SOVIET RUSSIA

Otago Witness, Issue 3610, 22 May 1923, Page 17

SOVIET RUSSIA

THE BRITISH NOTE. LONDON, May 13. The Daily Mail’s Berlin correspondent reports that M. Krassin states that the Soviet will not yield to the British ultimatum. He anticipates the withdrawal of the trade mission. A SENSATIONAL STATEMENT. LONDON, May 14. A meeting of the Bed International Labour Unions, in the Memorial Hall, adopted a resolution pledging members not to make munitions or to take up the transport of arms, troops, food, and munitions, or to assist in any war against Russia, and calling on ail sections of the working classes to down tools if war with Russia eventuates. There was also a Labour demonstration in Trafalgar square against war with Russia. Mr J. T. W. Newbold, a Communist member of the House of Commons, in a fiery oration, declared that the Russians liaa promised every assistance when the British proletariat was ready to overthrow its rulers—a statement which* the chairman of demonstrations hurriedly repudiated. The meeting ended with the singing of “The Red Flag.” AGREEMENT WITH AMERICAN COMPANY. LONDON. May 13. The Russian trade delegation reports that the Soviet Government has signed an agreement with the American Exchange Corporation for the transaction of import and export operations in Russia, the Russian Trade Department to receive half of the profits. RUSSIAN REPLY. LONDON, -nay 14. The text of the Russian reply has been issued. It states: The bitter and unfounded hostility of the British Government’s memorandum was absolutely unexpected by the Soviet Government. A method of ultimatums and threats is not the method by which misunderstandings betw’een States can lie solved. Russia appreciated the fact that Great Britain was the first of the Great Powers to conclude an agreement, and the Government has always taken this into account in its relations with Britain; but the trade agreement certainly did rot benefit one side alone. No one denies the vast importance of Russian raw materials appearing on the European markets. The existing basis of agreement is not sufficient, but the British Government has avoided a business-like discussion of the questions in dispute. The Soviet Government absolutely denies that the alleged numerous challenges have been deliberately thrown down by Soviet Russia to Britain. There is no foundation for such an assertion. the Soviet regrets that the British Government did not find it possible to mention at least one case. On the contrary, the Soviet Government is ready to quote not a few cases during the last few years of real challenges by Britain, such as the questions of the Straits of Eastern Galicia, Memel, and Bessarabia. If Russia has not sent Notes protesting it is because she has not lost her hope of a general settlement. The Russian Government, however, possesses many documents demonstrating the energetic activity of British agents against the Soviet. The extracts cited by the British x-tote are «. combination of invented and falsified extracts from deciphered telegrams. The Soviet does not deny that it sent money to its representatives in Persia, and t cannot admit that the development ot an amicable connection with Eastern peoples, founded on genuine respect for their interests, is a breach of the Russo British trade agreement. If the British Government considers that such policy must be anti-British the misunderstand ings are quite comprehensible. The execution of Mr Davison and arrest of Mrs Harding took place before the British blockade ended. The Govern ment is willing to compensate Mr Davison’s family and Airs Harding if the British Government expresses the same readiness in respect to Russia citizens. The Russian Government is also willing to participate in an international conference on the problems of territorial waters, and has taken steps to release the British trawlers. The Soviet Government con siders it necessary to repudiate in categorical fashion the baseless assertions that it has persecuted any religion. Soviet justice only punishes ecclesiastics who abuse their position for political activity against the Republic. The position of the Soviet Republic has not, and cannot have, any dependence on the will of a foreign Government, but if those at the head of affairs in Great Britain recognise this fact the most important obstacle to normal and tranquil relations will be eliminated. The Soviet Republic place a high value on the present relations with Britain and seek to maintain and develop them. They fully recognise that a rupture of relations would be pregnant with new dangers, involving a threat against peace. There is no foundation for a rupture, and a satisfactory settlement could be quickly reached by a conference between the representatives of both sides. DEBATE IN THE COMMONS LONDON, May 15. In Committee of Supply on the Foreign Office vote, Mr Ramsay MacDonald moved a red notion. He initiated the debate on the Note to Russia. M. Krassin occupied a seat in the distinguished strangers’ gallery.

