NATIONAL SERVICE

Otago Daily Times, Issue 16538, 11 November 1915, Page 6

NATIONAL SERVICE

TO THE EDITOR. Sib, —The other day an Upper Clutha gentleman, signing himself "One Who, Like Yoiuself, Has a Boy At the Front," wrote to compliment me upon my presentment of the case for service, and to state that, whilst ho, a vvoiking man, had given his son to the Empire, he knew of a great number of voung single men, owners of Government lands, who had not only not gone, but were not materially assisting the national cause in other ways. Ho askoo, " Why should my boy have to fight for these shirkers?"_ Unfortunately he omitted to give mo his name, which I now ask him to do in confidence. I. however, considered the informaion of sufficient importance to verify, and I have done so, and found it correct; and it is typical of other districts. I enclose herewith for your private information the names of the men concerned. In verifying my facts I ascertained that in one case a settler has three grownup sons, two of whom wanted to volunteer, but were prevented by their parents from doing so. I heard of another case, which, however, I have not verified, in which a father in a wealthy position threatened to disinherit a patriotic son who wanted •to offer his services. Personally, I admit that I am so thoroughly roused when I think of myself as one of thousands of parents whose sons line the battlefield, and then look round and see young single men dallying here, that I almost feel inclined to publish a list of their names for public reprobation. In any case, they make the necessity for conscription absolute. I admit that some of them may have the excuse to offer that it. means ruin to leave, although I think in not too few cases that is very considerably over-emphasised. But that excuse docs not apply all round. I personally know men in the list I submit who are particularly well to do. For these men there is no scmblance of excuse. Conscription would put the man who had a good excuse out of the ranks of the shirker, and bring the man who had no cxcuse within the ranks of the men who are doing their duty.

We have no right in the face of this crisis to hesitate or sit suckiner our thumbs until the Imperial Government acts. The Imperial Government has to be decidedly cautious in view of the fact that the worker at Home has not yet seen through the shibboleth and recognised the fact, and if they can scrape through without compulsion expediency makes that action necessary. Out here the position is entirely different. The worker realises that under conscription—including that of wealth—he and his sons would get a square deal. Ho is prepared to stand behind a Government which has the pluck to give another lesson to the Empire. What is wanted is a statesman who will boldly lead. We want no Constantine on the throne ir New Zealand, but a Venizelos bold caougli to lead the people in a reform for which our bleeding sons on Gallipoli are calling, and for which 90 per cent, of our population are anxiously looking. We are not whining because our boys are bleeding on the battle fronts of the great war. Not a man of us, though our hearts, are torn, but is proud of them; but just as we are proud of them, so is our duty imperative to get backing for those boys, and the father who is too thin-skinned to point the finger of scorn at the shirker, for whom his Boy is shedding his blood, would; be unworthy of the trust his parenthood involves. The world has probably never known a stauncher democrat than Abraham Lincoln. Yet in his country's crisis he did not hesitate boldly to attach to the system of voluntaryism the_ compulsory tag of conscription. He did not whine and plead. He simply said in effect to each district: "Ytm. must send so many men to my army, and if you fail I will fetch them." The actual introduction of the compulsory tag made compulsion itself almost unnecessary. Very few men in New Zealand today would risk the odiurn of being " fetched." But I can to-d<ty point out in this district young, able-bodied men who can be seen at the giddy dance whirling the girls in a circle of jollity, as if there was not even a cloud on the horizon; whilst in the 7th Reinforcements one boy, only 17, went to the front, and many —my own included—were under 20. The first local boy who died was only 19 when killed, and was only 18 when he volunteered. These are facts a sane people should face, undeterred by old shibboleths anjl phantasies clothed in twaddle. —I am, etc., J. * J. Ramsay. Alexandra, November 10. Sib, —I do not wish to be personal, but recent utterances on the subject of conscription deserve comment. We are told wo should not adopt conscription because we are "up against" an autocratic military despotism in Germany, the worst foe humanity has been ever up against. "Let us defeat it if we can by_ the voluntary system." Mark the words "if we can." If wo cannot, when all our best men are killed, let us fall back on the weeds left, and then adopt conscription. Why should we delay? The State has decided that we must defend ourselves against this " military despotism." Then what are the most politic steps the State should take? The State has single men "without encumbrance." and married men on whom wives and families are dependent. If the State send single men, and they happen to die, her responsibility ends; if she sends married men, and they die, the State must maintain their wives arid children. God forbid that I should ever entertain a thought which is not one of love, esteem, and regard for the bravo men who offer their lives as a sacrifice at the altar of liberties of their country. The dearest gift to heaven Is the last libation liberty draws From hearts that bleed and break 'n her cause.

