Poverty Bay Herald. PUBLISHED EVMBY EVENING GISBORNE, MONDAY, NOVEMBER 6. PURITY OF ADMINISTRATION.

Poverty Bay Herald, Volume XXVI, Issue 8664, 6 November 1899, Page 2

Poverty Bay Herald. PUBLISHED EVMBY EVENING GISBORNE, MONDAY, NOVEMBER 6. PURITY OF ADMINISTRATION.

It is clear that the principal issue of the approaching elections is to be purity of administration. All other subjects pale before it into insignificance, and rightly so, for good and honest legislation cannot be expected from a Parliament when the people and the legislators are inclined to overlook faults and errors in the Executive. Purity of administration was the rock upon which the Reid Government struck, and which a few weeks later brought the Braddon Ministry in Tasmania to grief— in both cases splendid accomplishments and liberal policies and promisas were outweighed in the balance of public judgment by acts of misfeasance that forfeited tha confidence of the people. ■ Iv New Zealand the whole conduct of the Government is being brought, under review, and " purity of administration" is the keynote of all the Opposition addreases. One of our leuding statesmen, Mr J. MacGregor, ex-M.L.C, has announced his intention of stumping the country in the interests of honest Government, and it is plain from an article he has contributed to the Otago Daily Times that he feels keenly ou tha subject. He declares that the vitiation of public sentiment during the last seven years is simply appalling. In Mr Ballance and hia immediate predocessors, Sir Harry Atkinson and Sir Robert Stout, the community saw at the head of affairs men who proved the sincerity of their patriotism by solf-saori-h'ce — meu who, although they wore, unfortunately, strong party men, always placed the interest of the couutry bofore those of the party, and who were too sincere in their devotion to tho cause of the workors to attempt to delude them with promises which could not be fulfilled, or hopes t hat could not be realised ; who woro incapable of paltering with great subjects, such as that of old age pensions, or of using thorn for electioneering and party purposot, regardless of ultimate consequences to tho welfare of the country, xo realise the difference between then and now, one has but to recall to mind how tho country, from ond to end, responded to Mr Ballance's declaration of a policy of self■elimico, non-bnrrowing, and economy, and ;o try to imngino how tho suggestion of inch a policy would bo roccivod now. Mr Sallance's successor him made such a policy mpossiblo. Instead of solf-rclianoo, wo vituess tho spoctaolo of a wliolu pooplo, ndividually nml rollectivoly, with outitrotched hands and open mouths looking or Bometliint; from the Government ; nstead of economy, wo witness extrava;ance aud reckless wasto ; instead of i ndußtry and thrift being oommendod and ( neourngerl, we see Acts of Parliament : lassed, and wo hear speechos delivered by nen claiming to be loaders of tho peoples t tiioso whole tendency is in the direction ( f discouraging thoso virtues. Instead of a j lolicy of economy, self-relianceand honesty, ' t rewitueßS thecountryalready become habi- tj tt&tsstb a policy of bribery in every shape j

