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THE LAND CAMPAIGN.

MEETING AT NEW PLYMOUTH. SPEECH BY DR. FINDLAY. (Per United Press Association.) NEW PLYMOUTH, March 21. Dr Fiiidlay opened his Laud Bill campaign by a speech to a largo gathering in the Theatre Royal to-night. He said he proposed first to discuss the most, prominent of political questions, the land question, then to touch on Jiativo lands and tlio colony's general outlook. He said: By party cries and preposterous misrepresentation the laud question caunot. lie settled nor nan it be elucidated by shouting " Freehold" any more Ulan by shouting "Land nationalisation." Nor can it bo settled by nonsensical cries that Ihc existing freeholds aro iii a parlous plight, that existing rights are. in danger, and that, the Government of the clay is a rcckless pack of spoliators and revolutionaries. Wc Jnuy have much to answer for, but in ponnection wit-h tile Land Bill the lioad and front of our offending is that. it. would preserve unsold the poor remnant of Crown lands, and preserve it mainly for the sake o! / those, in days to come, who have passed through a lifo of toil into declining years and poverty; and would preserve if. for those who have the misfortune lo need our hospitals and charitable aid, and for tlio equipment of our children for the race of life. ALARMIST PREDICTIONS. The cries that wo seek to destroy the freehold and other alarmist, predictions are idle nonsense that, settle nothing excent Hie insincerity of llio speaker or his estimato of the intelligence of his audience. Had not the.. question how best to deal with our nutional estaio perplexed every statesman worthy of tlio name? It perplexes us to-day, mid it perplexes us mainly because of past mistakes. It has a history of more than half a century—a history mainly of the sacrifice of the people's interest; a history which may be road in all its nielanchply lessons from the 62 acts and ordnances in force in the colony when Mr Ballanee passed his Land Bill ill 1892 and swept tlieni out, of existence; a history which gives the key to more social trouble, intrigue, and manceuvro that any legislation ever passed in' days gone by. Not once, but often, the land question and our land laws have set class against class, making the poor hate the rich and the rich fear the poor. The record of our land legislation and land administration is in a large measure a record of mistakes, which might well give pause, before wo agree to part, with another- acre, of the Crown's estate. Reflect upon the munificent endowment, in t,ho shape of Crown lands, handed over to the responsible Government of New Zealand years ago, recognise the loss and injustice to the nation which bad laws, want of laws, evasion of laws, and maladministration of laws made sq_pcssiblo and painfully visible for generations yot to come. The people of (his colony have to pay for the past mismanagement and reckless disposal <>f the people's estate; and yet, with all this behind, and its results before, us, th<sre are few men who can be rightly called moderate on the land question. Our 'opponents do not trouble themselves much alxiiit the practice and history'of the past, about the lessons to bo gained from the results of early mistakes or the mistakes of other colonics.