Mr MacDonald said : “In view of the Soviet’s reply, the Government ought to make an immediate statement regarding its future policy towards Russia. I hope that the Government will not pursue the old defeat!ve policy of the Coalition Government of opposition to Russia merely because it did not agree with Russian political opinions. It is time that we accepted Russia as a fact, without associating ourselves with Russia’s actions. Many of our grievances against her would never have arisen if we had recognised her dip iorna tically. ’ ’ Mr MacDonald said he agreed that if some of the charges made by the British Government were proved, Great Britain was fully entitled to protest, but many ol the charges had been found to be untrue. The country . could not afford to take action unless it was certain that its position was unassailable. That meant a conference, and the Government should say that it was prepared to go into the whole matter with Russia, because we wanted to settle the question once tor all. He urged the Government to use the Soviet’s reply as a basis for negotiations. The question of religious persecution required exami nation. Continuing his remarks Mr MacDonald said that he did not altogether accept tho Soviet's statement that its action had taken the form of political punishmeat, and not religious persecution, but in a time of revolution the two things were often mixed up. The mere tearing up of the trade agreement would not smooth the way for further developments, and would not keep the door open tor more sympathetic relations between the two countries. If the agreement was revoked a state of incipient war would he created. TRADE AGREEMENT VIOLATED. Mr Ronald M'Neill (Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs), in replying, deprecated all the talk about a possibility of war. The whole matter had been taken out of its proper perspective. Mr M’Neill said that everyone desired to preserve harmonious relations with all foreign nations, including Russia. The British people would not easily forget Russia’s heroic sacrifices in the war. Tho British Government did not propose to tear up the trade agreement. Its object was to see its provisions observed. 1 he sole question was whether, under the cir cumstances which had now arisen, this agreement was one that could he continued by one party when the other party persistently violated it. —(Cheers.) In any case, the most expert business opinion strongly held the view that the termination of the agreement would not harmfully affect our trade. The fact was that Russia had never observed the agreement. The stoppage of propaganda was an essential part of the agreement, and Ithough, as the result of Notes and complaints, the propaganda had slackened, it had never stopped. In the great majority of cases the propaganda complained of was derived from wireless messages. They were only a small selection out of a vast amount of evidence in the Government's possession, showing that nropaganda had been persistently carried on. Up to the present the British Government had acted with extraordinary patience in the matter. There were no fewer than 116 cases of British subjects wrongfully imprisoned by the Russian Government. borne ol these people had died owing to prison privations. Despite the British i\ote the Soviet Government had refused to meet these cases. With regard to travellers some satisfaction was offered, but no sug gestion of compensation was mentioned. The Government could not accept the position that the invasion of our rights could be met by an international conference. Altogether the reply was entirely un satisfactory, and contained no sort of assurance for the future. The British Government had negotiated till it was sick of negotiations. It was ready to dis cuss matters with M. Krassin, but it would not be satisfied with anything less than compliance with its demands.—(Cheers.) CONFERENCE DECISION APPROVED. Mr Lloyd George expressed satisfaction at Mr M'Neill’s announcement that ne was willing to meet M. Krassin. A quarrel between Britain and Russia would le a calamity so great that every restraint should be exercised before a decision was reached. It would be a fundamental error to discuss Russia in terms of Vv es tern civilisation. Russia was practically where France stood in her pro-revolu tionary days. An essential preliminary to the stoppage of propaganda m the East was the re-establishment of some sort of Anglo-Russian understanding on foreign policy. There was really no difference between Czarist and Bolshevist Russia. M. Tchit clierin was not a revolutionary in the ordinary sense of the word. lie was as great an aristocrat as Lord Curzon.— (J>aughter.) It was the same old Russia we were up against. They ought not to make the mistake of thinking it was just Bolshevism. Gradually the Bolshevists would develop into the old Russian Imperialists. He begged the Government now that it had agreed to a conference to take the fullest advantage of the conference and to think of the condition of the world. It was very grave—north south, east, and west, and it was not a world to drop matches in. The word ultimatum had a nasty sound and it had led to a catastrophe in 1914. Ho hoped it was not going to be used again. Get them forgo some of their prejudices—even some of their righteous wrath. A revolutionary country armed was a terrible weapon. Ho appealed to the Government to enter the conference with a full knowledge of what the dangers were and with a wish to see peace established with Russia. Mr Asquith said he associated himself

emphatically with every word uttered by Mr Lloyd George. The Soviets be haviour had been as reprehensible as it had been foolish, but, overwhelming as was the case against the Soviet in matters of detail, he questioned the wis dom of cutting the only cord of communication between the two countries. The House would be relieved to hear that the Government was prepared to examine the questions seriatim with M. Krassin in a sincere desire to reach an understanding. COMMUNIST MEMBER SUSPENDED. Sir Philip Lloyd-Graeme, in replying to the debate, sharply criticised the Russian propaganda methods. Mr J. T. \V. Newbold (Communist) jumped up excitedly and cried; “The honourable member is telling a falsehood. Then turning to Captain Fitzroy (Chairman of Committee) he said: “ You have allowed charges to be made against me all the evening without giving me a chance to reply.” Captain Fitzroy; That is not a parliamentary expression. I must ask the honourable member to withdraw from the House. Several Labour members appealed to the chairman to give Mr Newbold a chance of withdrawing the expression, but the chairman again asked Mr Newßoifl to leave the House. Mr Newbold declined and the Se-rgeant-at-Anns was called in. Mr Newbold shouted : “I am here m the name of the Communist Internationale. Take any steps you like." The Labour uproar continued, the Speaker attempting to stop the commotion. Mr G. Buchanan shouted ; “It is most unfair of you not to give us a show." Mr G. Lansbury cried: ‘Mr Newbold is being treated brutally.” Mr MacDonald appealed to the Speaker to give Mr Newbold a chance of withdrawing. The Speaker: Perhaps if the honourable member withdraws the expression the House will make a.n exception in this case.—(Loud and continued cries of “No from the Government benches.) Mr Newbold tried to make an explana tion, but was unable to proceed. The Speaker then ruled that if any member objected lie must proceed under the Standing Orders, but perhaps the House would later take into account the fact that the member had not been given a chance of withdrawing. The Speaker, amidst further Labour in terruptions. -put the motion from the chair that Mr Newbold be suspended from the service of the House, and this was carried by 300 votes to 88. Mr Newbold said that out of respect for the Speaker he would leave, and ne withdrew amidst loud Labour cheers. The House then adjourned. M. KRASSIN’S WIDE POWERS. LONDON, May 16. It is understood that political circles favourably regard the Russian reply. The general opinion is that the Government is willing to afford facilities for a con ference with M. Krassin, who has arrived and is awaiting the British Government s intentions. He has absolute flower to negotiate within the scope of the Soviet's reply. May 16. M. Krassin, after tho debate, said he had asked Lord Curzon to meet him. ‘lt ought to be possible for us to reach an

