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New Zealand Herald, Volume XVI, Issue 5637, 10 December 1879, Page 4

Victoria aifords a clear example of the difference between the theory of a popular Chamber representing the people ana the practice. The present Legislative Assembly of that colony was pledged to support Mr. Berry in effecting a reform of the Constitution which would remove the probability of a dead-lock between the two Houses, and curtail the powers of the Legislative Council. Baffled in his first attempt, Mr. Berry went to England to obtain from the Imperial Government an enabling bill—a bill which would enable the Assembly to over-ride the resistance of the Council. The idea was a bad one. and there can be little doubt that a puerile vanity reudered the Premier desirous of airing

himself at the Colonial Office. It -.t.is unreasonable to expect that the Home Government, which had conceded l<»;al control of local affairs wou'd accept tue odium which must attend its interference. The demand was a ffross blunder : because the interference asked for was that which the colonies had always steadfastly resisted, hence the concession of representative Government. The Colonial Office understood its business better than Mr. Berry did his, and he came back empty-handed. It was pointed out to him that whilst he was away partr ties would become relaxed, and thit is precisely what has happened. He has failed to obtain the two-thirds majority his measure requires, because some of his late supporters are at issue with him. And besides this aberration there is another not usually so prominently displayed as on this occasion, the dictatorial and indefensible interference of a portion of the Press. The Aye, which exercises an influence quite in excess of the purity of its intentions, and which airu3 at making Ministries it 3 facile tools, abhors Mr. Berry and several of his colleagues, and evea at the risk of impairing the cause of reform thruste iti ideaa on the Government, insists on a reconstruction of the Government, and attempts many other things which art not properly within the function of i public journal. Thus additional force is given to the independence exhibitec within the ranks of the Liberal party and the risk is run of the hopee aiK objects of the constituencies being baffleJ, Had Mr. Berry, when his strength was a it 3 maximum, proceeded with the Reforn Bill, the Ay: at that time would not hav« been strong enough to have attempted t< thwart him, and he is paying the penalty of the folly which led him to undemki hi 3 absurd trip to England. We occasionally hear something of in dependent members of Parliament, thos< noxious persons whose infinite purity o soul is quite inimical o successful parlia mentary government. It is not sufficiently understood that party government is th< essence of such institutions as we po=sc-=s, and that one of two things either it runs , be acted upon, or the Constitution re modelled. Without strict party govern ment the British Constitution would be : failure. The Home Rule party, for in stance, has discarded all party obligation!, and the result ha 3 been a seriou; impediment to the progress of pub'ii< business. In the United States, when happily the existence of the Cabinet doe: not depend on a party vote in Con gress, party has an altogether duTeren , significaace. The constituencies art sometimes censured for holding theii representatives too stoutly to their pam obligations, but what is now going on i:: the "ranks of the Liberal party in Tic toria. on even so important a matter as the Referm Bill shows that their politicv instincts are much sounder than the haz_\ notions of those who exalt the indepen dence of the member over the objectand exigencies of party. However, th< constituencies in Victoria will have at opportunity of holding their member; responsible for their pledge; : because the Governor has granted Mr. Berry j dissolution on the policy of the Govern ment with regard to Constitutional re form.