IMPERIAL UNIT?

Otago Daily Times, Issue 13995, 30 August 1907, Page 3

IMPERIAL UNIT?

PROFESSOR STEPHEN LEACOOK'S LECTURE. AN IMPRESSIVE AND TBLHNG ADDRESS.

To a good audience at the Garrieon Holl last evening Professor Lcacock (Professor of Political Science at M'Gill Montreal) lectured on "Imperial Unity," under tho auspices of (ho Otago Branch of tho Navy League. In tho unavoidable alisenoo of the president (his Honor Mr Justice Williams), Mr George Fenwick occupied the chair, and there, were also associated with him on the platform-His Worship the Mayor (Mr .1. Louden), the Hon. T. Fergus, Massis T. K. Harty, AV. A. Moore, F. 0. Bridgeman, .T. H. Hosking, W. J. Morrell, M.A., P. R. Prydc, and J. Maoandrcw. The lecturer's romarts extonded over about an hour and α-quartcr, during -nrhich time, it is needless to say, ho held the olosest attention of his audience. Tho address was that ot a, student and a. (scholar, logical and powerful, and delivered with an easy fluency that reached all over tho hall with tho utmost rase.

Die Chairman read apologies from the president, Mr .Tames Allen, M.H.E., Inspector Goycn, Messrs Peter Ban, J'. V. Woodhouse, (i. R. Ritchie, B. L. Denniston, Sinclair Thomson, ami R. Chisholm. Ho eaid tho ] league had gladly accepted the eponsorship of Iho lecturer, who came to them with the status of a high position in tho educational world of Canada. Ho came, further, as a public miin who had studied, and ably studied, many of the greater publio questions of the hour. He came, also, as a talented lecturer who had devoted himself to a consideration of the many phases of t.hafc momentous, question whioh they know as the'unity of the Empire. Professor Leacock, who was received with applause on rising to speak, said it was a vory great pleasure to him to have tho privilege of addressing so distinguished and representative an audience in this city. But ho came among them with no email trepidation and not a- little apprehension, for he bad learned tho reputation of this city beforo he carno here. He was here in what was known as llio Edinburgh of New Zealand. This city wae known for the strenuous Tightness of its thought and intellectual calibre, and ho liqd to reach tho level of his audience. Ho was to addrees.rhcm on ■tho subject of Imperial unity, whioh was becoming moro and a matter io{ earnest consideration \n all jiarts of the Empire, He would try to fake a broad and general view of the subject, and avoid, if possible, matters of a controvorein) character, and would- keep upon a safe pathway upon which they wero all agreed—a general desire that tho Empire eltould bo united aa one. Ho would say nothing about the tariff, and, if possible, would refrain from mentioning Chamberlain. Tho century upon which wo wero ontored was obviously destined to witness a very great change ami forward progress in tho status of tho greater British colonies, for we wero witnessing now a phenomenon which was unparalleled in tho history of the nation's advance, They saw in overy part of the globe that theso colonies v/ero becoming preat in a. way undreamed of, and becoming inspired by a j:ew feeling of restlessness—a feeling that would not allow the colonies to remain in a secondary position. When they glanced at the colonial system they found it widely different in its parte, and separated into unit* under different Governments. Coneider the peculiar position of Cyprus, which wae a territory very few could correctly describe. Another territory was Wai-hoi-wai, and when they came to consider Egypt, which was ours and not ours, they found an international status that defied classification. But when they paesed from theso and came to a higher level, they found certain pa-rtß of the Empire eight 6elfgoverned countries which presented a uniform aspect, and the status of whioh was similar. They found four of these in South Africa, grouped together after a fashion which might bo oalled Continental, which indicated the relation they were to play in the organisation of the future political world. Ho was aware Acre was , a differenco of climato and social characteristics separating their people, but thero wero certain common interests indicating a certain political union. These four colonies and Bhodesia would become federated into a consolidated empire. He also referred to' the Dominion of Canada and Newfoundland ai tho British North American group, and to Australasia, which included Now Zealand. In this connection, ho drew attention to how entirely tho situation in tho Pacific had changed, and how the ideas nnd responsibilities of tho country must change accordingly. The Pacific from being, •unknown generally hid become one of tbo maritime highways of tho world. Freights passed to and fro aorose it, and the companies trading with each other were bound together by the common bonds of commerce, Huge cities were springing up. They saw such places as, Melbourne and Sydney, and our own cities. Here was a great sy6tem which, in one portion of the globe, formed one organisation—a Pacific system. Those colonies that once seemed mere random settlements had now become vital parts, possibly common parts, of a new. maritime commercial system.—(Applause.) And they could not have, a system of commerce increasing without running a risk that eomo dny tho system might fall upon ovil times. There might be a war, and they would then see tho Paeifio Ocean not only the highway of commerce, but the scene of some of the world's great conflicts. It might be that tho great battle in the narrow straits of Japan was one of the great series of conflicts to be foueht- They must nojpnger look upon the Mother Country as being situated in the stormy part, while we rested peacefully on the 'outside. The time might come when wo in the outside part of the world would hrtve to fight for our liberty and our lives, as tho Mother Country had had to do in the past.—(Applause.) • Professor Leacock then made some passing reference to British North America. They must, he continued, in this lime to come formulate some defined theory of a united and self-governing Empire; they must find some means whereby they might cause to emerge out of tho whole n single and a consolidated power, the whole of which might be used for the uplifting of each subordinate part. Lot tiem consider whether tho present formation of the colonial Govern-

