THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 13, 1905, THE HOME RULE QUESTION.

New Zealand Herald, Volume XLII, Issue 13048, 13 December 1905, Page 4

THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 13, 1905, THE HOME RULE QUESTION.

The new Imperial Ministry, formed under the leadership of Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerrhan, may go to the country next year with a variety of issues, but behind them all looms the irrepressible question of Home Rule for Ireland. When Mr. Gladstone staked his party upon that debatable remedy for Irish discontent and saw it first weakened by the secession of the Liberal-Unionists and then utterly beaten by the coalition of the Conservatives and the seceders, it was very generally thoughtthat Home Rule was lost. The downfall and death of Mr. Parnell, incomparably the greatest of all Irish political leaders, disintegrated for the time being the Nationalist partj and left it with only the shadow of' its previous strength. While the agrarian legislation of the Conservative Administration has admittedly removed the most serious cause of Irish antagonism, to the Imperial connection, and done much to foster in Ireland an agricultural prosperity that is the best guarantee of general support- for law and order. But in spile of all this, and although the old-time bitterness no longer dominates the Home Rule question, it is still kept in the forefront by a strong Nationalist party, which has gradually arranged its internal bickerings, and now claims to be again united on that issue. It has been openly and unequivocally proclaimed by the Nationalist leaders that the price of their support to any Imperial Government is Home Rule, and the British electors have been told over and over again that any nearly balanced parties in the House of Commons would be at the mercy of this third section. The Nationalists in the Commons command 82 votes, and the permanency of the party is proved by its remarkable stability during the past 20 years. In 1886 Mr. Parnell had 85 Parliamentary votes under his control. In 1892, after the great schism that followed the O'Shea divorce case, the Nationalists and Parnellites divided between them 81 votes ; in 1805 the figures were unaltered ; and in 1900, after the absorption of the Parnellites in the Nationalists, there were 82 votes in the Parliamentary party. Under no probable circumstances, therefore, can less than 80 votes be setclown to the Nationalists in the Parliament that will reassemble after Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman's appeal to the electors of the United Kingdom. Taking the ConservativeUnionist majority still remaining in the House of Commons as approximately 100, the new Government must win at least 150 seats to have the barest majority should the Nationalist vote be cast against them on every division, as it undoubtedly will be unless Sir Henry Campbell-Ban-nerman makes terms. On the other hand, the gain of 100 seats will give t! em a working majority if they can rely on the Nationalist support. From a Liberal party point of view the desirability of making a compact with the Nationalists is obvious.

As to the prospects of such a compact being entered into it is * sufficient prima facie evidence that no sworn opponents of Home Rule are included in the new Cabinet, while many of its members are ardent sympathisers. Lord Rosebery, who advocated the " clean slate " in 1902, has since declared emphatically that he would have no share in reviving Home Rule as a political issue—and remains in private life. On the other hand, the new Lord-Lieutenant for Ireland, Lord Aberdeen, and the new Irish Secretary, Mr. James Bryce, ! are warmly disposed towards' Home Rule, while Sir Henry CampbellBannerman himself has over and over again asserted his continued adher-. ence to Mr. Gladstone's policy. This j has already been accepted by the ] London Times as showing that \ " Home Rule will be a vital factor in > the Government's policy," and the conclusion can hardly be avoided, although it will be to the interest of the new Administration to endeavour to throw it into the shade by living greater prominence to such questions as the Education Act and

free, traded And we may be very,certain 1 that no Home {Rule' scheme 1 which may be advanced by s Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman will contain, the extraordinary suggestion of Mr. "Gladstone that while ah Irish Parliament should ;be given control-of local affairs of Ireland, that kingdom should have no share whatever in the - Imperial governance carried on 'from Westminster. It was impossible, with this astounding flaw, to imagine that the Home Rule principle could be extended to Scotland, England hut it is manifestly possible, if it be amended, to apply Home Rule in a fashion which might rather consolidate than separate the three kingdoms. 'Even Lord Rosebery, . in his "clean slate" speech, vaguely favoured local subordinate legislatures, and we have in the colonial groups notable, and successful illustrations of such' subordinations. The Commonwealth has its State Legislatures ; the Dominion of Canada has its provincial Legislatures ; and we doubt very much if -New Zealand gained by altogether abolishing her similar bodies. Provided that the supremacy of the Parliament of the United Kingdom in all common matters is scrupulously maintained, it depends greatly upon the reasonableness of the ; Irish Nationalists whether a form of Home Rule may not be applicable to each of the three kingdoms as well as to Ireland. The blocking of local Bills through the enormous amount of work.that comes before an Imperial Parliament is alone sufficient to make many patriotic and conservative people wonder why local legislatures could not deal with such local business, and- thus relieve the superior body. This is particularly felt in Scotland, from which kingdom the complaints at legislative delays are increasingly loud. From an Imperialist point of view also there is something to be said on behalf of a simplification by better organisation of the confused British Parliamentary system. The extension of local government in the United Kingdom already familiarised the public with' the idea of having different authorities for different functions, and if it is approached in the proper spirit the institution of local legisla-1 tures in the great political divisions of the United Kingdom, as weal-; ready have them in the great political divisions of the Commonwealth and of the Dominion, may clear the ground for the development of an j Imperial Council, which might some day take over from the Parliament of the United Kingdom the administration of . Imperial affairs proper. But this must depend upon the character of the Home Rule proposed for Ireland, judgment upon which must be suspended until Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman propounds the scheme which he must already have j outlined in his mind. j