SIR GEORGE GREY AT THE THAMES.
TURNING THE FIRST SOD OF THAMES
AND WAIKATO RAILWAY. [from our own reporter.]
The importance of the event which took place at the Thames on Saturday can hardly be appreciated, especially in the South, without a few words of explanation. The commencement o£ a public work like a railway in the South means the furnishing to a certain district of a means of communication which the settler 3 had not enjoyed before, inferring enhanced value of the land. Bat the opening of this line between the Tnames and Waikato, coming contemporaneously with other events, means the opening of a largo district to settlement. Were we to desire an instance of the power of the native difficulty, I would take as my instance the Thames. Somewhere about half-a-century ago, Europeans travelled over the district in a leisurely way, in Maori canoes, penetrating the tributary streams of the main river. These men viewed with astonishinont the vast expanses of level and fertile country, well watered in every direction, and they confidently predicted that in a very few years it would be wnving with golden harvests.. Governor Hobson sent home descriptions of the Thames Valley, and informed the Colonial Ofiice that its proximity to the harbour of Waitcmata was the reason for fixing upon that place for the site of the capital of the colony. The natires were then quiet and peaceful, and anxious to have Europeans to settle amongst them, whilst they were willing everywhere to part with their surplus lands for small sums. And yet forty years have passed, and the resistance of the natives to settlement is just aiving way. And yet the Thames has been exceptionally furnished with the means of settlement. Two rich goldfields have been discovered on the Coromandel Peninsula, and these have been worked by the most energetic men ever brought together in the Australasian colonies. Many of these men made money, and were eager to invest it iu land, and to leave gold-mining for farming ; but no land could bo had. In the early days of the goldfiold the ground over which Europeans were allowed to travel was much restricted, and parties of natives were always on the look-out for trespassing Europeans. The consequence of native obstruction has been that, although no district in New Zealand is more favourably situated for rapid and successful colonisation, and although no district has had such good opportunities, the valley of the Thames still lies waste. Within the last year or two, since the local bodies hare brought pressure to bear upon the natives, concessions of roads have been made whero all previous effort had been resisted. The construction of the railway will be a finishing stroke, and now we anticipate that settlement will come in like a flood, to the great advantage of those who have continued at the Thames, hoping against hope, and almost losing heart in the struggle. These remarks will enable readers to understand how the inauguration of this work is of much greater importance than merely uniting two districts by railway. The local bodies at the Thames, supported by an unanimous public opinion, had made preparation that the event should be duly celebrated, and all their arrangements were admirably conceived and well carried out. For a good many yeara past a Railway Committee has beea in existence for the purpose of endeavouring to have the railway constructed, and the members thereof, as v.as meet, took a prominent part in the arrangements. A number of visitors were invited from Aucklau but as no steamer left for the Tt:ames direct early on Saturday morning, and as it was not known till Friday evening that the Hinemoa would take those who had been invited, there were much fewer Auckland persons present than thero otherwise would have b-(!U. The following were on board : —Sit George Grey, Mr. \V. Mitchell (Private Secretary), Mr. McMinn (M.H.R.), MK Peacock (Mayor of Auckland), Mr. P. A. Philips (Town Clerk), Mr. Melton (ex-Mayor of Parnell), Councillor Waddel, Councillor Fleming, Mr. A. J. Cadman (Chairman of tho Coromandel County Couucil), and Councillors Lynch and iilaokmoro were also present throughout the proceedings by invitation. When the Hinemoa came to anchor off Tararu Wharf, tho steamer Ruby went off to bring the party on shore, having on board Mr. MoCullough ( Mayor of Thames), Mr. A. W. Brodie (Chairman of the County Council), and Mr. W. Davies (Chairman of the Harbour Board). On landing on the wharf, Mr. Davies briefly welcomed Sir George on shore, and those assembled, chiefly members of the local bodies, gave three cheers for the Premier. Preceded by a band, the party then marched up the wharf, from which it could be seen that the town was in holiday attire. A salute was Bred by the Naval Brigade from their guns on tho beach, shortly after the Premier had landed. On arrival at the shore end of tho wharf, tho Premier was received enthusiastically by a considerable crowd of his constituents. The members of the party then got into carriages, and were driven to the place where the first sod was to be turned. This was on tho beach, near the foot of Mary-street, and as nearly as possible in tho centre of the townships. Here a considerable space had been fenced off, and was left olear. For tho visitors a place had been covered in a3 a shelter from the sun, and here the address wan presented. A large number of ladies were present, and gaiety and cheerfulness w.is also given to the scene by about 400 chil dren being assembled at one end of the enclosure. Dr. Kilgour, who has been chairmain of the Railway Committee from tho first, here presented aa addrest to Sir George Grey, which gave a brief history of the efforts of the Thames people to obtain the railway, and heartily acknowledged the obligations they were under to Sir George Grey and his Government, and inviting him to make a formal commencement of the work by turning tho firs'; sod. Sir George Grey said: Dr. Kilgour, ladies, and gentlemen,—l will only say that it is with great delight I find the wishes of the inhabitants of the Thames are at length crowned with success, in respect to tho commencement of this railway, and it is with infinite satisfaction and pleasure that I this day render you my assistance in commencing this important undertaking. (Loud cheers.) Dr. Kilgour then handed to Sir George Grey au elegantly-made spade, and the Premier walked along a short gangway to where a barrow was standing. Taking a spadeful of turf from the ground, Sir George Grey deftly turned it into the barrow, which he hurled aloDg the gangway for some distance, During all this time rounds of cheering were given by the spectators, and a salute was fired by the Naval Volunteers. Sir George Grey said: Dr. Kilgour, ladies and gentlemen,—l trust that the railway, which has now been inaugurated, may prove a blessing and convenience to the inhabitants of the Thames, and be the means of turning a large amount of commerce from the interior of the country to what I believe to be one of the greatest ports in NewZealaud. I thank you all for having allowed me the opportunity of assisting at the commencement of so great and noble an undertaking. (Loud and repeated cheers.) Mr, Peacock, Mayor of Auckland, expressed his gratification at being present on the occasion, which was regarded with groat satisfaction by the people of Auckland. Mr. Melton, on behalf of the Municipality of Parnell, expressed pleasure at being present at the commencement of such a work. Mr. McMin'.v, M. H.R. forWaipa, said the people of Waikato wore delighted at tho prospect of being connected with tho Thamea by railway. He had no doubt that Waikato would have been well represented on that occasion had it not been that thi3 was the busy season. Dr. Kilgour read a letter of apology from Mr. Brett for his absence. The school children then, under the leadership of Mr. Grigg, sang a piece, entitled, "Our Own New Zealand Home," tho words and music of which were eompoaed by that gentleman, and do him great credit, the air being very pleasing. We may mention that in tho evening Sir George Grey sent a complimentary note to Mr. Grigg, acknowledging the receipt of a copy of the words aud music. At the conclusion of the singing, Sir George Grey, addressing the children, said : It affords me very much pleasure to see so many children assembled hero to-day, and to hear them sing so well. I tell you this— that myself and a great many other friends of tho childron of New Zealand have been working for many yeara to try and secure them a happy future in this country. It is with great delight that wo have seen that wherever tho children of New Zealand have been brought iu competition with the children of other countries, they have taken a very distinguished place. {Cheers.) God
has given you a country in which there is a climate which develops well not only your frames bat the human intellect. Well, now, my earnest prayer to you is that you reward all those who have worked to make this country for you by growing up to be a noble race of men and women, and doing your very best to make the country in which you were born one of the greatest nations in the world. (Cheers.) I do not mean a nation merely distinguished for wealth, but I mean a nation distinguished by the goodness of its inhabitants, and by the care which it bestows upon its children. When you grow up, remember that we have all tried to be kind to you when yon were helpless and could not care for yourselves. Recollect that kind words make happy homes. (Cheer 3.) That kind looks m*ke happy children. You must all have felt that you liked to be met by smiling faces and by kind words, and that they brighten up your homes. Now, do you try to brighten your homes by your kind looks, by your cheerful faces, by your good actions towards your fathers and mothers. Be obedient and loving children to them. Endeavour to repay them for the care they have taken of you, and when you become to be fathers and mothers, you will reap your reward. I will not keep you louger. I will only wish you a Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year, and hope that God will bles3 you throughout all your lives. Good-bye to you all. (Loud and continued cheers.)
