THE ENTENTE PEACE AIMS.

Otago Witness, Issue 3331, 16 January 1918, Page 21

THE ENTENTE PEACE AIMS.

PRESIDENT WILSON'S MESSAGE TO CONGRESS.

MR LLOYD GEORGE'S- VIEWS SUPPORTED.

President Wilson delivered the following message to Congress : Once more, as repeatedly before, the spokesman of the Central Empires indicated a desire to discuss the objects of the war and the possible basis of a- general peace. Parleys have been in progress at Brest-Litovsk between "representatives of the Central Powers and Russia, to which the attention of all belligerents was invited for the purpose of ascertaining whether it was possible to extend thd parleys into a general conference with regard to terms peace and a settlement. The Russian representatives presented not only a perfectly definite statement of the principles upon whioh they were willing W Conclude peace, but also an equally definite programme for the concrete application of those principles. The representatives of the Central Powers presented the outline of a settlement which, if much les3 definite, seemed susceptible of liberal interpretation their specific proframme of practical terms was added, hat prpgramme px'oposed ho concessions either to the sovereignty of Russia or preference of the populations with whose for* tunes it dealt, lout meant that the Central Empires were to keep every foot of territory which their armed fore© occupied—every province, every city, eVery point of vantage —as a permanent addition to their territories and power. It is reasonable to conjecture that-the Central principles of the settlement which they first suggested originated with the more liberal statesmen of Germany and Austria —men who have begun to feel the forces of their own people s thought an<s purpose, while the concrete terms of actual settlement came from military leaders, who had no thought but to keep what they had got. ,Tha negotiations have been broken off. The Russian representatives were sincere and in earnest, but they cannot entertain such proposals of conquest and domination. The whole incident is full of significance, and also full of perplexity. With whom are the Russian representatives dealing? For-whom are the representatives of the Central Empires speaking? Are they speaking for the majorities of their respective Parliaments, or the minority parties t The military leaders are the Imperialistic minority which has so far dominated their whole policy and controlled the affairs of Turkey and / the Balkan States, which" felt obliged to become their associates in this war.

The Russian representatives insisted very justly and very wisely, in the spirit of modern democracy, that the conferences they have been holding with the Teutonic and Turkish statesmen should be within open and not closed doors, and all the world has been the audience, as was designed. To whom have we been ing—to those who speak in the spirit and with the.intention of the resolutions of the German Reichstag of July 9 last, the true spirit and intention of Liberal leaders and parties of Germany, or to those who resist and defy that spirit and intention and insist upon conquest and subjugation? Or are we listening, in fact, to both parties, unreconciled and in open and hopeless contradictions? These are very serious and pregnant questions, and upon the answer to them depends the peace of the world. But, whatever the results of the parleys at Brest-Li to vsk, whatever the conclusions of the counsel and the purpose in the utterances of the spokesman of the Central Empires, they have again attempted, to acquaint the world with their objects in the war; they have again challenged their adversaries to say what their objects are, and what sort of settlement they deeni just and satisfactory. There is no good reason why that challenge should not be responded to with the utmost candour. We did not wait for it. Not once, but again and again, we have laid our whole thought and purpose before the- world, not ip. general terms only, but each time with sufficient definition, to make clear what sort of definitive terms of settlement must necessarily spring out of them. Within the last week Mr Lloyd George has spoken with admirable candour of spirit for the people and Government of Britain. There is

NO CONFUSION OF COUNSEL among the adversaries of the Central Powers, no uncertainty of principle, tib vagueness of detail. The only secrecy of counsel, the only lack of fearless frankness, the only failure to make a definite statement of the objects of the war lies with Germany and her allies. The issues of life and death hang upon these definitions. No statesman who has the least conception of his responsibility ought for a moment to permit himself to continue this tragical outpouring of blood and treasure, unless he is sure beyond peracjventure that th£ objects of this vital sacrifice are part and parcel of„the very life of society, and that the people for wnom he speaks think them as right and as imperative as he does. There is, moreover, a voice calling for these definition's of" principle and purpose, which seems to rne more thrilling and more compelling than any of the many moving voices with wnicl} all the troubled world is filled—namely, the voice of the Hussion people. They are

