SPEECH BY MR LLOYD GEORGE.

Colonist, Volume LX, Issue 14588, 17 December 1917, Page 5

SPEECH BY MR LLOYD GEORGE.

PLAIN SPEAKING TO THE PACIFISTS.

PEACE WITHOUT VICTORY IM-

POSSIBLE.

LORD LANSDOWNE'S LETTER

'Australian and NiZ. Cable Aeuociation)

(Received Dec. 16, 5.5 p.m.) London, Dec. 14

Mr Lloyd George, speaking at 'a dinner given by the heads of the Air Service, after emphasising the importance of the operations of the Air Ser;vice as the determining factor in the war, referred to Lord Lansdowne'e letter. He now understood tlat Lord Lansdowne did not intend in the least to convey the meaning which his words might reasonably bear, and only intended exactly what President Wilson said in his recent speech. The whole of the British nation fully agreed wit?' that speech. Therefore he concluded that the interpretation placed upon Lord Lansdowne's letter by our Allies and our enemies in no way represented what Lord Lansdowne intended. Ho referred to the very active minority of people who thought mistakenly that they, had found a loader in Lord Lansdowne. The danger was not the extreme pacifist.

"I warn tho nation to watch the man who thinks there is a lalf-way house between victory and defeat," MrLloyd George continued. "No such house exists. These are men who think you can end the war by sonib sort of what they call peace by setting up a league of nations with attendant conditions. That/ is tho right policy after victory, but without victory it would bo a farce. To end a war entered upon in order to enforce a treaty without reparation for the infringement of that treaty, which " was treated as1 a scrap of paper, merely by entering into a new and more sweeping comprehensive treaty would be a farce in a setting of tragedy. There is nothing so fatal to character as half finished tasks."

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Thougb it was a mean attitude to assume, he could understand a man who opposed the war from the start. He could not comprehend a man who helped to commit the nation to the career of honour, and now before the task was nearly accomplished wished to shake hands with the malefactor and trade to mutual advantage. The enemy were simply to be invited to enter into a bargain to join with us in punching the head of. tho next man who dared to imitate their villanies. TLe enemy desired such peace terms. It was idle to talk of security being won by such feeble means.' Let there be no doubt regarding the alternatives with which we were confronted. One was to make easy terms with a triumphant outlaw, which meant abasing ourselves before lawlessness. It meant ultimately world intimidation by successful bandits. The other was to go through with that task of vindicating justice so as to establish a righteous and everlasting peace for ourselves and our children. No nation with any regard for- self-respect and honour could hesitate for a moment in j such a choice. Intensely as he realUsed that victory was an essential condition of a free world,, there would not merely be no object in prolonging the Avar, but it would bo infamous to do so if le thought things would get no better the longer they fought. It was because he was firmly convinced that despite some untoward events' and discouraging appearances, we are making' steady progress towards our goal, that he woiild regard peace overtures at present as a betrayal of the great trust with which he and his colleagues were ctarged. The deadly grip of the Navy was having its effect, and the valour of the troops- was making an impression. The bridge which when complete would carry us over the new world river was for the moment in an (incomplete state. gome scaffolding had carried away, and much of the progress we had made seemed to be submerged and ridden, and some men said: "Let us abandon the enterprise altogether. It is too costly, it is impracticable of achievement. Let us rather build a pontoon bridge of new treaties, a league of nations, and understandings." It'might last some time,, but it would always be shaky and ■uncertain, and the first flood would sweep it away. Let us go along with the pile driving and make a real solid, permanent structure*

He referred to the added difficulties owing to Russia's threatened withdrawal. This meant a serious .addition to our task, wHch was already formidable enough; It would be folly to underrate the danger, and equally it would be folly to exaggerate it. The greatest folly.of atH would be not to. fade it. He etilar^edl tipon the entry of America into the struggle. She was stepping in in Russia's place. America was not yet prepared, but she soon would be. Hence the enemy's desperate efforts to force, the issue before she was ready. , They would not succeed. He urged the need for greater efforts and sacrifices. It was not a time to' cower arid falter, but to place our feet firmer than ever and square our stoulders to bear the increased weight. He never doubted that we would bear it all right to the end. It was absolutely necessary that there must be a further drain upon our man-power in order to sustain us until the American army arrived. There was no ground for panic, for even after sending troops to Italy's assistance, the Allies had a marked numerical'superiority in France and Flanders. We had considerable reserves at home, and much greater progress had been made in man-power, especially in the last few months, £han was realised. But it was necessary to increase the trained reserves in order to face new contingencies without anxiety. The Cabinet had prepared recommendations for the raising of more man-power, and also for investigating the best methods of iusbanding the, existing man-power.

The provision of men for the armies, he continued, was not the most urgent part of the problem. We especially needed to solve the problem of tonnage. Victory was now a problem of tonnage. Nothing else could defeat us but shortage of tonnage. The advent of America into the war lad greatly increased the demand. Germany' gambled on America's failure to transport her colossal numbers of men and aeroplane^ to Europe, and promised her own people and their allies that these formidable masses would never find their way into the battle line.

Mr Lloyd George foreshadowed a further withdrawal of men from nonessential trades and occupations in order to increase the shipbuilding. He urged a further saving of tonnage, not only by economising consumption, but by increasing home production. We had increased home food production by two to three million tons this year, and wo were the only belligerent who had an increased food output during the war. , It was essential that we should! have another three million tons of food imports in 1918. He appealed to agriculturalists to assist the Government. Another way to help was to discourage grousers. Grousing undermined morale, and tl:e national morale was vital in the question of holding out. Peace propaganda was fed with grumblers. "Let us beware of playing these propagandists' ganfes. We challenged a sinister Power menacing the world with enslavement. It would have been better j never to have challenged unless we meant to carry it through. People who think we can begin a new era of peace while Prussian military power is uja-

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beaten are labouring under a strange delusion. >? ■

Lord Rothermere, who followed Mr« Lloyd George, said the Air Board whole* teartedly favoured • reprisals if thai enemy elected that it should be an eyoj for an eye and a tooth for a tooth. He detested the doctrine as grossly immoral, but we were fighting for the lives of our women and children, an<l whatever outrages wore committed on. the civilian population' would be me* with similar treatment of the German

people.