After a brief delay, the party then reoccupied the carriages, and accompanied by the members of the local bodies, drove out several miles on the newly-formed County Road to a place beyond Totara Point. Some of your readers may have heard of the great battle fought at this place. On one of tho invasions ot the Ngapuhi, the Thames tribes assembled at Totara, and constructed there an enormous pa. This was besieged and taken by the Ngaputu, who, armed with muskets, made a tremendous slaughter amongst the Thames people. Ever since, the place has been strictly tupu, no person having till lately been allowed to pass over it. Many of those who knew the natives, and the awe which surrounded the place, predicted that they would never consent to a road being made there, as it might disturb the bones of their ancestors. From the configuration of the country, it was absolutely necessary that the road should pass by Totara. The perseverance of the County Council at length had its reward, and the road was made, and it is anticipated that the railway will be laid down alongside. The drive under the lofty point of Totara was very beautiful—tho giant rata trees being gorgeous with red flowers. LUNCHEON AT THE VOLUNTEER HALL. Returning to Shortland, the party proceeded to the Volunteer Hall, where luncheon was laid out. The hall was splendidly decorated with nikau, ferns, and branches of other trees ; while on the tables were numerous flowers in pots and handsome bouquets. The luncheon was in every rospect a credit to the people of the Thames, to the committee of management, and to the purveyor. About 250 persons sat down. The chair was occupied by Dr. Kilgour, as chairman of the Railway Committee, and the vice-chair by Councillor Brown. At the conclusion of the meal, The Chairman proposed the toast of " The Queen," expressing regret for the bereavement which had lately befallen Her Majesty and the Royal Family, which was drunk with enthusiasm. The Chairman next proposed "The Health of the Prince and Princess of Wales." Tho toast was drunk with the usual honors. The Mayor of the Thames (Mr. W. McCullough) proposed " The Health of His Excellency the Governor," and said there was no part of the British Empire more loyal to the Crown thin the Colony of New Zealand. It wa3, therefore, in accordance with their feelings and their wish to drink the health of Her Majesty's representative— His Excellency the Marquis of Normanby, (Drunk with cheers.)
Mr. Bp.opie, (Jhairman of the County Council, proposed "The Army and Navy aud Volunteers." He had the greater pleasure in proposing the toast, when to jnt, so many present who were or had been connected with these services. He remembered that several who where there were engaged iu defence of the colony, either as soldurs and sailors in the British navy, or as settlers in the ranks of the Volunteer force. He oould see an old Volunteer in his Worship the Mayor of Auckland.
Major Withers returned thanks for tho Army.
Mr Greekvtlle, member of the County Council, briefly replied on behalf of the Navy.
The Mayor or Auckland, in responding for the Volunteers, said he was somewhat surprised to be called on, after so many years, to respond to the toast, whic'ii, however, was in itself a proof that the service rendered in a time of difficulty to the country wn3 long remembered. He had served in the Volunteer force, and in the rank of " full private" he had endeavoured to do his duty. He thought that the toast would be more appropriately responded to by some Volunteer whose connection with that branch of the service was more recent. He had every confidence that, if the Volunteers should ever be called on again iu presence of active hostilities, they would do their duty as they had done before.
Major Murray, in obedience to loud calls, also responded, and in doing so said he was glad to be able to testify that tho Premier, the Government, and more especially Colonel Whitmore, had done everything they could to assist the Volunteers and further their interests. (Cheers.)
Colonel Eraser was also loudly called to speak, and also briefly responded to the toast.
The Chairman said : The toast I am now about to propose is, "Tho health of our illustrious guest, and the representative for this district in tho General Assembly." (Lotid cheering.) I am suro were I to ask you to drain your glasses without saying another word, you would drink this toast with enthusiasm. But tho occasion is not one to justify me in passing over so distinguished a name so briefly. 1 shall not detain you long, but you must permit mo to offer one or two remarks. This is, indeed, a great (lay for the Thames—a very great day, . in so far as tho future is concerned, aud the material prosperity which what we have today begun is likely to produce. Long before Sir George G>-ey saw tho colony of New Zea'aud he was a mars of mark. The colony of Australia and tho Cape of Good Hope have experienced the wise administration of Sir George Grey, and rejoiced under it. I shall not venture upon even a sketch of his remarkable ,v:.l distinguished career. Tho time mus' couje with him, as with all men, that ho must rest from his labours. That time appeared to have come on~e for him, when he might have retired from public responsibility crowned with laurels aud honoured by his sovereign. But upon the intimation that his life might still be useful, lie again came forth and renewed his services to the public at a time when most men think themselves entitled to rest upon the laurels and the reputation t'iey have won. Having laid himself up in lavender, if I may so speak, for a very brief period, ho was not tempted to indulge his repose when the colony wanted his help. He once moic, iu auswor to the call of duty, emerged from his privacy and entered upon the political arena. He did this not to gratify an empty ambition, not for sordid love vF gain, but with tho sole object of doing good for his adopted country—the cci'.ntry which he had made his home. (Loud cheers.) Wo may well believe that there are high principles which underlie his political views, and having heard these principles enunciated by him from time to time, I can say for you as well a? for myself, that wo are all in complete accord with them. (Cheers.) An ! even if there should bo any difference of opinion in this respect, I would claim for Sir Georgo Grey the liberty that is conceded to every British-born subject to dcclare the opinion which he holds beloro ■ 1 111 '. .. The claim of Sir George Grey to the sympathies of the people in opening up the lauds of the colony for the boiici Jide settlers iu it will be acknowledge 1 by everybody. We want no proof of Sir George Grey's sincerity in this particular. He has given abundant proof in many ways. If proof were required, we might point to what took place in respect to soino lands in this neighbourhood. Tho principle involved iu what was known as the Broomhall Settlement was not tho kind of principle which claimed assistance from Sir Georgo Grey. He took a much broader view of the question of settlement than was implied in the sale of lands to English capit ilists, who could scud out labouring people to work them, or immigrants with more or less capital. Ho looked to a more permanent advantago from settlement than was implied by the money given to the public treasury. Sir George Grey felt that, tho lands should be as open to settlers actually in the country, or tho children of settlers born in the country, as they were to gentlemen in England and those whom thoy employed. We cannot help seeing in what has been done this day thatourdistinguished guest
has achieved a remarkable 'political success— a success which must have the greatest in flaence for good upon the future career of this colony, and redound to the happiness »nd prosperity o£ its inhabitants by the promulgation o£ sound principles of public economy and social development. The toast was received with enthusiastic cheering, tho company rising en masse, the cheering boiug renewed three times, and Tjrolongad for some minutes. Sir George Grey, who, on rising, was greeted with enthusiastic cheers, Baid : — Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen,— Your chairman just now, in proposing my health, said, that I ought to be a very proud roan. Weil, I really am a very proud mr.n, not in the ordinary sense of pride, but lam proud and grateful to have been ;OJo-A-ed to live to see virions- realised wiiick 1 formed many yeara ago. (Cheers.) Some thirtyfive years . ago, very nearly at this season of the year, I first visited the River Thames. I came (lowq in a littlo schooner belonging to the late Bishop of Lichfield, whose loss we all V.o much deplore. He brought me down here in a boat from Auckland,—a boat belonging to the harbourmaster. He left me lieYe and I had some time to walk about this place." From where this town now stands, and its immediate vicinity, I formed some idea of the nature of the country. I proceeded up the .River Thames in this small boat. Ultimately we came to a point beyond which the boat could not go—close to the foot of the Aroha Mountain. I than went up the, river in a canoe. -At that time I was perfectly satisfisd that, this district was one of great importance. I relied upon the belief of Captain Cook, formed years before, that a great city ultimately mußt stand here. (Cheers.) He stated that if a great city was to arise in New 7.^l— 1 r!ipn^n r I e i?^ Cerfcaiu , ; ° ,jDltl be f °und for it than the J.flame v river. That was the opinion of a great ' la .T*.gntor. (Cheers.) I spent Eeveral days :in going up the river, and in faucy I saw such a city rise and a great settlement established here. Early one morning I walked up to the top of the Aroha Alouutain, and as I looked down upon tho valley I spgnt somo time musing upon 1 what the future of this valley aud this country was to.be> and infancy I saw some such scene as I witnessed to-day. (Cheers ) I did not imagine that I was to take a part in the scene myself, but I thoroughly believed that a day of greatness was to come for this place. I now einoy the blessing—a blessing not often in the world—that after the lapso of so many years I have been permitted to see the visions of comparative youth thus brought vividly as a fact before me. (Loud cheers.) Now, from this I could poiut to one thing worthy of our consideration, and that is that steadiness in the pursuit of some particular object almost invariably meets its reward. (Cheers.) We are told that "tho rolling stone gathers no moss," and there is,more in that proverb than at first strikes the ear. If I had not persistently, through many years, felt a great affection for New Zealand, —felt determined to see this country reach the goal to which I felt sure it must come, —I say if I bad not remained here and felt that determination to witness the great end which years before I had seen in prospect,—if I had been a mere rover, a wanderer, caring little for the country, except during the time of official life in which I was !in' it, I could not have had the infinite pleasure and satisfaction which this day has afforded me. (Cheers.) Now, to form the opinion I had then required a belief in many things. It did not require simply a belief in one's self and one' 3 own power to do anything; but it required a belief in my fellow-men. It required a belief that an industrious, thrifty, and enterprising population must prepare to face great difficulties and great dangers. They came to this country and persisted iu the noble career upon which they had entered of founding a great nation and a great people in the very remotest corner of the earth. I believed in that —I believed in my race ; 1 believed in the Anglo-Saxon people ; I believed in the British as a race and people who were des-tined-to occupy the earth, who would dare all difficulties and dangers, and who would