I regard the men who offer their lives as a sacrifice at the altar of liberty as greater than the Governor, Mr Maesey, or any stay-at-home man in iNiew Zealand, but I must be permitted to say that, for tho public good, single men must make the first sacrifico. The single man should go; the married men should remain to maintain their wives and children. This selection can only bo made under a conscriptive law. The word comes from conscript)," which means enrolled in the days of Romulus in ancient Rome, and it was on its enforcement that that great Roman Empire was founded. I am not writing history, but let me tell tho6e who say conscription moans slavery, that slaves were never fighting men. The fighting men were always freemen. We have no slaves now; but we have Socialists, Democrats, and Radicals. What aro the ideals of these? Is not their creed that all should work in the interest of all? That implies all should fight for the defence of all, and therefore conscription must be the quintessence of socialism, democracy, and radicalism.

Labour says, " I have nothing to defend; let the rich defend their riches." I say, " The poorer you are the greater is your interest in defending the country." No man can have greater riches than life and liberty. If the Germans took New Zealand to-morrow, a man worth £50,000 could buy his- liberty, with, say, £5000 or £10,000, and then bccorne a German subject, or go to America. The poor man could not do this; he would have to remain a German slave to bo kicked like a dog or shot .like a rabbit. Who, therefore, has the greatest interest in maintaining the freedom of this country? Are working men going to .bo led by prattling, brainless gasbags whom they p'av to mislead them? We are told New Zealand cannot cdont conscription _ unless, it is adopted bv the ■whole Empire,. New Zealand was first in the Boer war; first in the present war; first to seize a German possession (Samoa) ; among the first to land in Gallipoli; first to present a batt.lcsllip to the British navy; let us be first to adopt conscription, and let weaklings to mumble over the rirlits and wrongs of it I have a right. to speak. I am the first man in New Zealand to advocate presenting a battleship to the navy; in my first speech on the first day I became a member of the Leginlative Council on the 28th of .Tune. IR9B (see Hansard 1 . Ten years before I advocMed the same thing, so that for 20 years T advocated giving a battVshin to the jiitv hefm-e the bnttlrship N<nv Zealand was given. We are nil prowl of having given tint ship; have I not_ a right to be henrd who giving it for 20 years before it was given?

I fool certain the people of 'Otago will treat what I say witn respect. Nearly SO years ugo, the Protection League of Otago reprinted and circulated for electioneering purposes 20,000 copies of my election address on Industrial Development. The people of Otago thus conferred on me an honour never before, nor since, conferred on nny politican. I have reason to believe that that address was largely quoted throughout the country, and that it exercised wide influence. At any rate, shortly afterwards, a policy of protection was adopted, and from that day dates the prosperity of the country. I may refer to this again, but my present advice to tho people of Otago is, be tho first to form an association to promote conscription, and let New Zealand once more lead tho whole Empire. Put the economic view of it aside and look on it as a matter of justice. Brown, Jones, and Robinson have six sons each ; Brown's six sons volunteer, tho others stay at homo. Under conscription two of each family would bo taken, and I think that is fairer and more just than that one family should bo wiped out altogether. I have advocated conscription for the last 12 months, so in thi\; respect I think I shall be first also.—l am, etc., Temuka, November 9. J. M. Twomey.

Sir,—ls it not "time to do away with such terms ns "conscription" and "compulsory service" when considering our national duty with respect to tho war, and to substitute for these terms that name of " national service" so long and so wisely given to this matter by the Spectator? "Conscription." " compulsory service"—the very names " put up the back " of many of us—but, call it by its true name of "national service," and many a young and old man will see more clearly where duty lies. National service for a national clanger, say I—it is good logic._ sound sense, the only thing possible and right. As Mr Lloyd George in his preface to his war speeches says: "If the nation hositstrs, when the need is clear, to take the necessary steps to call forth its manhood to defend honour and existence .... then I can see no hope." He spoke thus primarily with reference to industrial organisation for war purposes; the words are true equally in thnr relation to the furnishing of men in this conflict.—T am. etc., Grace Fox. November 11.