and form— bribery of constituencies, bri bory of representatives, and bribery of electors. Mr MiicGregor then drawsiv comparison between the corruption practised in England at the time of Walpole, and that which he alleges is in existence at the present day. Then it consisted in tbo purchase of votes with monoy. Now electors do not receive payment iii money for their votes, but they receive appointments or promises of appointments for themselves or for some relative or friend, or perhaps a reduction (if rent, or a renewal ofuleaae, or promises of legislation to serve their personal ends. Not only lire political supporters rewarded in this way, but influential opponents are bought in the samo way ; and the appalling thing is that such a state of affairs has, in so short, a time, come to be looked upon as a matter of course. Evon " Liberals" make no attempt to deny these things ; on the contrary, they attempt to justify them by the argument that all Governments havo done the same, and so long as party govern in cut exists corruption is to somo extent inevitable. Hut it remained for a " Liberal " Government to introduce corruption w hole.iale as a part of a a > stem for securing the party in nflivc. Nut only do "Liberals" receive a preference) when vacancies liiivc to bo filled, but, upnointments — nuy, whole departments — are created or maintained largely for the purpose of providing sularica for supporters or converts to Liberalism— as, for example, the Lands Valuation and Rabbit Departments. What is ourbuasted system of co-operative works but systematic corruption of the worst and most mischievous kind? It has lost all semblance of co-operation, and stands before us as bribery and corruption of the people pure and simple. Most of our legislation takes the form of bribery for the purpose of securing the support of different sections or classes of the community ; our. vaunted labor legislation to please the trade unions, and the Advances to Settlers Act to please the farmers. And now, as if to fill the cup of infamy to overflowing, the unfortunate poor are swept into the net by means of the Old Ago Pensions Actbribery of a whole class in the name of thrift and virtue, and with a payment drawn — not from the pockets of the bribers, bnt from the enforced taxation of the community. But probably, ho goes on to say, the worst form of bribery and corruption is the b'ibery of constituencies by votes of public money for public works. Never before was this kind of bribery carried on in »o wholesale, systematic, and audacious a form as at the present moment. Sir Hurry Atkinson, in thft spirit of true patriotism, made a real effort to remove this most fertile source of the worst ovils that can afflict a community, by passing acts such as the Roads and Bridges Construction Act, having for their object the establishments of a system of carrying out local works which would make local bodies independent of annual votes from Parliament, and put a stop to the disgraceful scramble amongst members at the end of every session for votes for local works in their respective district?. Instead of carrying on Sir Harry Atkinson's policy, the present Premier not only reverted to the old bad system, but perfected it, as a means of corrupting constituencies for the purpose of securing bis own tenure of office. So successful has he been in this respect that now it has come to be regarded as a matter of course that a district which does not elect a supporter of the Government need not expect votes for roads or bridges. Of the many forms of corruption now prevalent amongst us this is perhaps the worst. It pollutes our political life at the fountain head. Another form of corruption is the placing in the hands of the member for the constituency the disposal of "billets," and even the creation of them. Every appointment to the Civil Service, or to the railways, or even as charwoman on public buildings has to be made not by the heads of departments but by Ministers acting on advice of members of the right color. After dealing at length with the policy of "spoils to the victors" as it is known and acknowledged in New Zealand, and pointing out its analogy to the American system, Mr MacGregor goes on to point out how the virus of political corruption penetrates through the whole community. Character conies to be regarded as a secondary consideration in tha election of representatives, the main idea being whether the member professes to bs able to secure a fair share of the plunder for his district and appointments for supporters. The people elect, not a representative of the country, but a sort of commission agent. Continuing, the writer says : " Having passed a Corrupt Practices Act, we imagine that our political purity is unassailable. But there is only too much reason to fear that with the rise of Seddonian 'Liberalism' we have seen the introduction of a system of bribery more baleful in its operation than the old-fashioned English form of bribery ever was. Thecostofthelatter was reckoned in money, but the cost in money of corruption of the ' Liberal ' kind is as nothing compared with the demoralising effect upon the community in lowering the tone of political morality and destroying the, sense of responsibility Bribery of the modern 'Liberal' kind differs from the old Tory form in that it costs nothing to the briber j but the cost to the community, who can estimate ? It is immeasurable, The man who goes up and down thfrcountry (and at the country's expense) making interminable speeches that appeal, not to those nobler aspirations of which most men ars more or less capable, not trying to inspire them with noble ideals, but appealing to individual and class selfishness, setting workers- against employers and capitalists, and stirring up strife and discontent, and leading the people to look to Parliament — that is, to the Government — and to ' Liberalism' for advantages which he knows quite well no legislation can give, is a public perverter, a thousand times worse than the perverter who used to go about buying votes and paying their price in cash. Compared with the various forms of 'Liberal' bribery, the direct bribe of money or beer was a harmless and even honest transaction. Instead of paying for votes out of his own poekels, the New Zealand "Liberal" buys them at the expense of the country by appointments or promises of appointments in the public service, by grants of money to local works, such as roads and bridges, or light railways, or perhaps for an esplanade at a seaside resort. Instead of paying for Bupport in cash from his own pocket, the Liberal cozens the befooled elector with promises of legislation designed to benefit him at the expense of someone else, regardless of the ultimate consequences to the country so long as he maintains himself and his party in power, and retains for another term the spoils and sweets of office for himself and his colleagues, with pickings for supporters. He reeks nothing of ultimate consequences because he knows that it is not upon him the curse of i-nsound and poisonous legislation will fall — that it is not those who scatter fire-brands that reap t lie flame. It does not concern him that the smart must be borne ; that someone must bear it as sure as God lives." The above is a strong indictment and a strong appeal to the consciences of the electors, who have now the Ministry .upon their trial. Before bringing in thoir verdict the jurors of our Sovereign Lady the Queen should take pains to hear both sides of the case, should weigh them carefully and deliberately, and endeavor to bring in a true and just and impartial verdict according to their consciences, and without fear or favor.