not be easily turned back from any proper and legitimate pursuit upon which they had f entered —I ask you all to look around you i'i to-day, and answer me, have you well and e- faithfully fulfilled tho expectation of mine or not' (Cheers.) Have you shewn that yoa have sprung from a raco who would dare all things, aud do all things legitimately aud properly to found a home for the families who were to follow them ? I say the enterprise de- : yeloped here has been wonderful, and it is but little known. * Look at the machinery brought into the place; look at what the • miners have achieved here; look at the difficulties and dangers which they all had to encounter. See them all overcome, and see now the great career which is opening before us! (Cheers.) "Well, now, in reference to that career, just let me say one thing more. It is not my business on an . occasion like thiß to make a political Bpeech, or to allude to politics, except in very "t general terms; but, let mo tell you this, that a great misunderstanding has existed upon one subject. Over and over again lately I have seen this thing : —" Sir George Grey will make a fine speech to you, but will do nothing else." (Laughter.) Well, - now, I tell you this, aud I say it without any boasting. You have all heard of the Public Works Policy. I tell you that I was the first man to introduce a public works policy into the British colonies. (Cheers.) I was the first man who, many years before the Public Work Policy was introduced into New Zealand, laid down the true principle : upon which it should be established. I was tne first man to recommend the British Government to allow Buch a policy to be carried out in all their possessions. That was at least 15 years before yonr Public Works Policy was introduced here; and it was upon my recommendation, upon my advice to many members of the General Assembly, that the Public Works Policy was introduced into this colony after I had ceased to be Governor here. (Cheers.) Now, bear this in mind, that the man who introduced the Public Works Policy here had a difficulty to overcome, for I found it was almost impossible to persuade people in New Zealand that a Public Works Policy was a proper • thing for them to eater upon, and tho person who did persuade them to adopt that course, rendered a great service to the country. A fair investigation o£ the subject . would shew that I was the author of the plan 15 years before it was introduce,! into this place. Now, let me tell you the arguments upon which that was based, some <jf which have been published lately. I said this, that, in a new country, after a certain time, when the people had established themselves -ithere, they had produced farms in the country, they had produced exports, they - had created wealth in various forms, and I •' said they have done something else,—they havo created that which is invisible, and which is of greater importance than anything else they have: created. They have Established a public credit; they havo made ■improvements in the country upon which • great sums can be raised for tho development of itg internal resources, and- for the construction of great public works, and it is as much their duty to use that product as it is to use the produce which they raise from their farms. It is as much their duty to make use of their credit to open up tho country and to make great public works as i' is to grind the wheat and to eat the bread Trhich they grow. And, furthi r, I stated that which 1 think you will all feol to be t-'ae, that as these public works are to he for the benefit of future times, as well for tho present generation, it is right that those who succeed them in the country should bear their fair share of the burden created by such public works. (Cheers.) Well, when that subject was inooted by me, it created great discussion, » ; aad there are those uo\r present who know / that I introduced that principle at the Cape Good Hopo ; that X thcro raised large , of public mosey, that I havo had rail- . constructed, and great harbour work a .v ; undertaken, which are now bccome of the v; Jtmoafc consequence to the world; that; I . had telegraph communication established ' throughout various parts of the colony—all done by, public money raided and -v ii expended. After that had been '■ done, Ireturned to Great Britain. A great j -uiscassion arose on this vtry subject". | one particular ca3d in which ; , conduct was canvassed by a large ■V . composed ot tho le»«l . men of Great Bri'ain. Thtrro were :i : w. ■ -prSßfcnt at that dinner-party sotne fourteen , :-;0t fifteen people—among others the Duke of : -:r^. r Syfej Mr. Gladstone, Lord John Russell, : v;:v.. *" r .~ornewaU Lewis, tl>e present Lord Lawv. t'i Jf? ce » t-he present Lord Halifax (Sir Charles Wrod), the late Lord Macaulay, and other ' -of that class and character. The discus-;l-■-Son was u pon the question, "Is Sir George v. way's act right ia maintaining that a new £% Jpsntry can only he raised to its proper posiII? >25?* entailing a debt on that country,Q&8 in great part to be paid by F _ Singular to relate, Geor/ 5
He was a man of very peculiar temperament, and of extraordinary caution, and, Lthiuk, a man of considerably over-rated wility, which seems now to be the general opinion. Lord John Russell, afterwards Earl Russell, was strongly opposed to my views. Mr. Gladstone was also, to a great extent, opposed to them, but he entered into them to a very trifling degree. The only great snpporter I had was Lord Macaulay, and he was earnest in supporting that which I had done, and the propositions which I had promulgated for the extension of the tssme ayate-n to other British possessions. I recollect his .reasoning was very peculiar, very singular. He was a man of infinite wit of a peculiar kind, of immense reading and research, and of great powers of conversation and hid the greatest facility of applying Juutself to any discussion that might be raised. The argument used against me was this : You have no right to burthen posterity, and inflict any chargo upon them ; they will suffer from what you do 3 it is true they will have derived great advantages, but they will not have consented to incur suffering in consequence of those advantages, and it is a very bad system to plunge any nation into debt. Lord Macaulay said, in a humoroua way:—" Weil, we all know that Commissioner Lin, at Canton, has lately executed nearly 100,000 Cbinene. Now, my opinion of distance is this : that when I heard of the great number of executions in ChiDa, I was very much effected bv it, and felt it greatly, but I solemnly declare that if I were attacked by a very bad pain iu my hand say such as the gout, for instance, I shonld think more of myse"f than of all the hundred thousand ChinjimSn ex» cuted at that great distance fror? "n He said, " The nature o£ a b"- 7" , mo \ this :he thinks very , —«m:in being is ver „ - _ -allien of t'lo present, j —j much of what particularly Concerns himself, and I do not think you will ever bring the people of tbe British nation at large to think mu :h of the burthen 3 they thrust on posterity in a just cause. They will think more of themselves —they will care more for the pain in their own hand than if, somo huudred years or two hundred years hence, the psople would have to pay some share of tha debt contracted for their benefit." He said, moreover, "I do not know what kind of people will live in England three hundred years from this date. I canno? tell that at all. They may be a totally different class of people from, ourselves. I have an intense regard for you, and I could not refuse anything for your benefit because it might press hardly on the people three hundred years hence. Therefore, I am entirely in favour of Sir George Gre'y'a proposition, and think it a proper policy.". Lord Macaulay wgs really the only great supporter I had on that occasion. In reference to»tho Thames, I wish to apply what I have been saying —that the time has come when yourselves and tho people spreading into the interior of the Waikato have done that which I speak of—that is, you have created an invisible thing—credit,—upon which you can get the means necessary to open up the country and make it one of the most productive regions on the earth. I say that it is as much your duty to emply those means properly as it is to employ the annual produce which you raise from your farms, or the annu-il sums you may make by merchandise, or in any other way. Ido not advise you to be extravagant, by no means. Be economical in your expenditure ; spend it wisely; undertake nothing that is unnecessary; but in the same manner as distant parts of New Zealand have been fertilised, if I may use the expression, by nsing the credit of the colony at large and reaping immense advantages from that credit — insist upon your right. Now, having attained maturity in colonisation, you ought to have similar things done for you as have been done for all other parts of this country. (Cheers.) I say that is due to tho enterprise of the people who have made this place. I say it ia due to them, becauao they have contributed largely to the advancement of other parts of New Zealand. I say again, it is due to them for this reason, —that, having experience of other parts of New Zealand before them, I know that they will act more economically and more wisely than has been done in other places. I believe that, with much smaller sums than have been spent elsewhere, much greater results may be achieved. I will allude to one other point. Do not be led astray by the glitter of wealth held np before you. As your chairman said just now, with reference so your lands, whether temperance settlements or intemperance settlements, or any other kind of settlement that may be proposed, by which large numbers of people are to be brought here from England, allow nothing of the kind to bB done until the wants of yourself and yonr children have been provided for. I made no answer to tho arguments on that side of the subject which were used in the House. Those arguments amounted to this : They said they could sea that it would be providing a great blessing for the people of the Thames, if gentlemen shonld come from England, to enable them to provide works and employ their labourers. I sat still; I said nothing. I though in my mind the people of the Thames knew their own interest too well. They want to employ themselves. (Loud cheers.) Knowing that nothing could be done, I made no answer to such arguments, but I resolved in my own mind that the lands (which properly belonged to you), now that the power rests with myself, should bo secured to you. (Renewed cheering.) When what is necessary for your own wants has been taken, let the remainder of the land be then sold to the public at large,—let the whole world bavo tha same chance, and not only water-drinkers. • (Laughter and cheers.) Now, I myself am a water-drinker, and I have a very great respect for them : let them have the same rights as all other men. But I say the way to make all mon temperate is not by restrictions—not by laws which tie them up in various ways, and which produce but little effect—not by depriving them of lands and money and making them simply labourers to other men. The way to make men temperate and cheerful and prudent—and, I believe religious—is to give them the means of providing homes far themselves — (Loud and prolonged cheering), —to open up to them a position in the world, to give them pleasing occupations, to give them a chance of providing what i 3 requisite for the wants of thiß life, and time in their old age to think and prepare themselves for a future state in peace and comfort. (Cheers.) Now, having said that, 1 will only add this : I trust the work ia which we this day have been engaged may produce all the prosperity and blessing for this place which I believe it is capable of achieving. I hope that those who have aided me this day may live yet long enough to see this good and prosperous town connected with every part of New Zealand by a railroad starting from hence.