PROSTRATE AND ALL BUT HOPELESS before the grim power of Germany, yet their soul is not subservient. They will not yield, either in principle or action, their* conception of what is right, of what is human and honourable for them to accept. It has been stated with a frankness, largeness; of view, generosity of spirit, and universal human sympathy which must challenge, the admiration of every friend of mankind. They refused to compound their ideas or desert others that they themselves might bo safe. They call to us

to say what we desire, in what our purpose and spirit differ from theirs, and I believe the people of the United States would wish me to respond with utter simplicity and frankness. Whether their present leaders believe it or not, it is our heartfelt desire and hope that some way may be opened whereby we may be privileged to assist the people of Russia to attain their utmost hope of liberty and ordered peace, It will be our wish and purpose that the process of peace, when begun, shall be absolutely open, and to permit henceforth no secret understandings of any kind. The day of conquest and aggrandisement is gone, also the day of secret covenants entered into in the interest of particular governments, likely at some unlooked-for moment to upset "the peace of the world. We entered this war because ,

VIOLATIONS OF RIGHTS occurred which touched us to the quick, and made the life of our own people impossible unless, they were corrected and the World secured once for all against their recurrence. What we demand in this war, therefore, is nothing peculiar to ourselves. It is that the world be made fit and safe to live in j particularly, that it be made safe for every peace-loving nation which, like our own, wishes to live its own life and .determine its own institutions. Assured of iustiqe and fair dealing by the other peoples of the world against the agents of force and selfish aggression, all the, peoples of the world will }n effect be partners in this interest: ami, for our own fiari, we see yery clearly that unless jusice is done to others It will not be done to us. The programme of

THE WORLD'S PEACE, therefore, is our programme. That programme is the only possible programme. As we see it { there must* b& jPP&n covenants of peace openly at, after which there shall be no private international understandings of any kind, but diplomacy shall proceed always frankly in the public view. There must be absolute freedom of navigation, in the seas outside and in territorial waters, alike in peace and war, except as tl}e seas may be Closed in whole or part by international action for the enforcement of international covenants. There must be a removal as far as possible of all economic barriers ana the establishment of equality of trade conditions among all nations consenting to peace and associating themselves for its maintenance.

Adeqxiate guarantees must be given and taken that national armaments shall be reduced to the lowest point consistent with domestic safety. There must be a free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims, based upon the strict observance, of the principle that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims of the Government whose litle is to be determined. There must be evacuation by the Central Powers of all Russian territory, and such a settlement of all questions affecting Russia as will secure the BEST AND FREEST COOPERATION of the other nations of the world in obtaining for her an unhampered and unembarrassed opportunity for the independent determination of her own political development and national policy, and assure her a sincere welcome into the society of free nations under institutions of her own choosing. Russia should, also be given assistance of every kind that she may need The treatment accorded to Russia by her sister nations in the months Jo com 6 will be the acid test of their good-will and their comprehension of her needs as distinguished from their own interests.

REPARATION FOR WRONGS. Belgium, the whole world will agree, must l?e evacuated, and restored, without any attempt to limit the sovereignty which she_ enjoys in common with all other fre4 nations. No other single act will serve as will this to restore confidence among the nations in the laws which they themselves set and determined for governing their relations with one another. With* Out this healing act the whole structure and validity of international law will forever be impaired. All French territory should be freed, and the invaded; portions restored, The wrong done to France by Prussia in 1871 in Alsace-Lorraine, which has unsettled the peace of the world for nearly 5Q years, should be righted, in order that peace may once more be made seoure. a.the interests of all, a Readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be effected along clearly recognisable lines of nationality, The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the nations we wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be accorded the freest opportunity for autonomous development. Rumania, Serbia, and Montenegro should be evacuated, and the occupied territories restored. Serbia should be accorded free and secufe access to the sea, and the relations of the several Balkaii States determined by friendly counsel along the historically-established lines of allegiance and nationality; and international guarantees of the political and economic independence and territorial integrity of the several Balkan States should be entered into.

The Turkish portions of the present Ottoman > Empire should be assured of secure sovereignty, but other nationalities now under Turkish rule should be assured of undoubted security of life and of absolutely unmolested opportunity for autonomous development. The Dardanelles should be permanently opened as a free passage for ships of commerce to all nations under international guarantees. An independent/Polish State should be erected, which would include the territories inhabited by indisputably Polish populations, who should be assured of free and secure access to sea, and whose political and economic independence and

territorial integrity should be guaranteed by international covenant.

