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HOME RULE FOR IRELAND.

Sir,— many other •..rtizons, I thank you for your leader. Before I had seen it I wrote to the Mayor protesting against his action, which as "a citizen J' had the right to do. The Mayor sent me a very courteous reply, in which is the following passage:-—"I would point out that in taking; the chair at a meeting I in no way commit either myself personally or the citizens as a body to the support of the views advocated by the speakers thereat." So evidently we arc to regard His Worship's presence* there as having no significance. No one could possibly object to the Mayor presiding unofficially, but if he uses his rol>os and insignia of office he cannot get away from the fact that he is there as the representative of the citizens, and as chairman hi' will probably be asked to move the principle resolution pledging the meeting to Homo Rule. If the Mayor is present officially to do honour to "Mr. Devlin, as a member of the English Parliament, it should be remembered that the political faction be represents (for he does not represent Ireland any more than the Mayor on this occasion really represents the citizens) professes to hold that Parliament in contempt. If these men want gold for their work Ireland ought, to he able to find it for them—that is," if that country wants these men and their work; and if some of the citizens of Auckland want an outlet for their gold let thorn ask the Mayor of Auckland to hold a meeting and collect it for the benefit, of the poorer settlers flooded out in the Waikato, or our fellow-countrymen ruined in Jamaica by the earthquake. Of course every man has a right to his own opinion, and within certain limits a right, to express it. and make converts to it, and no one could object, to the visit of these "'envoys." but the official countenance given to the representatives of a political faction (under whose propaganda various acts of disloyalty to our King have been done, and have not been denounced by them) puts the city in a false position, for these "envoys" on their return will tell their friends, and through them the press, how they were officially welcomed by the Mayors of t.he cities presiding over great meetings of citizens; and in the old land there will be great wonderment at our simplicity. But I for one shall take good care to place the true position of affair-; in the English press and thus show we have not. all been taken in by Paddy's blarney." The Rev. R. Harry, a Roman Catholic priest of Month, giving evidence at the commission of inquiry into the working of the Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction last October, said:— "Unfortunately up to this we have lieen thrown into the hands of agitators who did not mean what they were saying at all, only advancing what they call the cause; solid, sound common sense never got a chance in Ireland yet." He has there touched the root of the whole of Ireland's trouble. Professional agitators keep the land in a perpetual ferment, hinder the working of every measure that is passed, and squabble amongst themselves as they are doing now. Arthpk Fowi.ki;.

Sir, —Just a line to endorse the attitude you have taken in reference to the Mayor presiding at the comiii" Home Rule meeting. All persons who give the matter thought must approve of your views, which. arc sound on that question. In Wednesday's issue the P.D.A. were about to try and induce Mr. Massoy to compromise himself on the other side. I am afraid he is too wary to be caught napping. The long rigmarole from " Devlinite" is not worth # replying to; it is simply beside the question. Liberal-minded.

Sir,—Tn all the numerous letters ,on the question of Homo Rule for Ireland no mention, so far as I am aware, lias been made of what becomes of the money subscribed. For many years Australasia has been a veritable Tom Tidler's ground for a number of peripatetic cadger.- on behalf of Home Ride, but. the donors have never. I believe, been favoured with any duly audited statement showing how the immense sums received have been made use of. Accountant.