Sir George Grey resumed liia Beat amid loud and prolonged cheering.
The Vice-Ciiaihman (Mr. John Brown) proposed, "The Visitors." He was glad to see Mr. McMinn, M.H.R., tho Mayors of Auckland and Parnell, Mr. Cadrnan from Coromandel, present at the ceremony which had taken place. He hoped that Mr. McMinn's words miqht he realised, and that the people of the Thames would shortly have to visit Waikato to assist at tho inauguration of that end of the line.
The Mayor of Auckland said tho inauguration of the work that day was pregnant with tho most beneficial results to the community of the Thames. He bad always entertained a high opinion of the public spirit manifested by the Thames people. If anything were wanting to convince him, he need only refer to the organisation of their Volunteer and Firo Brigades. Ho believed that the Minister at present in oflice would have a just care for the interests of the place, lie could never understand the basis upon which local jealousies were sometimes raised. It appeared to him that tlie success of one local community was bound up with tlie succcss of every local community in tlio eimc colony. iJe bogged to thank the local bodies and the committee for tlie hospitality tliat marked their reception of the vi^itnrs.
The Mayor ojf Parnell(J. W. Melton) also responded. Lie regretted that tho Mayorelect, Mr. Coleman, wa3 not a'olo to attend, and in consequence of that gentleman's absence, he had to represent him. Owing to indisposition, Mr. Coleman bad not as yet been able to enter upon hi 9 office, or ho would no doubt be pleased to be present on sui-v an occasion.
Mr. (County Council of Coromandel) also rewned thanks.
The Chairman next proposed, "W. How, Esq., our representative, and the other members nf tho House present^—Tfie toast v.aa received and drtinlt nmfd cheering, ile happened to.be-in Wellington during a onsidarable portion of tho session, and it va3._ frequently liis good fortune to be JfOught into contact with Mr. JRowo. Ho was glad to take tho present public opportunity of bearing testimony to the efficiency with whioh Mr. Bows conducted hia Par-
the Thames District. Looking to the special interests of the Thames community, he coukl say with perfect sincerity that the people and their representative, Mr. Rowe, were in complete accord. (Cheers.)
Mr. Rowe, M.H.R., in responding, was very cordially received. He said he had not passied during the whole of his life a single day fraught with so much complete satisfaction, nor a happier one ; for it was a thiut; to see real work begun which'could not fail to be productive of good. They h.id done that day what tbe labour of many men who resided for yeara in the Thames led up to. He saw Mr. B I'ry, Mr. Robertson, aud other gentlemen present who bare a part in tbe first struggles of the Thames, and <Sout>*ibuted their personal energy to mako it vhat i: was. It was possible in. polities a nian ivbo v.'&s satisfied he v-*as right should yti", have come to eoni;)uhions. Best having convictions, a man should not suffer himself to be set aside from what he thought to be right by any person or circumstances whatever. He, Mr. So we, cared little for temporary popularity. He was content with the sincerity of his convictions, the determination to discharge hi 3 public duties according to his conscience, and he was prepared to staud by public judgment which would consider all eircumstauces connected with any particular case. He bad heard a great deal said about some supposed difference between Sir G. Grey and iJuijalf. But they were present era such an occasion as not to aggravate differeaces, if any existed, bat %g heal[ On aii "occasion overyoue in the com"Vanity could be and should be united to the common object in view. He admitted the willingness of Sir George Grey to work for the good of the district as well as himself. He had always found in Sir George Grey the most intense desire td promote the welfare of this community of the Thames. (Chesrs.) Many things had to be considered by Ministers, and it might be expected that Sir G. Grey could not go miuutelyintoevery question of petty detail. He was bound to say that in Sir George Grey he found the heartieut and moat cordial support for measures boneficial to the district whenever tliey came up before the House. He had known Sir (•-. Gri'V as long as most of those present. No mi.n had a greater respect or affection for another than h'; had for Sir George Giey, who would not sacrifice a political principle, oven if -Mi - . Gladstone were to reign over him. Now is the time for cementing a unity of opinion not only among the people of the Thames, but of the people of the whole Provincial District. (Cheers.) Ho could say of Mr. Macandrew, th« Minister of Public Works, a more sincere friend Auckland never had. (Loud cheers.) He was glad to see his hon. friends, Mr. McMinn aud Honi Nahi present, to share in the compliment that had been paid to himself. Mr. McMinu could speak for himself, but a better representative than Honi never entered the House. (Cheers.) Honi Nahj ro3e fo respond to the toast, Mr. Puckey being interpreter. He spoko a3 follows : —I have much pleasure in meeting you here to-day. I have heard with very much pleasure what you have said, and I thank you for the cordial manner in which you have drunk the toast of "Members of Parliament." Members of Parliament are tliey who frame the laws of the country for the benefit of all parties. I feel rather dark because you call "on me for a speech, becauseit occurred to me that Sir George Grey and Mr. Rowe were quite competent to make all the speeches required. I am very much pleased indeed at the meeting which has takeu place to day to inaugurate the opening of the railway, and I hope it will be carried to a successful completion. I have already urged on the native chiefs of this district to give lands for the opening up the road, so that tho railway might follow it. (Cheers.) The railway to the people of the native race is the greatest possible good that could be conferred upos them. I have seen, with wonder, in other places, that larger railways have been opened, aud that there really was no railways here. ' I ara exceedingly pleased that this meeting has taken place to-day with the view of opening a railway.
Mr. McMinn, M.H.R., said: I am very proud to see this very large assemblage.- 1 am pleased for two reasons : first, because of the general progress which the occasion of this day indicates; and, secondly, because lam a settler in the Waikato. I had hoped to see the Mayor of Hamilton here. I know that he intended to be here. This railway will place a very large body of consumers in communication with the producers of tho Waikato. (Cheers.) lam sure you will all agree with me in making acknowledgment of the energy of Mr. Brodie, the Chairman of your County Council. I met him at the confercnce in Wellington, and although I have a good deal of experience in Road Boards, I confess that I was but a child compared with Mr. Brodie. I will therefore ask you to drink that gentleman's health— Mr. Brodie. The ioast was drunk with the usual honours.
Mr. Brodie : I can assure you this honour was altogether unexpected by me. I can only thank you for your kindness.
