Labour and Capital.

South Canterbury Times, Issue 6246, 19 June 1890, Page 2

Labour and Capital.

j [Manchester Guardian)

In the interesting debate on Mr Bartley’s motion, Mr Bradlaugh denied that the relations between labour and capital ore more strained to-day than they were fifty years ago. Bis denial is amply justified, with a good large margin toj spare. In the autumn of 1842 a Royal Proclam ilion was issued setting forth that “in divers parts of Great Britain multitudes of lawless and disorderly people had assembled, and with force and violence had entered into mines, mills, and manufactories, and by threats and intimidation had prevented those 1 employed from following their usual occupation.’’ In the manufacturing districts strikes were universal. In the depressed condition of industry they wore bound to fall, and then came riots, which were put down by the aid of the soldiery. Special Commissions sat at Stafford, Chester, and Liverpool for the trial of those impl'eated, and many were sentenced to transportation. This was not a temporary or exceptional state of things. Ten years earlier trade unions kept many of our Lancashire towns in constant alarm. They were not, like their successors of to-day, peaceful, orderly, and holding their meetings in the presence of reporters. They met in secret conclave End meditated schemes of vengeance. The stoppage of mills and the destruction of machinery wore the order of the day. The magistrates were paralysed, and appealed for help to the Homo Office. Writing to Mr Hulton, of Hulton Park, the Home Secretary admits •thatthe state of the manufacturing districts of Lancashire is such as to afford ground for serious uneasiness and anxiety,” and regrets that at a time when the “ only safe course is to combine and unite the friends of liberty and order against their enemies there is so little prospect of being able to raise a local force which can be depended upon.” A few days later, writing to the Earl of Derby, the Home Secretary says that “ since the atrocious murder of Mr Ashton there does appear a disposition among the master manufacturers of Ashton, Stalybridge, &0., to unite and take measures for the protection of their persons and property. Things were no better in the rural districts. Branches of a national union of labourers were established in moat of the villages of the South of England. They met in public-houses, in rooms specially engaged for the purpose, and secrecy was secured by the administration of unlawful oaths Gangs of labourers, half-starving and half mad, roamed the country, breaking into ' farmhouses, smashing the threshing machines, ahd setting fire to the rickyards. A Special Commission sat at Winchester to try the rioters of four adjoining counties, and “ no fewer than 1000'individuals were brought to justice.” Similar facts might be multiplied indefinitely.