A general association of nations must be formed, under specific covenants, for the purposes of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small States alike. In regard to these essential rectifications of wrong and assertions of right, we feel ourselves to be the intimate partners of all the Governments and peoples associated together against imperialists. We cannot be separated in interests or divided.in purpose. We STAND TOGETHER UNTIL THE END. For such arrangements; and covenants we are willing to right, and "will continue to fight, until they are achieved, but only because we wish Right to prevail, and desire a just and stable peace, such as can be secured only by removing the chief provocations to war, which this programme does secure. We have no jealousy of German greatness. There is nothing in this pro-, gramme that impairs it. We grudge her no achievement or distinction of learning or pacific enterprise, such as has made her record very bright and enviable. We do not wish to injure her or to block in any way her legitimate influence or power. We do not wish to fight her, either with arms or with hostile arrangements of trade. If she is willing to associate herself with us and other peace-loving nations of the world in covenants of Justice, law, and fair dealings, we wish her only to accept A PLACE OF EQUALITY among the people of the world—the new world in which we now live—instead of a place of mastery. Neither do we presume to suggest to her any alteration or modification of her institutions; but it is necessary that we must frankly say—and it is necessary as a preliminary to intelligent dealing with her on our part—that we should know for whom her spokesmen speak, and when they speak to us whether it is for the Reichstag majority or for the military party and the men whose creed is imperial domination.

We have spoken now in terms too concrete _to admit .01 any further doubt or question. An evident principle runs through the whole programme. We have outlined the principle of

JUSTICE TO ALL PEOPLES and nationalities, theiij right to live on equal terms of liberty and Safety with one another, whether they he strong or weak. Unless this principle* is made ' its foundation, no part of the struggle for international justice can stand. The people of the United States could act on no other principle, and to vindicate this principle they are ready to devote their lives, their honour, and everything they possess. The moral climax of this, the culminating, final war for human liberty, has come, and they are ready to put their own strength, their own highest purposes, their own integrity and devotion, to the test. AMERICAN OPINION. Congressmen and officials, agree, that the main purpose of the President's Message is to bind Russia to the Allies. America's sympathy for Russia may turn the balance in the Allies' favour. ' . Mr Gerard, ex-Ambassador at Berlin, describes it as the greatest document that President Wilson hg§ produced, and says it should have a marked effect on tine people generally, and force the German Government to reply. Mr Penfield, ex-Ambassador at Vienna, says the speech will win many waverers in Austria. The New York Times commends the speech as a masterly attempt, but emphasises that the first condition of peace must be the downfall of Prussian militarism. It remarks that Mr Lloyd George's statement, regarding Alsace was inadequate, and President Wilson supplies the deficiency. Alsace must be returned to France. The paper adds : "Now thac our war aims have been stated, let us combine all our resources for fighting the Germans." The New York Tribune says: "The President's Message is beyond praise. It is a second Emancipation' declaration, and represents the aims of a hundred million people. To-day, as never before, the entire nation marches with the President." The New York World says : ''lt is an invitation to the Reichstag to assert its power. It voices the Allies' views after a conference by cable. President Wilson wisely refused to abandon the Russian people to German intrigue." The New York Herald declares ! " The Russian people must understand the Message. It will test the sincerity of Trotsky arid Lenin. Now is a unique opportunity for the German Socialists to deal with the Junkers." There is a consensus of opinion in Washington that President Wilson has not paved the way for peace. It is believed that his speech is an ultimatum, and that Germany's rejeotion of it means a fight to a finish, and that America has said her last word. It has been authoritatively learned that Mr Wilson's reference to free trade was not intended to impose the free trade doctrine, hut to advocate equal treatment of all nations. LABOUR VIEWS. The British Labour Party has issued a manifesto siipporting President Wilson's programme, which is essentially similar to the British Labour programme, believing that if it reaches the Central Powers peoples it will invigorate a popular movement for peace. FRENCH WAR AIMS. M. Pichon, speaking in the Chamber of Deputies, said the French Government was in complete accord with the Allies regarding the war aims and in endorsing Mr Lloyd George's and President Wilson's views. It had refused all passports to Petrograd because it considered it was part of Germany's game to draw 'the French Socialists to the side of the Maximalists with a view to causing confusion and dissension. ML Pichori

