THE NEW ZEALAND HERALD AND DAILY SOUTHERN CEOS?. WEDNESDAY, JUNE 55, 1905. THE SOUTH AFRICAN PROBLEM.

New Zealand Herald, Volume XXXIX, Issue 12001, 25 June 1902, Page 4

THE NEW ZEALAND HERALD AND DAILY SOUTHERN CEOS?. WEDNESDAY, JUNE 55, 1905. THE SOUTH AFRICAN PROBLEM.

Tee sailing of Lord Kit-chener from Capetown for England proclaims to the Empire that with the surrender of the Boers the military problem of South Africa is regarded as satisfactorily solved. Thus peacefully and successfully closes a long and arduous episode in the career of one of the Empire's greatest generals, an episode which military historians will long quote as demonstrating his original strategic genius and his fertility of resource in the presence of novel and unprecedented methods of war. And since Lord Kitchener is still only fifty-two years of age we may hopefully £ anticipate that he will live long to serve his country in peace, when that supreme blessing is accorded us, and to direct its armies in war. when that direful necessity is forced upon us. It is somewhat remarkable that he is entirely an African fighter, for though his early manhood was spent in the surveys of Palestine and Cyprus, his active military service has been confined to Egypt and South AfricaIn both countries he has been completely successful. We can all remember the crowning victory which avenged the death of Gordon and closed the masterly movement rather series of masterly movements —which brought the Imperial peace to the M&hdi-cursed Soudan. And we are still rejoicing over the generous scene at Pretoria, when the victorious general and his conquered foes clasped hands in mutual esteem and in pledge of a common nationality. We may gratefully call to mind that it was the insight and patriotism of Victoria which commanded Lord Kitchener from Egypt to Capetown, overriding all weaker counsels. For as chief-of-stafi to Lord Roberts he did Titanic work in establishing the military order which made the campaign from the Orange to Komati Poort one long march of triumph; and since the departure of his great chief he has displayed a marvellous patience and unfailing resource in bringing to a close the most difficult guerilla struggle that ever confronted and was overcome by a civilised army. The Empire owes much to Lord Kitchener, whose welcome Home will be even more enthusiastic than thai which greeted his return from Khartoum.

But if the military problem is solved, a political problem has sprung into its place and begins to occupy an increasing share of public attention. This is the great question of the suspension of the Cape Constitution, a step persistently called for by the great body of Cape loyalists and petitioned for by almost the whole of the British members of the Cape Parliament. Upon this question Mr. Barton, speaking at the South African Association dinner, expressed very tritely and forcibly what is undoubtedly the opinion of the Empire at large. He said, in brief, that such a course ought only to be adopted if no other satisfactory course were open. But such an opinion can be so universally approved that it is, after all. only a political truism. The Suspension Party claim that no other safe course is open and ire see this morning that, as late as May 19. they had the sympathy of Lord Milner. On the other hand.' Sir John Gordon Sprigs, the Premier of the Cape, declares himself unalterably opposed to the proposition and is exerting his influence against it. Of Sir John's loyalty there can be no question. Now over seventy years of age. be has been forty-four years in Cape Colony, and for over thirty years a prominent figure in its politics. Since the resignation of Mr. Schreiner, in 1900. he has been Premier. an oace which he had already filled three times—in the "70's. in the 'BO's. and. after the resignation of Mr. Rhodes, in the "99's. It may be said, of course, that he is too old to realise the change which has taken pi see in the last decade and that he looks upon the dual races as bearing the same relations towards each other as they did before the Afrikander Bond sprang into existence. But whatever may be said, it is -in the nature of things that his opposition to suspension, in the face of the opinions of colleagues and the demands of supporters, mustmake it difficult to convince the Imperial authorities and the British peoples thai such a step is unavoidable.

The mac to whom we all naturally look for light and leading on South African affairs is Lord Milner. He has mads many, sad embittered cue-

mien foi this same reason that he has made .nany and appreciative friends, because he has most ably, faithfully and successfully served his country at the political post of danger. A movement which draws into it the overwhelming majority of known and acknowledged Cape loyalists, as this suspension movement has done, must obviously have in It a great element of political truth and necessity. If it commands the sympathy of such a cautious and far-sighted diplomatist and administrator as Lord Milner has proved himself to be it is equally obvious that it cannot be devoid of reason and sagacity. The movement may have been made so strong by the racial irritation aggravated by the prolongation of the war. Lord Milner's approval—it sympathy means approval— given in May and may be affected by the loyalty with which the Boer leaders are acting up to the spirit of surrender and by the good feeling shown in the annexed territories. We shall speedily know. At present the movement seems to be strengthening rather than weakening and to be taking more complete shape by the extension of the proposal to Natal. The little Eastern colony is loyal of the loyal. As its Premier proudly pointed out, at the recent Zsatalians' Dinner, it has sent to the front an armed man for every twelve of its total European population. To suspend its Constitution could not be proposed because of its treasonable or disruptive propensities, but might easily be acquiesced in by its people from a profound sense that such a course cleared the way to the unity, peace and loyalty of all South Africa. At this distance it is impossible to form a judicial opinion as to whether suspension is necessary either to secure the passage of an equitable Cape Distribution Bill or to obtain an effective Federation or to prevent the Bond fomentation of the old quarrel. We should all earnestly prefer to see no such serious political question raised now that longed-for peace has returned, most deeply should we regret to see constitutional government even temporarily abrogated in any free British colony. But if it is necessary, then it is necessary, and there is no more to be said. We cannot overlook the fact that to most intents and purposes the Cape Constitution has been suspended during many months of government without Parliament, and that in a manner a suspension of the Constitution would only legalise an existing state of affairs. Most of all we must be influenced in our judgments by the tried and proved wisdom of Lord Milner and by the final expressions of the opinions of the loyalists of the Cape and of Natal, in whose ranks every New Zealand er who goes to South Africa will instinctively and intelligently enrol himself.