The Southland Times FRIDAY, DECEMBER 16, 1938. Nationalism Within The Empire

Southland Times, Issue 23693, 16 December 1938, Page 4

The Southland Times FRIDAY, DECEMBER 16, 1938. Nationalism Within The Empire

It is difficult to see why The Daily Mail should be so perturbed by statements included in a speech made by the Secretary for the Dominions at the Constitutional Club, reported yesterday in a British Official Wireless message. Mr MacDonald referred to “certain disintegrating forces” now at work within the Empire, and went so far as to say that “some of’the Dominions had been bitten rather badly by nationalism.” He balanced this criticism by expressing wonder and gratification at the way in which Britain and the Dominions get together” in times of crisis. According to The Daily Mail, Mr MacDonald. “committed something worse than a bad indiscretion; he definitely blundered. New Zealand, Australia and Canada—the senders of inspiring messages during the crisis-will read the speech with incredulity. In at least one of the Dominions the surprise will be neither great nor painful. If the New Zealand Government sent inspiring messages to Britain during the dark days of September it was done in the closest secrecy, for nobody in this country seems to have heard of them. It is true that when Mr Chamberlain was setting out for the fateful interview at Munich Mr Savage expressed admiration for the British Prime Minister, and went so far as to say that “we are firmly behind Great Britain in this matter.” But the only kind of message that could be described as “inspiring” in that time of danger would have been an unconditional assurance of support, and this was not forthcoming. In answer to a question in the House of Commons in November Mr Chamberlain made a significant statement. “None of the Dominions or colonies,” he said, “has given a written or implied pledge or guarantee that it will come to Britain’s assistance in the event of an. attack.”

The growth of nationalism has its symptoms, not only in New Zealand, but in every part of the British Commonwealth of Nations, and is recognized by reasonable people in Britain as the beginnings of an inevitable process, although by no means as a tendency—recognized rather wishfully by the German newspaper Der Angriff-rfor the Empire to “crack up.” Britain has made no attempt to check or interfere with a natural development. It can be said, indeed, that she has materially assisted the Dominions towards national independence by subscribing to the Statute of Westminster before two of the Dominions —Australia and New Zealand —were ready to avail themselves of it, and by Imperial preferences that have been immensely valuable in strengthening Empire trade. Britain’s Empire policy is the most enlightened of its kind that the world has ever known: it aims at the evolution of a commonwealth of nations in which all the members will stand in complete freedom, joined together by no arbitrary links, but subscribing voluntarily to an association that depends for its strength on common antecedents, a shared culture and a universal sympathy with what can be described simply as the British outlook. But Empire status, although it is not defined in any rigid form, carries obligations as well as advantages. It was absolutely right and proper, said Mr MacDonald, that the Dominions should be “anxious to demonstrate that they had attained their majority”, but he added a warning that “beyond a certain point nationalism could be a disintegrating force.” This is especially the case when a country like New Zealand shows an increasing eagerness to make use of the protection offered by the British navy in war, and by trade preferences in peace, and at the same time makes a strenuous attempt to achieve a closed economy. In foreign politics New Zealand’s position is becoming noticeably ambiguous. The Dominion has lost no opportunity of opposing Britain’s foreign policy, not only in Whitehall—the proper background for criticism —but in open debate among the nations at Geneva. This would be less harmful were the Dominion in a position to give support to Britain if the British Government followed the course of action favoured by New Zealand’s Department of External Affairs, and in doing so became involved in a world conflict. But the Dominion gives only the mildest attention to defence preparations of any kind, and has adopted a programme which is clearly designed to begin and end with something less than the protection of our own shores. Nothing has been said, nothing has been done, to indicate that if war came New Zealand would—or could—take a share in the larger tasks of Empire defence. There has been no hint of collaboration with any other Dominion, even witii Australia. The Government’s viewpoint seems to be that New Zealand must take all that she can get and give as little as j possible in return. It make a

brave stand on principles when criticizing Britain’s foreign policy, but favours expediency where its own interests are concerned. If this is nationalism, then indeed it is in danger of becoming a disintegrating force. When the process of disintegration is complete it may be found that independence has become isolation. And isolation, in a world arming for the next war, is an open invitation to aggressors.