mrafs v/as one thai could fulfil all tho required needs, They had now a system of government that was described as responsible, autonomous, or self-governing, which

none of them wished to revoke, inasmuch as each part of the Empire was able to look after its own local concerns. That, lie took it, was a part of their common institutions.—(Applause.) But there was another aspect. How far were they to consider that the autonomous government of tbs colonies was to remain permanently as part of the 'Imperial system? He would ask them to eiamine the circumstances under which they, got this grant of responsible government 50. or 60 years ago. They Could then draw useful conclusions as to the way in which the colonial status of the future must bo modified. He hardly needed to s ay that the present syslem grew up in the middle of (lie nineteenth century, in consquonco of the spread of liberal ideas of freedom and of certain unfortunate circumstances which arose in Canada. Accordingly, in..1833 tho Mother Country decided' that the claim of the colonies was a just, and equitable one. In 1840 Canada, was ■granted t.lie lull right of managing its own affairs, though it was not for eight or ton years Mat she was established on a definite footing of eclf-govemment, and shortly afterwards, at tho hands of Lord John Russell and Earl Grey, (he same system was taken to Australia and Now Zealand, and subsequently to the other great colonies of the Empire. This came at a period of very peculiar,ideas in regard to colonies—at «. time'when individualism was rampant "both in England and Continental Europe. It. was supposed t.hon that if a. complete basis of individual, liberty could he established, carrying with it voting and a free right of trade, the quarrels of humanity would cease, and good industrial relations would follow on the teaching of (his now gospel. Those sanguine hopes were not realised, hut, nevertheless, thoy wore the. vital forces when tho present system was established. It, was fully supposed that Freetrade would lieoome a universally accepted doctrine and practice. No arangement was, therefore, made for bringing the colonial trado system into, ]ine with the Mother Country. Nothing- was said about these trade relations because it. was not thought that anything needed to bo said. It, was understood that tho colonies would nave free trado with, the Mother Country. ' Within a fow years, however, tho little cloony of New Brunswick was insane enough to put an export,dirty, on sawn logs. This was followed in 1856 by the imposition of a Canadian tariff, and in 1864 by the adoption of a protective tariff by Victoria and later by other colonies. Here was something not contemplated in the colonial system. It was freely, supposed that responsible government would necessarily mean some day independent government: that one by one the colonics would sever 'their connection with tho Mother Country and establish themselves as an independent community. Some people .regretted this and others- took a strange prklc in it; the theory was accepted with resignation, , at all events. Thomas Cobdon wrote in 1867: " I cannot see that this matter is of any interest to anyone in the British Isles. There is no use in maintaining any longer this false sham of artificial connection."

What a groat gulf thero was in tho progress of opinion, between that statement and tho attitude of the world to-day.— (Applause.) Disraoli, in 1852, had stated: "It is urged that tho colonies will all be independent one day. In tho meantime they are like millstones round our nooks."

