THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS MONDAY, JULY 3, 1939 DANZIG THE FOCUS

New Zealand Herald, Volume LXXVI, Issue 23388, 3 July 1939, Page 8

THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS MONDAY, JULY 3, 1939 DANZIG THE FOCUS

Danzig remains the centre of a highly dangerous international situation which may at any moment lead to general war, unless means are found of easing the existing high tension. Nazi activities continue in the Free City without any real attempt to conceal the backing of the German Government. Poland has shown forbearance in watching the proceedings, many of them of a military nature, in an area whose independence she considers vital to her own security. At any moment a stage may be reached, however, when Poland may feel compelled to intervene to protect her special interests and standing in Danzig. She has watched the Nazis go some distance toward turning the city into a fortress. It would appear that it already holds an unofficial German garrison, that it is being munitioned, and that communications with East Prussia arc being improved. Poland may bo ready to suffer this military effrontery in the meanwhile for reasons of her own, the first probably being that while her port of Gdynia remains open she can import much-needed munitions of all kinds. But sooner or later she must take cognisance of the position that is being created in Danzig if she intends, as she does intend, to preserve her rights there. Germany seems reluctant to provide a formal pretext, such as studied interference with the Polish customs jurisdiction in Danzig, or a declaration of the Danzigers' decision to return to the Reich. Failing some such direct affront, Poland may reach the point where she will no longer be able to tolerate existing conditions or their intensification, and feel obliged to intervene. Nor does it seem likely, viewing the present Nazi line-up in the Free City, that peaceful intervention would be effective. Poland would have to resort to force. Such Polish intervention would automatically receive the support of Britain and France and so lead on to general war. The commitment of the Western democracies is clear and definite and its exact terms may with advantage be recalled at this stage. In a statement in the House of Commons on March 31, when Poland was believed to be threatened by German troop movements, Mr. Chamberlain gave the following pledge : "In the event of .any action which clearly threatened Polish independence, and which the Polish Government accordingly considered it vital to resist with their national forces, His Majesty's Government would feel themselves bound at once to lend the Polish Government all support in their power." The French Government simultaneously accepted the same obligation. At the time these guarantees were regarded as an "interim cover" of Polish independence, but they have not been withdrawn and therefore are still operative. Actually they have been extended to include Rumania and Greece. In the meanwhile Britain has concluded a pact of mutual aid with Poland (and also with Turkey), but the original commitment to Poland stands. It will be seen that Britain is bound by Poland's decision and pledges herself to act "at once." Any action which Poland thinks it necessary to resist by force will be resisted also by Britain, co-operating with France. Whether it was wise to leave the final decision for peace or war with a young and spirited State like Poland need not be argued now. The die has been cast and the responsibilities undertaken by Britain and France give them a standing and weight in Polish inner circles that should make for moderation and patience. In any case they know that they could probably not disinterest themselves in a German-Polish conflict and that, if they did and Poland were eliminated as a considerable military Power, the German triumph in East Europe would be complete and it would not be long before she would turn in overwhelming strength on the West. In the meanwhile, Poland has not regarded any of the extraordinary happenings in Danzig as grounds for action. Indeed the train of consequences are so tremendous that Poland —to say nothing of Britain and France —would wish to have the issue presented in such clear and direct fashion that neither her own people nor the world could mistake it. Herr Hitler is cunning, however, and he may avoid raising an unmistakable cause of war. At present he could claim that the free citizens of Danzig are managing the affairs of their Free City as pleases them. Almost all the Danzigers are also Germans, so that in effect the city is occupied by Germany—in effect but not in law. Through the Nazi Government in Danzig, the Reich is fortifying and consolidating its hold on the mouth of the Vistula and Poland's one outlet to the sea. Herr Hitler may be content to let the position rest at that, leaving it to Poland, if she chooses, to contest it. In fact Herr Hitler may be trying to "frame" Poland as the aggressor. The idea may seem thin to the point of transparency, but German propaganda could make great play with it, especially within the Reich and probably in other countries. At least the German people, already bothered about the myth of encirclement, would stand behind their Fuehrer in going to the rescue of their brothers in Danzig. Similarly Herr Hitler could wait until Britain and France came to the aid of Poland, in an attempt to put them also in the role of aggressors. The cunning of such tactics is patent and their propaganda value might prove considerable. Poland is probably well aware of the need to exercise the greatest discretion, although it is a question for how long she can look on at the Nazification and fortification of Danzig. If she thinks that Herr Hitler is counting on Polish precipitancy,, she will find the more -cause to be patient.