PRACTICAL MEN They aro practical men, and would lol; tho future take care of itself. But. tlio practical man on tlio land question is usually one who interprets the State's rights and future .public needs by his own immediate interest, and his class. Tlicy do not halt between two opinions. They arc cocksure, knowing well what personally suits them, and wholly convinccd what suits them must suit tho community. We have just now extreme nationalisers shouting their cry, and extremo freeholders shouting? that the freehold is in danger. We have modified freeholders, wo have Crown tenants clamouring for tho freehold. The liiggest class .interested in the land question aro tho landless peoplo cf this colony, and they arc doing lit-tle or 110 shouting, but Iho effectiveness of their notes will not bo reduced by that. The whole number of rural freeholders in this country holding more than five acres each is under 50,000. although they own all the best, land and about one-lhird of the whole country, while tho whole, o{ the Crown tenants of every kind anil class who have not already got the right to purchase number 16,500. You cannot safely judge tho numerical strength of a parly by tho fuss it. makes, even though it is the Farmers' Union. Tho one is often in inverse proportion to the other. I admit that the mere possession of a majority is no proof of righteousness. NATIONAL STANDPOINT. Dr Findlay went on to say that tho question must, he viewed from a national standpoint, not from that of any particular class.. Tho desirableness of subdividing for close settlement was now conceded. The only question raised was how should it be brought about. The Government were frankly prepared to take advice, and if necessary change material clauses. It waa said tho Land Bill's provision that an individual owner holding more than £50,000 worth, unimproved value, must put the surplus on (he market in 10 years, was clumsy, tyrannical, a!iid inoperative. Mr Ma&sey suggested a graduated tax as tho best moans. If the Opposition would join the Government in its' efforts to that end, tlicy would soon have the subdivision of the largo estates. The Government was going to break up big estates, and effectually prevent such accumulations in future. The. limit was 1o bo £15,000 unimproved. This also, it was said, would bo impracticable. Ho agreed that if the Government's proposal was net effective, then by all means let them have the graduated land tax. CUOAVN TENANTS The question was raised that tho Government ought to givo tlio freehold to tenants under tho Lands Settlement Act. lie frankly declared that, ho would' not support such an argument.' In tho first place tho land was acquired from private owners,' in many casts wrested cbmpulsorily, and it would be illogical ami unjust to sell I his land to others in a few years.—(Applause and dis-' sent.) The Government had done enough for those settled under the Land for Settlement Act. Each of these- settlers cost tho country 011 an average £1200. As evidence of how they thrived, goodwills were being asked and paid to-day for these holdings. Was it fair lo the rest of the colony and ' the landless to ask for still further benefits? The Land Bill offered thefe tenants land at the price the unimproved freehold bears to-dav.

RESERVES AND ENDOWMENTS. Had not tho time come to eet apart reserves and endowments, fipart altogether from the granting .of the freehold? Dr Eindlay went on to ask in what- way were the different clarscs influenced, prejudiced, or affected hy the Land Bill. The big landowner feared the bill only because ho did not want to subdivide. His objcct was mainly a selfish olio. The speaker warned (ho small settler that tho alliance proffered ■by the hip landowner ostensibly for the freehold! causo was not a true alliance. Tho land for settlement tenants had no arguments to back their claims. The lease in perpetuity settler asked for the freehold at the original valuation. Originally it was intended that there should bo recurring valuations provided, but this was defeated by the strength of tho freeholders. Consequently these tenures were mutilated and left senseless and incomplete. A fixed rental for 999 years was a concession, at tho expense of the colony, but they now". asked for more land. ' THE KILL. The bill, ha said, would pass this session in some modified form. He then proceeded to givo tho salient points of the bill. The repurchaso system was rapidly reaching a position in which they would bo confronted with difficulties so great as to bo almost impracticable. Land could not be purchased at its true valuation through the Compensation Courts. Some other means would have to be provided for'repurchasing lands. Tho land for settlement and l.i.p. tenants wero promised practically the freehold. The latter had four options: (1) to have tho freehold, (2) to have the freehold for 66 ycais, (3) to keep the land on the present terms, (4) a new lease for 66 years with right of renewal. The State was a great, creator of values, and was entitled to have interest on the unearned increment of fivo millions spent in the purchase o! estates. Three millions wero unearned increment. The State had parted jvith 16 million acres. Ho joined issue with these who'said there could l:o no inducement but; the freehold. Tho State could give such security a? would cncourugc tho best claes to go into tlje back-blocks. Most of thoso agitating for the freehold lor Crown tenants had no intention of going on Crown lands. The moving force was t he big land owners. Thcro woidd be in the next three years more freehold for small settlers than in tho past 20 years.—(Applause.) This would be secured to a great extent by bringing Maori land into use. Ho concluded by announcing that the records of public revenue this year were greater than ever. A motion "That this meeting thanks tho

Attorney-general for his ablo address, and expresses confidence in tlio Ministry, with the hope Hint tlio Ministry will materially modify (ho provisions of tlio bill," WW carried after somo discussion.

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Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/ODT19070322.2.84

Bibliographic details

Otago Daily Times, Issue 13858, 22 March 1907, Page 6

Word Count
1,586

THE LAND CAMPAIGN. Otago Daily Times, Issue 13858, 22 March 1907, Page 6

THE LAND CAMPAIGN. Otago Daily Times, Issue 13858, 22 March 1907, Page 6