THE Otago Daily Times. "Inveniam viam out Faciam." DUNEDIN, SATURDAY, MAY 30.

Otago Daily Times, Issue 2002, 30 May 1868, Page 4

THE Otago Daily Times. "Inveniam viam out Faciam." DUNEDIN, SATURDAY, MAY 30.

It is both interesting and instructive to trace the progress of public opinion, and to observe how true is the old' adage, Tempora mutantur, et nos mutamur in Wis. Wo have recently referred to the present critical position of tho Irish Church ; and we now wish to draw attention to the fact, that tho statesman who possessed the moral courage to rise up in his place in Parliament, and to declare that the " time had come for dis-csfcablishing " tho Church of Ireland," did, in tho year 1838, publish a book, entitled, " The " State in its Relations with tho Church," in which ho advocated principles as diametrically opposed to those he now advocates, as at that time ho conscientiously opposed the views of some of tbo moat illustrious champions of his own Church—Hooker, Warburton, and Paley. For tlio sake of illustration, we will briefly glance at Mr Gladstone's ideas at the period we havo mentioned. In his book just referred to, ho described his Church theory, which resta on this fundamental proposition : That the propagation of religious truth is one of tho principal ends of Government. He affirms that the duties of Governments are paternal, and that they occupy in morals, the place of to pan in physical science—that is, the head or chief position. He lays down the proposition, that whatever be the body which in any community is employed to protect the persons and property of men, that body ought also, in its corporate capacity, to profess a religion, and to requiro conformity thereto, aa an indispensable qualification for all civil office. Nor does he confine his views to Christian Governments, for he goes so far as to say that the fact of a false religion being professed does not diminish the obligation of governors, in their magisterial capacity, to uphold it. H they neglect to do so, "wo cannot," he says, "but ro- " gard the fact as aggravating the " case of the holders of such creed. " I do not scruple to affirm that if " a Mohammedan conscientiously be- " lieveß his religion to come from God, " ho must at the same time believe it to " be beneficial, boyond all other things, " to the soul of man ; 'and he must, there- " fore, and ought, to use, for its extension, " all proper and legitimate means ; and " that, if such Mohammedan be a Prince, " ho ought to count among those means " the application of whatever influonce or '• friends he may lawfully havo at its " disposal. Wherever there is power, " that power is the property of God, and " the power that dwells in individuals " acting as a Government, as well as that " which dwells in individuals acting for " themselves, can only be secured for " right uses by applying to them a " religion."

We need not occupy a moment, at this time of day, in demonstrating tho fallacy of these sentiments. Mr Gladstone himself is happily doing this, far more effectively than we can do it for him, by seeking to remove that concordia dkcors —the Irish Church—from its present anomalous position. We have only to imagine any association of men exercising power, say tho Executive Council, the Provincial Council, or oven the Water Works Company, which has many men in its employ, being bound to profess some religion; each to bave its articles, its public worship, its tests, &c. ; and then to require conformity to that religion, as an indisputable qualification for office under their respective Boards—and thon wo arrive at Mr Gladstone's idea of the relative duties of governors, and the governed, as far as relates to the subject before us. As if, forsooth I the servants of an association did not possess the right of private judgment equally with their masters! We present these sentiments at random from Mr Gladstone's book, for the purpose of showing the entire change wliich hia opinions must have undergone, since the year 1838, to enable him now, in 1808, to rise in his place before the assembled Commons of tho United Kingdom, and affirm that the time has come for diaestablishing the Church in Ireland. We do not refer to this change, in order to censure Mr Gladstone, ortoaatoailhiia

with missiles drawn from his own magazine. On the contrary, we honour him all tho more, for his moral courage, that notwithstanding tho innumerable taunts- to which ho will be exposed, ho is prepared honestly toavowhiß change of principles, aa tho result of thirty years' subsequent study, observation, and experion<?e ; by which change ho renounces opinions held by him, when only an inexperienced student a,t Christ Church, at which place, we believe, his book vraa written and elaborated.

In the history of Mr Gladstone, wo aro presented with an illustration of the mode in which changes in public opinion are effected. In the careers of most men, we find that early in life there ia the possession ol ardent zealior some cause, without a corresponding degree of knowledge, arising from experience. However, as years roll on, the judgment becomea moro matured, the imagination is less brilliant, and tho passions aro less influenced by the sensuous, and the showy. The Duke of Wellington, Sir Robert Peel, and many other illustrious statesmen, have in turn—like Mr Gladstone — modified and changed their political j views, and comparatively lato in life have triumphantly carried measures, such as Catholic Emancipation, &c, through Parliament, which, earlier in their public career, they strenuously and violently opposed. Since Mr Gladstone has been in Parliament, he has been a keen observer of men and things. He has learnt to dissociate that which is religious from that which is political; and ho has seen much evil result through sustaining by law, a Church with whose ritual and doctrine there is so littlo sympathy in .Ireland. It is indisputable that many other evils have grown up in that country, and co-exist with the Irish Church establishment; nor can there be any question that, at the time of passing the I Act by which Ireland was united with I Great Britain, many oppressive burdens were unremoved. To the pressure of these combined has it been owing that, since Mr Gladstone's first session in Parliament, nearly three millions of Irish people have emigrated. Scotland presents a widely different picture. For above one hundred years there has been no serious disturbance in that country; and the, on the wholo, peaceable union sho has enjoyed with England is mainly traceable to the fact that tho great Whig Statesmen, Somers, Halifax, and others, inserted a clause, containing a full recognition of the religion to wbich the people of Scotland wero firmly and conscientiously attached. When Ireland was united with England, a course of procedure was adopted, tho very reverse of this. The religious faith of the people was ignored, and an alien Establishment retained. If tho union with Ireland had embraced a provision analogous to that introduced into the union with Scotland, tho minor difficulties would have been much more easily dealt with, as they would not have been mixed up with that sense of oppression and wrong which has been so constantly before the eyes of .fhe people through tho perpetuation of the Irish Church Establishment. The change in Mr Glad-, stone's, sentiments, so far from being a reproach to bim,. is honorable, as it proves that ho recognises and appreciates tho advancing spirit of the age.