government and its awkward squad ; “ we will try again. We will now give the people an entire change of programme. We trust still let your blood, must still tax you, indeed we must take more blood than ever, but we will do it on an entirely new principle. If we tax you under a nice new name yon will hardly feel the operation.” The consequence is each political empiric who—having utterly failed to manage his own affairs fancies he has a divine right to manage ours—pulls out bis little twopenny lancet and tourniquet and begs to be allowed to bleed us and bandage us on his own particular patent plan. The political quacks who have land but no income, demand an income tax; those with incomes but no land, want a land tax, and those would be representatives who have neither land nor income would like an income and graduated land tax. We will deal with the latter impost at some other data. A word just now regarding an income tax.

The existing property tax is, as is well known, levied on property of every descrip - tion over the value of £3OO. The valuation is triennial and is carried out by the Property Tax Department. This tax is—to use the words employed by Mr Banny at Wellington three years ago (loth April, ’84): “ The fairest possible, because it only taxes a man for what he has, and not for what he has not.’’ We agree with Mr Bunny. At the same time we believe that the present system oi valuation is partially vicious. The best men are not always employed as valuators, nor is sufficient paid to secure the best men, and men of moderate means are occasionally overtaxed. But these are matters of administration only, and by no means impugn the nature of the tax itself. The Property Tax “ touches up”—to use two words much favored by Mr Bunny—everything a man has, his bonne, his ox, ms ass, and everything that is Ins. The tax is not of an inquisitorial character, because the information upon which the valuator bases his valuation is practically open to all the world. Moreover, in a young country like this there is very little realised capital; as a man makes money he, as a rule, puts it into bis property, and ! there it is for every 090 to see. For this (as taxes go) fair and wide embracing tax our experimental politicians would substitute an Income Tax, under the pretence that it would '* touch up” the incomes of doctors, judges, lawyers and others. The Income Tax has been in operation in England for many years, and no tax was ever so thoroughly loathed by every class of socisty, for even those exempt have to state their incomes. In the first place this tax is of a most inquisitorial character. The Income Duty Commissioners by their satellites in each town pry into the most private affairs of the people. In every centre of population there is at least one man who knows not only the state of every man’s bank account, but is tolerably posted in every person’s business ; who is not ignorant of domestic affairs and could give a pretty shrewd guess what any given family had for dinner, whether the dinner was paid for, and when the lady oi the household last bad a new dress. It is this official’s duty to know every taxable adult's position and to know it accurately. If he really were accurate it might nut matter perhaps so much, but such people frequently make mistakes. Of course the Income Tax Collector is supposed to be secret as the grave. Unfortunately, be is only human, aud in some mysterious manner things leak out, aud many a solvent man’s credit baa suffered from the indiscretions of iheso officials; and it is an inconteuiible fact that poor and struggling men in England frequently return their incomes as larger than they are, to hoodwink Ibis terrible Paul Fry, Income Duty, in the cases of the tradesman, farmer, settler, and others is levied oi course not on the gross amount of their ytrnover or takings but upou that gain or pro til wmoh arises out oi their undertakings, and on which they support themselves and families. It is apparent, therefore, that every person liable to lue operaiiuns of this tax must keep a set of bo< ks by which to distinguish income Horn capital, luc firmer must keep an ..ccdl'hl efvvity lamb, sheep, oalf, or cow ; must be abe toll tue amounts realised by ,hm of milk, or butter, or WhJ ffbat portions of the wages he has paid affay should go to capital and what portion to income account, aqji so on throughout all his transactions. Thus, should the tax become I W, a farmer or settler after bis card day s work can amuse himself by study* lug the mysteries of doable entry and balan 0 tdieets. always leim inhering that any error a. the .-nd of me financial year may subject him to ve 1 y severe legal penalties.

Another p mcriul argument aguinst chum.in syet 'in ol taxation is the confusion uni disturbance such change causes in all depart'

meats of the legislators and of exchange, commerce, and business. It is an acknowledged fact that at least three years most elapse before officials can properly grapple with a new system, or before the average tax payer masters the details of the system. In the case of an income tax, the whole machinery of the Property Tax Department would require alteration; a large staff of paid collectors throughout the country would have to be engaged ; expenses of collection would be enormously increased, and intense and unnecessary annoyance would be inflicted upon the majority of taxpayers by their natural ignorance of the details of the tax and their own liabilities thereunder. Then we are told this income tax would “ touch up ” the absentee capitalists. It would do nothing of the sort, because such absentees, if in England, would have to pay income duty to the Imperial and not to the Colonial , Exchequer. The plain truth is that numerous persons who now contribute to revenue by paying property tax, would, with an income tax, escape. The absentee, would escape; the man who owned a splendid house and grounds and let them for a small rent would practically escape. With an income tax land might be taken up, few and no improvements made upon it, and the proprietor, receiving no income for the land, would escape taxation and placidly wait until he could, by selling the land, pocket the unearned inerement. Again, those who have borrowed money and have had to pay to the lender } per cent more, on account of the property tax, which i per cent the lender now pays to the government, would have to continue to pay the additional interest which the borrower would not then pay as a tax, but would of course pocket. We have not urged a tithe of the objections which exist to this abominable, prying, and expensive tax, which a really Radical Government should be the last to attempt to introduce, and which we should probably have never beard of had not these wholesouled politicians been so terribly anxious for Ministerial loaves and fishes, and consequently hard up lor eome brand new cry by which to obtain them. We utterly deny that an income tax would increase the revenue, and we do not believe that any one who has given any attention to the subject thinks it will. But anything serves some people for an election cry.