Mr. K. Graham proposed, " The Ladies." He performed the duty with great pleasure. He could point to the children of this district, —the mauntr they were dressed and cared for, the neatness of their appearance, and the whose tone of their conduct, as witnesses for the claims -which the ladies had to be honoured on such occasions as the present. He could point to their thrift, the elegance and utility and beneficeuce of the work done by the ladies of the district as deserving of the highest praise. (Cheers.) Captain Souter proposed, " The mining, commercial, and agricultural iutorests of the district, which was drunk amid cheering, and responded to. This concluded the proceedings connected with the banquet, and the company separated to attend the inspection of the Volunteers, which was to take place at 5 o'clock. Three cheers were given for Sir George Grey, throe cheers for the -Mayor and Borough Council, aud three cheers for the Chairman and County Council. THE VOLUNTEER REVIEW. At five o'clock, the Volunteer Companies of the Thames were mustered on the beach, near the Pacific Hotel, for inspection, by Major Withers. They were formed in column by the left, in six companies, as follows : Hauraki Engineers, under Captain Small, Lieutenants Barlow and Denly ; No. 1 Scottish, nnder Lieutenant Dey, and SubLieutenants Johnston and Brownlow ; Hifle Rangers, under Captain i<\irrell and Lieutenant Seott Hunter; Maori Company, under Captain Taipari, and Lieutenants Kaika and Matiu Poono; Thames Naval Brigade in two companies, undor Captain WilJman, Lieutenants Gavin, Lawless, and Brown. The parade was under tho command of Major Murray. The parade was called for the inspection of Major Withers, who was accompanied by the Hon. Sir George Grey, the Premier. Before the in-speeting-officer arrived, the column was wheeled into line and tlio Inspector received with tho usual general salute, after which the ranks were carefully ins; ected by Major Withers and Sir Geogre Grey, who were accompanied by the Mayor of Auckland. The parade mustered altogether nearly 500 men, and would have been much larger but for tho early hour at which it was called. The general physique of tho men was simply superb and a matter of most favourable coinm-nt. On account of tho limited ground for the parade, only a few battalion mancevures- could bo executed ; but all tho movements were dono very creditably, — notwithstanding tho small |:aradc-ground, aud ..the largo number of general public who crowded 011 the Volun teers. At tho conclusion, battalion square was formed, when several shooting prizes, consisting of belts and other priz-s, were presented by Mrs. Kil;,'our to the winners, after which Sir Goorgo Grey expressed the pleasure it afTordcd him to inspect the Thames Volunteers. Colonel Whitmorc, .D"fciics Minister, had reported most favourably of them, but he ' (Sir Georgr) wan pleased to say not more tiian they deserved, as they were a fine body of men. lie was sorry that they had not a pirade-ground, but he believed Major Murray had applied to the Government f.ir assistance in forming a parade-ground, and he (Sir Oeorg ) should be pleased to give the Thames Volunteers every assistance in his power in obtaining such a de.irable object. The Volunteer's then marched pait ri ; ;ht in front, and then left in from:. 1 The marc'iiing, generally, was the theme oi v-uiversal praise. Tho No. 2 Scottish, not having yet received their uniform?, were inspected by Major Withers at 7.30 p.m., and passed muster well, were highly complimented as.a-sfflart and soldierlike company. Two' "mclals were presented to B. O'Longhlin, bite 70th Foot, by Sir George Grey, for services in India and New Zealand. PUBLIC MEETING AT TUB THEATRE ROYAL. ADDRESS TO THE ELECTORS. Before the hour appointed for the meeting the theatre was closely packed with an eager
George Grey being announced, the mee'ting rose to receive him, cheering and waving hats and handkerchiefs. This demonstration lasted for eome time, and must have been moat gratifying to the Premier, who wa3 sensibly affected by it.
On the motion of Mr. Greenwood, seconded by Councillor Hansev, his Worship the Mayor (Mr. W. McCullough) was called to thu chair, and in a few prefatory remarks introduced Sir George Grey. The Hon. Sir Gr. Grey said : Ladies and gentlemen,—Your chairman has been good enough to say that my constituents have reason to b& grateful to me. (Hear, hear.) To that I answer that I have reaßon to be grateful to them for giving me an opportunity of serving New Zealand. (Cheers.) Now, lirst, before I to you what are purely political :>>■ i'j-U:i. , I will just aay a word to you on practical local matters. Firstly, since I was last here s. grest deal has been done in- the way of constructing roads through the couulry. Very great improvements have been made. Now, I should bo very ungrateful if I did not say this : That those' improvements have been carried out through and by your local authorities. They entered into an arrangement with the Government that they would endeavour to carry those out so as to benefit both races, and to try and lead the native race to see that their interests were common with our own, and that it was desirable, even for their own interests, that they should do the best to promote luo opening up °f their country by roads and" by other conveniences. The chairinan of your County Council and tho neads of your local bodies have both energetically and loyally carried out that agreement — (cheers),—not only here but in the districtof Coromandel also. I should be sorry, if carried away by tho heat of the discussion which we shall have to-night, I should have forgotten to givo thanks where thanks are so well due. I, therefore, have begun my address to you, this evening by statiug what are your obligations for what has taken place in this part of New Zealand during the last twelve months. X need hardly say that it will be a great encouragement to m vs.: if and the Governm&ut, and we will, continue to do our very utmost for a community which so readily helps itself, and so willingly aids that which is carried on for the good of all. -Now I will pass to subjects of greater interest —that is, I will endeavour to give you an account of my stewardship during tho last session of Parliament. (Cheers.) I will state to you what I think are proper objects for us to pursue in the coming session—what are the objects which we should endeavour to obtain, and what is the system which we should strive to build up. In entering upon these points I would eay that lately X have heard a great deal of such lauguage as X will now mention. The people everywhere have been told, "Sir George Grey will make a fiue speech for yon, and that is all." Well, now, I do not consider you so wanting in intellect that you would be led astray by a fine speech. In the next place, you must all know that God has endowed every one of ns with different faculties, and a man, if he does his duty to his fe!low-men, cannot help using the faculties which Sod ha 3 given him. if! is speech even i 3 not a thing of his own ; his intellect is not his own, his x>ower of reason is not his own, it is a gift that he cannot help using—some men havo one gift, some another, —such gifts as they havo they cannot avoid using, if they wish to Berve their fellows. (Cheers.) X would say that tho persons who talk in the way I havo mentioned reason unjustly. (Heur, hear.) What I ask is this, let them answer the arguments that are used—that thoy never do. Let them answer the reasoning that is used—that they do not do. They simply indulgo in vapid declamation to this effect, that it is a "Gnu spcech," or other silly comment. As an example of what I mean, X wilt just mention one or two facts that occurred in the House of Representatives last session. You are all aware that in the case of tho Province of Canterbury an Act was suddenly passed, or rather a clause nas suddenly introduced into a bill, by which for an additional ten years 7,000,000 acres of land were given to the ruuholders, —that is, three years before their leases expired, and their leases had been for a long term of years. On that subject thy couutry ought to have been appealed to, but the majority in the House vrruld not allow any appeal to the country. Tljey at once hurried through an Act which gave them several millions of acres of land for an additional ten years. I was angry at that. I was indignant, and in addressing some people in the South, who were well acquainted with the facts, I said that after that bill was passed, the first great collection of children I saw I pitied them to think how they had been wronged. That was turned into ridicule. The arguments were not answers as to the wrong done, but there wero roars of laughter at the spcech the hon gentleman made who "pitied the little children." I would put it to you whether I should have pitied those children or not. Xf the runs had been divided, instead of a few persons holding them, a large rental" could havo been derived from them. Were tho children to be patient, whose parents had been robbed of a chance of that kind, or were they not? (Cheers.) A large additional rental would have been obtained by fair competition in the market. If they had been reduccd in their proportion, they would have been placed in a larger number of hands. A far greater number of cattle and sheep would have been carried on them; the country would have been relieved from a considerable burden of taxation through the additional revenue that would have been obtained, and by the increased commerce and trade, so that the whole community would have been benefited. Was I justified in pitying the childreu who were called upon to make some sacrifice to give more money to those favoured individuals, or was I not ? (Cheers.) It was but to raise a laugh at a large numbor of children. I felt pity for them, placed in such circumstances. I say that I was thoroughly justified in feeling that pity, and I believe that the heart of any man who cared for his country would havo felt the sympathy and pity that I felt on looking at a large number of children who, I believe, are compelled to make some sacrifice which they ought not to be required to make, and whose parents, I believe, in many cases have been impoverished. This further thing took place. Tho same gentleman who said this, the late Superintendent of Canterbury.mado this additional remark. Ho said, " This gentleman (moaning Sir G. Grey) went about the country, and what did lie aay ?" Now I am quoting tho words of that hon. gentleman's speech, who said that in many instances 1 outered cottages in which there wero thoroughly Christian women; that those Christian women by Christianity possessed tho demeanour and manner of ladies. Then there was a loud laugh. This was called "preaching" to them, and telling the people that their wives were "liko ladies," which again produced shouts of laughter. What I really did say was this, and I am not ashamed to express my conviction. It was at a public meeting, one of tho largest which I had attended. I stated that in this colony I hud gone into many houses inhabited by private families, and I had met there tho wives of many settlers who for years had been separated from intercourse with large towns or large communities —people who wero thoroughly Christian, who were in tho daily practice of Christian virtues, and who, I believe, wore as good Christians as I had ever met, —that I often thought the result of Christianity was to create unselfishness, to create a gentleness and softness of manner ; and that in homes of that kind, uudersuch circumstances, Iliad met as gentle and polished women as I had met in the highest classes cf society in any part of the world. (Cheers.) I am not ashamed to say that those were my convictions ; that they wero what I felt, and what subject for rMiculc was there in that ? Was it any answer to my argument to raiso shouts of laughter at my having expressed sentiments of that kind ? Laught- r is no argument. Ridicule, undeserved, is no reply to just and weighty argument. But these are Iho kinds of argument that have been ofton used towards 1110. Another kind of argument used lately has be.