summed up tljo French war ajms as follows;—(1) Respect for treaties j (2) territorial settlement o"n ' the basis of national rights; (3) limitation of armaments. He added that a can only bo established effectively after victory. France wants the restoration of Alsace and Lorraine without a plebiscite. The Chamber expressed confidence in the Government by 397 votes to 145. ITALIAN OPINION. The Osservatore Romano (Rome), in an inspired article, points out the fundamental agreement of President Wilson's speech with the Pope's peace appeal. The paper declares that the road to an early peace is open, and implies that the responsibility for peace now rests with the German people. The Rome correspondent of the United Press says: It is believed that the attention of the Austrian Emperor was called to President Wilson's speech by the Vatican suggesting that he should endeavour to induce the Kaiser to consider terms. GERMAN COMMENT. President Wilson's Message has been either mutilated or suppressed in many of the German newspapers. The Cologne Volks Zeitung says : "In the interests of our readers, we do no,t give a full report of that bloated individual whose Message contains impertinent insinuations which possess not the slightest value. The speech shows President Wilson posing as a world judge, to whose decisions. every living creature is supposed t& bow.'' The entire Germani comment indicates that the Central Powers are suffering from swelled head, which ds greater because of the prospect of a separate peace with Russia. The German High Command' is determined to make one more appeal to the god of battles, believing that it will succeed; but in the event of failure conditions will not be much worse than now. The German press unanimously condemns Mr Wilson's speech. The North German Gazette eays: Mr Wilson's 14 points are not a programme for a world peace, but a provocation to endless wars. The Taglische Rundschau reproaches Mr Wilson for fanning the flames of Germany's internal differences, tipon which he bases his hopes of an early, peace. The Vossiche Zeitung says of the speech, is is nothing but a well-sounding appendix to Mr Lloyd George's speech. MR LLOYD GEORGE'S SPEECH. VARIOUS OPINIONS. The New York newspapers state that Mr' Lloyd George has outlined the Allies' aims, and the Central Powers must make the next move. The Allies will fight for years rather than sacrifice the principles set forth. Meanwhile, the Allies and America must intensify their plans for a most vigorous prosecution of the war. The Italian press applauds Mr Lloyd Qeorge's\ speech, which the papers consider, demonstrates the- loyalty and value of Great Britain to the Alliel. Dutch comment on Mr Lloyd George's speech reveals disappointment at the destruction of all hope of the Entente Powers participating in peace negotiations at present. The says: The peace the Entente Powers want is a peace satisfying everybody except those wishing to enrich themselves at the expense of other nationalities. The Vossische Zeitung describes Mr Lloyd George's speech as the first tangible British peace offer, but peace at the expense of Germany's allies. The" return of the German colonies in exchange for strengthening the British position in Asia is not acceptable. The Poelnlsche Zeitung says Mr Lloyd George's tone ha 3 cfianged, but the old Imperialistic aims are wholly maintained. The Lokal Anzeiger considers that the old desire.to smash Germany for ever is still apparent. The answer will be given by submarines and by the German troops on the west iront.

Mr Lloyd George's speech has been translated into German, in readiness to be scattered) by aeroplanes in German territory.

The Daily Chronicle Haparanda correspondent states that it is announced in Petrograd that Britain has fixed her peace terms, which will be published in a few days. It is reported thaji Britain is ready to conclude peace on condition that she retains the right to continue the blockade of the Central Empires until peace is concluded and the German army demobilised. It is understood that the Austro-Ger-man delegates at Brest-Litovsk disclosed facts showing that the Central Powers and the Allies wera secretly negotiating. The Germans told the Russians that the Allies proposed, after peace, that Germans should take over the economic domination of Russia.

'A wireless message from the Hungarian Official Agency says that Mr Lloyd George's peace conditions are regarded Jn political circles as altogether unacceptable, They dp not offer even approximately abasis for negotiations, being terms which only a -victor could offer to a completely defeated i enemy. The Central Powers now understand exactly what they can expect from Great Britain and her allies. The Vienna, censor has prevented the, publication of a full report of the Czechs' Conference at Prague, which was antagonistic to Count Czernm's Interpretation of the rights of nationalities.