He would cap that with a quotation from ' Morley's "Lifo 'of Gladstone": "Gladstono always rogarded our connection with the colonies- as a matter of duty rather thaJi as a matter , of any advantage to us." It would be seen that there was a consensus of opinion that the colonies were destined some day to separate. Then it could bo understood that no. particular pains were taken towards n unified .system of defence, for'the reason that no one thought of a united and consolidated Empire. At that time, al«>. their grandfathers had otherobligations on their hands which ono might fairly say set tlicm freo from the charge and responsibility of taking part in the Imperial defence. They were engaged in a struggle- with Nature. Rut he would ask them to observe what their descendants, living , comfortably, had done. They had taken a,s a horitage from their forefathers this exemption from bearing the burden of defence. Such, then, was the position created in the last 50 years—a set of colonies' possessed of government but liberated from the responsibility of self-defence. Plow would such a position accord in the future with their

ideas of Empire in tho consolidated continenlal attitude he had tried to depict? Conld they imagine an Australia dominating flio Pacific, for instance, ami retaining its present status and attitude towards the

Imperial defence?—(Applause.) From its earliest the Empire had been a maritime ono-the sea had now bocotno 'o fliom llio most vital part of their Empire, separating and at the same timo joining them. The proportion of British and colonial commerce to that of other i nation; was a sufficient indication of this. This was the kind of interest wo

had in British commerce upon the' sea, and. we wero b.biin.cl up with the prosperity of British commerce: If anything ehould happen lo it the circumstance would cast us out of this position. If our commerce ehould meet with a great maritime disaster it would not only mean hard times to shipping companies and the Government, hut adversity and ruin to thousands of our inland citizens. It would mean hard

times and poverty, brought about by the downfall of commence at sea.—(Applause.) He could not speak as one who knew anything about the navy in an expert sense, but what ho lifcecl to spread .abroad was that wo were .intimately connected with the maritime commerce and the navy of the British Empire.—(Loud applause.) Although we in the colonies had not perhaps realised as fully as we should the supreme importance of naval protection, it had been realised very fully in the Mother Ever since Trafalgar put us in tho position of having a stronger navy than any other two Powers in the world, if, had been tho constant determination of the British Governments to maintain that position, and they had for 100 years been in

the proud position of domination by a. two-Power standard.—(Loud applause.) But owing 'to new conditions, could that be maintained)? The fact was potent and significant that this two-Power standard had becoino a burden that, was well nigh impossible to bear. Tho nival expenditure of tho Mother Country had increased in 12 years from £14,000,000 to £32.000,000 per annum, and it had even been hitrhor once, then being nearly £35.000,000. Lot them ask why this was so. ' In tho first place he would call their attention to tho enormous increase in the cost of carrying on a war. There was a time when such a war as the American civil war was carried on for a million dollars a day (£200,000), and , it was evident that the mere question of money had obtruded itself into the matter. They had to consider the evolu-

tionofwar. Tho battleship had become an intricate, Costly thin?, and a. conflict could not now be regarded as a mere matter of valour. Now a ship of war cost a million and a-half, and lasted less than a generation. There was another clement. The cost of machinery must be tv factor, Bnd must bo taken into consideration. Ho did not wish to decry valour, but what use was it when it was opposed by modern appliances? This increa-so in the cost of war was only ono factor. Other things had to be considered. Now Powers had arisen in the world, which were determined they would not Ik> contonj. with a position second to that of fircat Britain, and of these Germany and the United Stales wero examples, Let them consider how tho polioy of Herman? in tho councils of the world had boon altered. Her territory had, at one timo consisted of disunited principalities. In 1871 they gathered themselves into the German Empire and became consolidate, menacing other nations in Europe. This Empire had become inspired with new ambitions, which wore quite right, and proper. Germany had acquired vast territories in East and West Africa, and was looking round for more—was looking for places in these waters. "We conld not condemn it. but we must, take full account of it. The, expenditure on

the Gorman navy had increased by leaps ami bounds, until from a paltry £3,000,000 three years ago it was now over £12,000,000, and it. had : laid down a programme for shipbuilding, which it was already carrying out. until by 1916 it. was proposed to spend £100,000,000" in this direction. There was j nowadays a minority of people who told us j the. outcome of the situation would be war. i There were certain newspapers, quito i honest, telling peoplo that war with Germany was quile manifM, Tie did not share (his vie.w, nut he thought, in tho present situation, it was our duty to provide for contingencies, and builH bulwarks S3 strong that, there would he no opportunity for outside nations to make any attack upon us. America, like Germany, was inspired with these ambitions, anil referred to tho expenditure America was making in its navy. It swmed impossible that Great Britain could maintain ita position unless it could find a new source of help and sup- , port.—(Loud applause.) At tho present J tinio very little was done liy the colonies in this direction. The Government of British India made a substantial contribution, and it, was not a self-governedcountry. Then tliere was £200,000 from Austraiasia, of which this colony paid £40,000. The greater Dominion of Canada, paid towards the Britip!) navy nothing lyhatsgever, nor

was there any immediate prc6nect it would pay anything. There were eniall contributions from South African colonies, and £3000 from the colonv of Newfoundland.