-n this : "Don't you be led astray by Sir George Grey ; what you require is material advantage, and one great material advantage given to a place is worth all constitutional truths, or all constitutional principles. Look not for your jioekets ; they say that is th' 3 thing for people to do. Let them not think of their rights in these days, or what their constitution is to be, hut let people seo that they get a largo amount of public revenue spent among them. That is what you want for your constituents," they say. To that I answer that I do not believe any constituency in New Zealand is incapablc of attending to the two things at the same timo. JNow, I tell you, as your representative, take care that you havo your fair share of the public revenue spent among you. Hold me responsible for that, whethpr T nm in offioo .r>nfc
foolish as to neglect that. (Laughter.)' But 1 look after your rights at the same time, and i recollect that you are freemen—recollect 1 ( that yon are to leave a progeny behind you : in the country whom you wish to be free- i men also; look after both things at the 1 same time. You have intellectual ability 1 [ and force of character enough to do that. ; ITo tell you that you are to neglect your con- ■ | stitutional rights in the fnture, and to grasp at money for tho present is simply to say: 1 " Let the Legislature take care of these too. ; Let them legislate as they like, —if thoy i provide money for up, and throw it to us as it we were paupers." But that is not what 1 you want. You want fnily to understand 1 what you ought to have ont of the revenue, and to insist upon having it. You should fully understand what you rights are, and what v.'i!! secure you your fair share of the revenue of the country—not given to you .13 a boon, tint taken by yourselves as free, bold, and honest men from toat same chest into which you had put it—act to be doled out ■ to you as a gift, but to be taken by the people throughout the whole of New Zealand as the fair right of every portion of the community. See that you get it ; see that you secure the means of always 1 aving it; see that you leave to your children the right to see that the public revenues are properly expended, and the power of insisting upon their being so expended. That is yonr plain duty. (Cheers.) Now, I think you will agree with me on that point. [Cries, "Yes, yes; we do."J Those who attempt to delude you, simply to get the money, are uot your real friends. Rely upon it, that there is something behind it all when they recommend yon to do that. [Cries, "We don't believe them."] X will pass HOW to some- other subjects. Lately a cry has been raised in several parts of New Zealand about the land being unfairly dealt with. You are told not t& think of that; you are not to consider whether some people haro rights given to them whioh are not given to the public at large ; if they get the laud, thoy improve it and spend money, to that I answer, you ought not to he led astray by an argument of that kind. In the first place, a law is made. That law gives to every man an equal right. I'ho answer has been this, " Well, that is truo ; but, if you give to some favourite individuals peculiar rights, we have the power to make what we have done lawful, and, therefore, wo will do it " Now, 1 aay, that any people who 1 argue in that way are enemies to the country. J What does it mean ? It means that no 1 law exists. If you reason in that way; that we can break an existing law, because, 1 afterwards, we cau make a law to render infraction ol; a law lawful, that means simply 1 the ois no law —that those who are in power 1 do exactly what they like. I say that it is impossible for auy Government to break tho law, to give to individuals lands which they are not entitled to by the infraction, to give them what no other person can get,—it is impossible to do that without doing a wrong to the whole community. They do a wrong to themselves by training themselves to break 1 the law ; they do a wrong to the class whom 1 they instruct that they are so powerful they may get the law broken whenever they like 1 by private solicitation, and they do a wrong 1 to the whole community by dealing unlawfully with that which they only hold as trustees for the public. But they go on to tell you: "Oh, it is a very beneficial thing for you that we give some gentlemen a large tract of land, because they spend great sums 1 of money iu improving it. I say that the money with which they improve it is r.ot their own money, but it is your money. (Cheers.) If I go and obtain 100,000 acres of land for a mere nom'nal consideration, I can go immediately to the money-lender and raise a large sum of money upon it. That money so raised is your money —it is raised upon your property, aud if the expenditure is divided among labourers, it is actually their own money given back again. Now, consider this. To give a m >.n a large tract of land of that kind, or togive abodyof menalarge tract of laud, is to enable them indirectly to tax you to an enormous amount. This is rather a subtle poiut, but I will endeavour to make it plain to you. Suppose they gave mo 100,000 acres of land for a nominal consideration to make a farm; everyone of you knows that the value of the farm depends upon the facilities for getting tho produce to market and the means of communication. If, therefore, I jvive a man the power of determining whether roads are to be made through that h.nd or not, I give him the power of taxing every one.of his neighbours about him—l give him power of determining whether they shall have the means of getting their produce to market or not, and lower the value of the produce of every man in the vicinity if he will not make roads. Itis literally to give one individual the power of taxing all his fellows and neighbours. This leads up to another point, which is one of tho subjects upon which I shall have to speak to you to night. Another result of allowing people to acquire these great tracts of land in New Zealand is this, that by a law peculiar to this colony—l must endeavour to make myself clear on this matter because misrepresentations have been mado on the subject;—by a law peculiar to this colony, it is enacted that a man in proportion to his property in a county, or in a ridiug, is allowed to have five votes to one—that is, a man with the smallest amount of proporty can havo but one vote, while a man with a large amount of property in a riding can have five votes, and it is quite possible for him to have under this law 45 votes as against the one vote which most of his neighbours havo. You will, therefore, seo that the votes are not given, in such circumstances, to human beings, but to acres—that the voters are, in point of fact, the acres of land, and not human beinga. According to my view, the fair thing would be this : that the owners of property in a district—l do not care how many acres— should have tho power of saying, " We desire that our property should ba taxed at so much par acre"—a certain rate per acre to be put on; and I contend that the majority of people in the district should be competent to determine the amount of rate that should be put upon every acre of land in the district. (Cheers.) It should not be allowed that one man should have forty-five votes that would enable to determine who should be elected the Council of the County or the officers of the Council; to do that is to givo power to acres—it is to create a governing class which you will never get rid of. (Hear, hear.) I wish to make myself quite clear. Children raised up to balievo that one man haa a right to fortylive votes while their parents have but one rote, aud that those persons having each forty-fivo votes should have the power of electing all the membors and officers of the Council, and tho power of spending all the money, is to create two distinct classes in the community—one who will believe themselves born with tho right to govern—tho right to spend public money ; and another class who will go hat iu hand aud ask to be employed —to get work and ba paid with their own money. (Cheers ) Is -y that no worse attempt has been made to sot up an aristocracy in the country of the worst possible kind. If you will soarch tho writers on this subject of plurality of votes, you will tind that they s-vy this : " We believe in plurality of votes, —that is to say, the time shall come when plurality of votes will bo given ; but we believe the greatest curse that cau afflict a country would be to attach to that plurality of votes proporty and money. We believe that to do that is to secure the degradation of the great mas 3 of the community, aud to raiso up a governing class of tho worst possible kind." They go onto Bay that money may b- acquired fraudulently, it may be acquired in a questionable way, by improper means in various ways, even by good and prudent people, by people who save and deserve to accumulate ; but it may, aud often does, get into the hands of people who hive no right to acquire monoy by the arts they use to get it. To reward wealth by giving to it plurality of votes, is to give a power to govern and to tax others oppressively. as it may please those who have it, and is the worst thing that could be dono in a country. That is what the philosophical minds of the present age tay, and they say : " We believo the time will come hereafter when tho whole community will 1)0 so constructed, —when thuy wdl recognise that some men have greater wisdom than others, that some havo greater experience than others BOiae have greater faculties than others, and' hence to give to such as arc so distinguished a plurality would bo a wise thing to do. But that is a totally dliferent thing from what is being done litre. I am anxious that you should thoroughly understand this question, for I shall have to speak upon it more at largo than at present in respect of my conduct during last session. To make it clearer still, I wish to tell you this, that the money taken from the revenue and given to tho local bodies is in all cases taken and given to per-ons who possess the plurality of votes of the kind I speak of. This year, from the general revenue of the colony, upwards of £700,(100 in round numbers will be taken—l may say three-quarters of a million will be takon—from the general rovenue, and will be I m,.cn H.,.110 1/yyl K~.li"™ .J