understanding,” he said. “Russia wants to do business with Britain on a vastly increasing scale.” BRITISH CABINET’S REPLY. LONDON, May 15. Cabinet will consider the details of the Soviet’s reply this evening. it is underi stood that the reply is couched in a cour teous tone, and is unexpectedly conciliatory in many respects, although it ret gards the statements about British pro paganda as Living been based on inaccurate information. RUSSIA’S GOOD FAITH. LONDON, May 16. M. Litvinoff (a member of toe Russian delegation in London), in replying to Mr Ramsav MacDonald in connection with , the Labourite’s protest, states that the decision to release the trawlers was evi deuce of Russia’s desire to settle her dff ferences with Britain in a conciliatory manner. TIKHON’S FATE SEALED. STOCKHOLM, May 15. 1 The Tidende’s Aloscow correspondent says: “I fear that M. Vorowsky's assas sination strengthens the Extreme Left’s positions and definitely seals the Patriarch . jLikhons fate.’’ A VEILED THREAT. LONDON, May 16. ■ M. Krassin, in addressimr British journalists, said that he considered the breaking of tile trade agreement would be a venturesome thing. It would possibly re suit in war. It would not mean the downfall of the Soviet, but rather it would leave them free to carry on hostile propaganda. He denied that any money had been sent to England fur propagandist purposes. M. TCHITCHERIN AGGRESSIVE. - MOSCOW, May 16. M. Tchitoherin, referring to the demonstration against the British ultimatum, characterised the demand for the recall of the Russian representatives and for a.n apology for their alleged activities as a piece of unprecedented insolence. PENETRATION IN INDIA. DELHI, May 16. An Indian Bolshevist agent was arrested at Cawnpore. He is being taken to Peshawur for trial on a charge of conspiracy. Original Bolshevist documents were discovered in his house, giving instructions how' to proceed with organising and engaging in propaganda. Tlie authorities also arrested Soviet agents, chiefly Punjabis, who are trying to make way into India. These are also to bo tried en bloc. They were trained in the Bolshevist propaganda school at Moscow, and were then despatched overland to India to carry out the Bolshevist p.aus. QUESTIONS IN THE COMMONS. LONDON, May 17. In the House of Commons, Mr R. M‘Neill (Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs) said that in regard to Russia he had already promised to extend the time limit mentioned in his Note to enable M. Krassin to communicate with his Government if he desired to do so. Beyond that promise he could not go. The position was that after M. Krassin had seen Lord Curzon he would have the opportunity

of asking his Government whether tl W'ould accept Great Britain’s terms. No undertaking could be given that the Note would not bo put in operation during the recess.

Mr Ramsay MacDonald protested that the impression gained from Tuesday’s debate was tliat before there was a definite rupture the matter would again be submitted to the House. Mr Stanley Baldwin .Chancellor of the Exchequer) replica that the Executive must have a free hand. It could not be hindered in its action merely because the House was not sitting. Mr Wed gewood Benn also asked for an assurance that there would be no rupture with Russia before the reassembly of Parliament after the Whitsuntide recess. Mr Bald win said that he could not give such an assurance. A CONFERENCE. LONDON, May 17. M. Krassin conferred with Lord Curzon at the Foreign Office to-day. Lord Curzon and M. Krassin agreed not to make public declarations regarding their conferences unless they issue a communique which has been mutually agreed upon. There will be no further meeting until next week. It is understood that M. Krassin is communicating with Moscow as t-o the state of the negotiations. AMERICAN PROPERTY SEIZED. WASHINGTON, May 18. Tlie State Department has been informed that the Soviet seized 200,000 dollars’ worth of property belonging to American companies at Vladivostock when the American Consulate was closed on April 27. The British, French, and Italian Consuls also left, the Japanese and Chinese being the only Consuls remaining. GRAND DUKE NICHOLAS MOVING. PARIS, May 18. • The Matin’s Belgrade correspondent reports that the Russian Grand Duke Nicholas and other Czarist generals are expected shortly to confer with General Wrmiic! regar'B’i-/ the possible organisation of an anti-Bolshevist movement and the creation of a Russian national assemwy-