Beyond tliie nothing was done towards a single and consolidated system of Imperial defence. Here was one of the points where opinion began to divide and diverge as to the- path to bo pursued. He v/ould not argue in favour of either, though there were some people in tho Empire (and some in New Zealand) who thought that the true idea of nav.il contribution was to mako payments all over tho Empire towards n. single and consolidated navy.—(Applause.) Their reason for so thinking rested upon tho view that, they took of Ilie nature and meaning of defence. It, was urged, also, I hat the best methods of defence was to

have a navy at hand to protect at one and the same time all the various outlying parts of the Empire.—(Applause.) Accordingly if circumstances arose wlicn defence becaino a mailer of hard actual fact, under this theory (ho bc6t defence for New Zealand wovrld l>o the distribution of a fleet, in far-off waters. If the fleet was in the Gulf of Lawrence would that spell salvation for fcho pooplo of New Zealand in tlio event of an attack? He would .not pretend to argue in support of such a theory. Ho would quoio from one who was a great naval export in his lime, Lord Howard, who performed an interesting liltlc trick in dealing with certain Spanish sliipj in the English Channel.—(Laughter and applause.) Ifc sa.id: "It. is the ooiiiion of Sir Francis Drake, of Mv Hawkins, of Mr Frobieher, and of others that bo of great judgment in the matter tliat the best way of defending these coasts from the fleet of Spain is to tako the fleet of' Spain in its own harbnurs and there destroy it."-(ApplaU6e.) That was a. theory of defence about which a good deal was heard in tin's part of the world and in Canada—a number of separato navies, eneh abortive in its own tratars and each in charge- of its own coaetal defence. Ho did not understand this: ho merely staled it ne" it was. It wae a question of supreme imporwhich it was the duty of all to thinfo out .for themselves—(Applause.) Those of his audience who were theorists and had interested themselves in tho matter would realise ho had loft out the greatest thing of all. If there must be a common contribution tliero was the burning question of common control. It would not he quite legitimate that the colonies, as they advanced in greatness, should merely put their hands in their pockets and hand over the money to tho British Admiralty. This ran counter to that high spirit of independence which was one of thenproudest possessions.—(Applause.) Here was a. question that defied solution There .were those who thought the solution would be in the establishment of a general federation of tho Empire. Tliis idea had been talked about 20 years ago, and many had thrown themselves into tho project for federating tho Empire, with a single Parliament—one controlling power to hand the money to, and in whose hands they might entrust their common guidance. However, this was out of the question. It would mean the tearing up of the present British system, doing away with the British Parliament and tho accustomed institutions, and substituting a, new and ready-made arid, in British eyee, a highly suspicions-looking form of government. In the colonies they had always deaJt with new conditions, in which the voice of tradition and vested authority was never heard. This idea could not, at present, at all events, commend itself to tho British people. They might rightly view it as an ultimate ideals, as a jjbal towards which they weregoing. _ But there were certain things out of which might come something like the Imperial Parliament of the future. There was tho Colonjal Conference—(applause),— at present an advisory body in which, in tlio future, he thought lay their main hope towards a united form of Empire.—(Renewed applause.) On it, ho thought, they should rest-their most glance, and to it look for the solution of this vexed Imperial question of the future. In the meantime, in indirect and various ways, there was much that could bo done, and this first'and foremost: They should realise in every, part of tlie Empire that politics did not include merely the petty local and jangling interests of the place and the hour, for higher than these was the question of Imperial politics— their relation to the Empire and tho responsibility vrpon them to retain it in its full and historic splendour.—(Loud applause.) The Hon, T. Fergus moved a hearty vote of thanks to the lecturer, which was carried by acclamation. The proceedings terminated, with the singing of the National. Anthem. .