three-quarters of a million belongs to ! the people—to all of you it belongs— to myself, to everyone who hears me, —in exactly equal proportion. AVhat right have persons, because they have eo many acres of land more than I have, or more .than any of you have, to decide, how £700,000, taken equally out of our pockets, should be spent? They don't contribute more to it than we do. They contribute exactly the ssrae. Why, because they have a greater extent of laud or property, do tbey. spend money which has no relation to'thproperty at all, but whicU belongs to all of us? (Che-rs.) I intended to have brought a pap?r with me, giving the result. What is the resnjt of that ? The whole amount raised from rates throughout New Zealand is under £100,000. Tlio holders of property, therefore, do not contribute one-seventh pirt of the wi'ole money which they have to spend. They may be said to contribute about one-eighth ; and I say that nothing can be more uujusfc to ruy mind than that they should havo the power of spending our money and contributing so little themselves. This leads me the Electoral Bill. That is what I am leading up to. I hope I have made myself clear as to what I mean, jl'ou may agree with me or not, but I hope you understand what I mean. This Electoral Bill was a matter for the gravest consideration. I think I can make it also clear to you that it was a matter of the greatest importance. The Government of New Zealand stand in a totally different position from that of any other British possession. In the first place, at home, the Government have always the power of dissolving Parliament whenever they like, and appealing to the people. I have macle a careful search during several months through the writings of modern statesmen—or the greater number of them— that could tend to throw light on the subject. I find that the universal practice of the Government is that if so and so take 3 place we shall dissolve. They do not say we shall advise the Queen to do it. They assume 'that the Queen must take their advice, which she invariably does. (Cheers.) They say",' we will appeal to the constituencies if so and so takes place. They speak always with the most perfect continence that such will be the result. I think you will agree with me that there can be no possible harm in an appeal to the people. any question arise in Parliament, and that the Government believe that something wrong; is being forced upon them, they are al'owed to dissolve the Parliament and appeal to the constituencies. That is ctrtainly the proper course to adopt. (Cheers.) In New Zealand, on the other hand, that right is expressly denied us. It is said the Governor here is to decide that question, aud the view taken of that right will vary from Governor to Governor. Some Governors may please to allow it, other Governors may please not to allow it, as has been the case recently. Other Governors may follow what ha 3 been dona at home. We may be told, as we havo been told, that New Zealand statciruen are not to be trusted as other statesmen are, and we have heard evon members of the JN'ew Zealand Parliament saying, "Thank God, th»t is the case." (Laughter.) They knew they had their seats for a long time. (Renewed laughter.) The re-ult of that is that Governors have said in these colonies, in some correspondence that took place betwoen them and the Government, "Before we alloiv a dissolution the House shall be exhausted.', That Ministry after Ministry should be tested, to see if any one could get a majority, ami unless no one body could get a majority, they would not allow a dissolution. You see, the effect of that is to weaken the Ministry of the day in the House, members knowing that thore can be no dissolution. Thoy know that they will not be sent again to the constituencies until certain things shall have been forgotten. This being the case, no Miuietry in New Zealand, unless after appeal, can bo strong enough in the House of JKepresentatives to undertake to carry any measures whatever with certainty. That has been the position of myself aud my friends up to the present time. Probably In the naxt session of the Parliament, which i« so near its opening, it will be allowed. That is tho position of any Ministry which com-;s into office after Parliament is elected, and which has not the right appeal to the people. The Government in office are likely to obtain a small majority in the Parliament which they thamselves get returned, if dissolved at the proper time. Let us then pass to the position of any Government in the Upper House. We have an Upper House such as is known in some other colonies. They are a nominated Upper House. But there are none in the other colonies with the peculiarities which we have here. Some people will say there is an Upper House in England, and that that is a nominated Upper House because they name the Peers, that is, a hereditary Upper House, except in the case of Law Lords. But there is an extraordinary difference between England and New Zealand. In England the Upper House can impose no new burthens on the community. The House of Peers are not paid out of the public funds. There is no nominated Upper House in the colonies that is paid except that of New Zealand. It is impossible for us to make additions to the Upper House of New Zealand without adding 200 guineas a-year for every ono we send to it. It is, in fact, a pension for life. I do not know whether I atn making myself clear to you on this point. It is something unknown. Take the Civil Service here, aud follow it out in its details. Take a Civil servant who will be shortly entitled to his [icnßion, and send him to the Upper House. You know he will vote exactly a.; you like. You put him in the Upper House, and he gets 200 guineas a-year, in addition to what he gets as a pension. In England, if Civil servants get anything of the Crown, they lose a proportionate part of their pension. Take rnyuelf, for instance, here in New Zealand. I get a pension of £1000 a-year. As Premier, I tried to get the salary reduced to £15200 from £1750. They take £S9O a-year from, my pension. But a Civil servant going to the Upper House in New Zealand gets 200 guinoas added on to his pension. (Laughter.)' But this extraordinary thing also takes place in the Upper House of New Zealand. In the Parliament at home, if you make a man a Peer, he not only cannot Bit in the JUoHse of Commons, but he cannot interfere in any election of a member of the House of Commons, and he is liable to be punished if he does. Here a person ia taken aud put into the Upper House because he loses his seat in the Lower House. At home, if you make a man a Peer, he must always be a Peer ; but here, if a member has u chance of getting in for another constituency, he can resign hia peerand go back to the Lower House. And ho does that, I may say, shamelessly. I would bo ashamed myself to do it. but thoy thiuk it is the custom, and they do it. Aud if ho loses his seat, he goes back to the Upper Houseagain. (Laughter and cheers.) Thus, the dominant party in the country get some 50 or GO members into the Upper House; there are some 50 members there now —I forget the precise number—each of whom is paid 200 guineas a-year. If we wished to get tho majority, we would have to nut some 55 members into the Upper House, eaoh with 200 guineas a-year for life. (Laughter.) You can see that one has really no power to d.o that, unlijss it were done out of mischief to destroy the whole thiug. It is difficult for any Ministry to proceed or make progress in the present state of affairs; and under the system of nominated Governors from home, it is really impossible to do anything at all, because you may rely upon it that, at the present time, tho Governors are nominated for party purposss in J.ngland. Thero is no doubt whatever of that. Look at what Lord Beaconsfield said tho other day. He admitted in point of fact that some years past attempts had been miwlo by a certain section of tho Colonial Department to break up the British Empiro. lie said that sneli was the case, and that without our being consulted at all. So that any party determined to do that will take care to put into office of tho third branch of tho Assembly those who will carry out such views. Tho wholo question, therefore, of tl:e constitution here is ono of tho utmost difficulty to work, and if you expect your representatives to succeed as the Ministry does at home, you will be lamentably disappointed. I say it is in the power of any Governor who comes here to ruin auy Ministry he pleases, becauso if he refuses an appeal to the constituency, as has , be* n done with regard to the present Ministry, he virtually allies himself to tho party opposed to the Ministry. It i 3 an actual alliauce between the Governor and that par- ; ticular party. I affirm that if a Ministry is so ivealc, comparatively speaking, in • the House as to be uuablo to carry out its measures as it ought to do, and has no right i of appeal to tho people, in process of time i it must disappoint the whole community. Ia the endeavour to carry out those measures ! which ought to be carried through it will : fall into disgrace. (Cheers.) I will now speak of the Electoral Bill, —and my ) conduct in that matter has been a good deal impugned. You, yourselves,