Sir,—When I find those who are opposed

to Homo Rule filling their letters with unseemly abuse of their opponents I shall begin to reconsider the situation, on the score that it is usually a bad ca°e that abuses the other side. Moreover, I rarely waste valuable time answering such attacks on myself, and but. for the great importance of this question would leave Mr. " Hall Skelton" severely alone. He need not, however, fear my following him on this track. Your correspondent charges me with " historical inaccuracies," but he would have done'better than he has if he had mentioned some of them. This he prudently refrained from doing. And. as your space is limited, sir. I shall condense what I desire to say. and focus it. into one phase of the question that has been strangely omitted in all the correspondence; thereby, I venture to think, justifying anything 1 have previously written. It is claimed by your correspondent, and those who think—or rather write—along those lines, that- the whole of Ireland's troubles spring from her misgovernmont by England, or, in other words, that, they are the result of the union with Croat. Britain! Now, sir, a little bit of ancient history will be in order just here. Your readers all know that up till the beginning of the nineteenth century Ireland remained a distinct kingdom. Now, sir, a pertinent question is. What was the condition of Ireland when she possessed Home Rule? Hail she any "troubles" then? Were these ler halcyon days? Morley's "Life of Gladstone," as one writer says, "only serves to deepen the delusion which prevails among the edu- ' cated classes that it was the I'nion thai j created the need of a policy of 'coercion. ' ' Never was belief more utterly fal-'e. Peace ! never made her home there, and capacity j for government was never developed." Tins ! from Sir Robert Anderson, in his book just lout. "Sidelights on the Home Rule Movement." p. 38. Again, "The vast majority of British electors who vote for Hume Rule candidates for Parliament believe that, when Ireland had Home Rule the country was peaceful and" prosperous and happy. hat are the facts? It is said that during the 18 years of 'Crnttan's Parliament' 54' coercion Arts' were placed upon the College Green statute Iwok. The country was going from bad to worse. Its condition was not only a national scandal, but. a national danger to England. In the summer of 1795 a rebellion, as terrible as that of 1641. appeared to be imminent. ... A reign of terror' prevailed throughout the winter months. The first duly of the Irish Parliament, therefore, in the session of 1796 was to pass an Insurrection Act. Here are some of its provisions :— Administering unlawful oaths was made a capital offence. Strangers in any district might be arrested, examined on" oath, and committed to gaol in default of finding sureties. in districts proclaimed bv the Lord-Lieutenant, under the Act, anr person out of doors an hour after sunset was liable to be arrested and sent ' to serve in l he navy. And justices had power to enter any house to ascertain whether trie inhabitants were absent." Pp. 42-3. .Net! still further, "But this measure, so drastic in its severity, and further strengthened by a rigorous Arms Act, did not suffice to prevent the outbreak of two years later. Tie-, historic 'rebellion of '93' I culled for coercive legislation still more I stringent. The writ of Habeas Corpus was | suspended, and the Rebellion Act'of 1799 practically gave power to the Executive to put, the country under martial law. In addition to all this the White-bay Act. til! then a temporary measure, was made perpetual. Such was the code of coercion laws which tin- Irish Parliament bequeathed to Westminster. If the, success or failure of government is to ho judged by the necessity for Mich legislation, he. Imperial Parliament need not -brink from the test of comparison. ' Pp. 43-4. bet it be romem- 1 bored that, Sir Robert is an Irishman, edit- { cated at Trinity College, Dublin, and head I of the police at Scotland Yard. And. as powerful support to his statements take the following from the Irish Chancellor. |/>r<l Clare on February 10. 1800, descriptive, of the state of Ireland at the time of the Union:—"l will now appeal to every (lispassionate man who hears me, whether I have in anything misstated or exaggerated the calamitous situation of my country, or the coalition of vice and folly which has long undermined her happiness, and at this hour loudly threatens her existence. It is gravely inculcated, 1 know. Let the British Minister leave its to ourselves, and we are very well as we are.' 'Very well as we are!' Gracious God! of what, materials must, the heart of that man be composed who knows the state of the country and will coldly tell lis 'wo are very well as we are?' 'Very well as we are!'' We have not three years' redemption from bankruptcy or intolerable taxation, nor one hour's security against the renewal of exterminating civil war. 'Very well as we are!' I/Ook to your statute look—session after session have you been compelled to enact laws of line-camp rigour and novelty to repress the horrible excesses of the mass of your people; and the fury of murder and pillage, and desolation have so outrun all legislative exertion that you have been at length driven to the necessity of breaking down the pale of municipal law. and putting your country under the ban of military government ' . . - ' Very well as wo arc!' Look to the fury of political faction, and the torrents of

human blood that stain the face of yoi country." So much then for the awful condition < Ireland while in possession of Homo Bit in tho past; is there any sort of guaranty that a return of Home Rule will not brin about a similar condition in the future Besides, has she any grievances to-day < all comparable with those of a century age At the great Ulster Unionist Conventioi hold on June 17, 1892. at. Belfast, tho fo lowing pronouncement was made:—"ln laud suffers no grievances requiring the ii terveritioii of a Home Rule Parliamentno grievance that the Imperial Parliamei may not, effectively and effectually dec with; in a word, "Ireland has no 'const tutional' grievance." This, let it be notec is not the mere opinion of any few indiv duals, but the solemn pronouncement of convention composed of 12,330 delegates: < whom 443 wore magistrates, 925 doctors, 560 farmers, 1864 artisans, 1182 merchants, 73 clergymen, 728 shopkeepers. 634 labourer; 247 gentlemen. Now, sir, while you migli find even an honest, historian unconscioiisl imprinting the bias of his individual op nion on what he writes, is it eoncoivabh by any st retell of the imagination, tha so great a mass of Irishmen, drawn fror all ranks and conditions, would formulate statement which, if untrue, could be clis proved, to their everlasting contempt Crednt .Lichens apella, non ego. But just hero the religious element thrust itself to the front, and an objector says " But these were Protestants." Well, grant ed. Is it not highly significant that Iris! Protestants are so seriously opposed t< Home Rule that they find they have "n< constitutional grievance" that calls for it While we in New Zealand, with the en chantment begotten by distance, see sucl horrors in the "bleeding counthry" tha we throw our money at tho leaders of tin Nationalist agitation to win their freedon from thraldom! This Unionist Conventioi further says, "There would be no security for life, liberty. Protestantism, commerce manufactures, landed property, or edueatioi under Home Rule. . . . Tho Church o Rome would Ire established and endowed and Romish ascendency would be com plete." Now, sir, let your readers place this tosti mony of the representatives of 800.000 Irish men against that of the " Englishman" quoted by Mr. Skclton, who " visited Ire land for the purpose of finding out tin truth." and they will have little difficult} in reaching a conclusion to withhold then sympathy and assistance from an agitation which threatens to land this unfortunate country in far worse troubles than she now has. Crr.As. Watt, Pros. \. P.O. A.

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Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/NZH19070129.2.104.1

Bibliographic details

New Zealand Herald, Volume XLIV, Issue 13398, 29 January 1907, Page 7

Word Count
2,090

HOME RULE FOR IRELAND. New Zealand Herald, Volume XLIV, Issue 13398, 29 January 1907, Page 7

HOME RULE FOR IRELAND. New Zealand Herald, Volume XLIV, Issue 13398, 29 January 1907, Page 7