bill that the Government brought in was all that <ve believed we could carry. All other points we thoueht we might carry by the aid of our friends. We were obliged to bring a bill in without attempting to interfere with the plural voting. We felt certain that we could not as a Ministry carry any attempt; upon that through the House. We should nave been defeated had we attempted to do it, and we thought tke measure would be lost altogether. Under such circumstances, we considered it best to get all we could. I felt certain in my own mind that I would not bo allowed an appeal to the country if I asked for it. One of our friends bro'ught in a proposal for doing awav with plural voting, that is, that each man should have one vote, and votes be the representatives of human beings and not of acres of laud. We endeavoured to got that carried, but it was lost. You are aware »hat X am iu favour of triennial Parliaments, and the Ministry nut having the power of dissolution, the whole affair rests on the caprice of the Governor for the time being— it was quito uncertain, as one Governer might grant it aid another refuse it. I thought that if the people returned bad representatives, it was too threat a punishment to have bad men returned for five years. Surely it was reasonable enough to ask that the time should be reduced to three years. I was quite willing to submit to that test. I did my best to get that measure passed, but it was rejected. As you are all aware, the Constitution of the country gave the natives exactly the same right of voting as the Europeans. That has prevailed for some time. Many years ago the .Legislature said the great bulk of the natives resided in districts where there were no polling-places, and it was said they had no franchise at all. Therefore, they said, we will allow four native membcre to bo elected in and for those districts ; and they elected four members accordingly. I have no hesitation in saying, and no one will deny it, that in mauy instances when the Ministers were in danger they effected an escape by holding these four members well in hand. (Laughter.) The whole thing was an admirable device. They thought they would take even this weapon out of our handß; but, at'all events, this was a device which they were ready to use in their own behalf. In this Electoral Hill, the object of which was to give fresh privileges to every one of her Majesty's subjects iu New Zealand, —that is, in effect, universal suffrage,—when it came to tho Upper Houso, they struck out the power of votiug altogether, except in respect of these four native members. They left those in. Then the Act went on to uay that all nativeß whose names were on the roll as ratepayers should have the power to vote for a member if tht-y had paid their rates, and that all h u rope:: 119 who were ratepayers Bhould have the power of voting, whether they paid their rates or not. (Laughter.) Myselt and some friends in the Legislative Council were detennined-aot to submit to it. They put in these words, "Every male subject of her Majesty in New Zealand, beiDg twenty-one years of age, and not being a Maori, shall have a vote," and that left°the House to the four native members. Well, that was accompanied with the statement made in the Upper Hfou.re, that the natives had assisted to pass the land-tax, and they ouylit not to be allowed to do so again. 1 was very much in favour of the land-tax myself, and I bolieve the natives did their duty to the country in getting that Act pa-sed. 1 conceived tuuy ought not to be punished for doing that. When the Legislative Council sent the bill back to us in that way, seeing that they had interfered with our | l-ii-il-.'ges, I contended that a nominated body ought not to have interfered with the House of Representatives on a question as to how repr-sentatives of tbe people iu that House were elected. Clearly, the representatives of the peoplo had a right to decide that question themselve?, and that tho-jC who were not elected by the people at all ought to have had tho delicacy not to have interfered with a question of the kind. Therefore, I said to myself, I now believe in the propriety of doing away with plurality of voting ; I believe in triennial Parliaments; I believe it to be quite possible the Upper Houso may want remodelling in some way. They havegiven us an excellent example cfj lo,v thoy will ho prepare ! to act, and did not hesitate themselves to interfere with tho privileges of "the I,OW{ r 2o?se. I thought what is good for the goose is gooa for the gander—(loud cheers and laughter), —and, therefore, I had no objection to take the example from them. Now, I conceive that the gage has been thrown down, and I determined, therefore, in my own mind, not to accept the amendment, so far as X was concerned, —the amendment made by the Legislative Council in the measure when they sent it back to us. I found that the majority of the House of Representatives agreed with me, and, therefore, I would not accept their amendment. I believe that the result will be that this next year we will have an infinitely better Reform Bill, and that wo will get it in time for the new oleotiong. We Bhall Bee that the country is divided into fair representative districts, —that there shall be no more pocket Boroughs. (Cheers.) You may recollect that here, at the Thames, for many years yon had only one member; while other Boroughs, with less than half your population, had three, and four members in some cases. Wo are determined that population shall carry representation with it, and we believe that we will get a Reform Bill which shall do away with plurality of voting, and that probably we shall havo triennial Parliaments, in which we shall have a fair representation of the people throughout the whole of New Zealand. We feel confident that if we do not carry that wo will have an appeal to the people themselves. Then you must decide for yourselves whether you like these things or not. If you do not like them, then I shall consider you unwise. I can only tell you what my views are. X am persuaded that you will agree with me that I am right in the view I take of these points. I think you are with me in favour of triennial Parliaments, and that you will support me in the endeavour to have the representation adjusted in proportion to population. You will have the opportunity of shewing whether you like these things or not. If you do not like these things, then I shall lie by in the prospect of better times, and wait for a constituency that will like them. I have given you a concise history of the course X propose to take in reference to the Representation Bill. I hardly know that there is any other particular measure that requires explanation. You all understand the Land Bill; you all know the tenor of it. It is simply this : Wo say that every man in New Zi.da.ad—every father of a family—shall havo the right to a homestead, and shall not havo to pay a tax upon it. Whatever structure may be erected for the decent living aud comfort of a man's family, to enable them to he brought up aud to hare a proper home to live in, to that extent thero shall not be a tax upon a man's homestead. That a man shall be enabled to leave it to his children without a public burden upon it, no tax shall be put upon it. But the moment that a man passes beyond that boundary, he shall begin to pay a tax exactly in proportion as his property. We say to tho poor I man that, in regard to property which is merely sufficient to support himself in comfort and decency, he shall pay no tax. Wo will say, on the other hand, to the man who holds large quantities of land for the purpose of speculation, that ho shall pay not leas for his laml than his neighbours, and that in proportion to its extent the poor man shall not pay taxes for making roads that give additional value to the land in the neighbourhood, while the owner of the land did not make any improvement whatever upon it. We say that the selling value of the laud, wi'.hout the improvements upon it, is that which sh.ill bo taxed. (Cheers.) Lands situated near public works, and receiving great additional value from these work?, that value shall be taxed ; lauds which derives great value from the surrounding sultivation bo taxed; laudß situated iu the vicinity of towns and largo populations, from which they derive additional value, shall be taxed iu proportion to their value. You will probably understand from what 1' have just Gaid how this land tax shall be levied. But theu there is an objection made to us by tho:e who say, "Oh, what we want is a property But that don't suit our views at present at all. 1 have no objection to a property tax by-and by, if it shall be necessary to i Mise money in that way. Let us try the result of the laud tax lirsfc. I quite agree th.it those who live outside of New Zealand aud derive great fortunes from this country, only to spend them elsewhere, it might be necessary to propose some income tax to meet their ease. I will get at them if I am left in power and it bo possiblo to do so. (Cheers.) Whether I am in power or not, I will aid you all I can to get at this class of the people. But in tho meantime, let those who hold immense properties in this country contribute to the revenue in proportion to their means. That will touch a good many people—a largo number of
who hoM investments in public companies / f that will bo got at. The land 1 tax was, of / j course, greatly found fault with -by S<; those who wished a tax to . bo 1 ! put upon improvements. Thoy believed. \'\ that, if a tax was put oil improvements, \ i then the small farmer would cry out not to \ \ tax tho land too heavily, and that they \\ would be regarded as the fiicnds of tho H people who held largt blocks of unoccupied land. Let every man, by all moans, maka improvements to the best of his ability, but do not let other people have to pay for his enriching the country by the improvements he has made. Then, they said ngiin, "Oh, you have only pu; on a tix of a halfpenny iu the pound ; it's not worth while to put that on; ic is deceiving the people only to put that t.\x ou." Aly reply is, Let us put on the halfpenny, and, if we want more, we have now au easy means of getting it. You will see that tho whole of this matter is entirely in your own hands. We have you a great machine, and it will fcs fov you to use that machine precisely ao yon If you wrsnt to raise a greater ainouatof revenue, you can do so; but you should always do ti. ;n a way that is perfectly fair." 1 think you will admit, yourselves, that tho tax wo bav:: imposed is a fair one to all clashes of people. Then this other objection was made : it was said, "Oh, you have not taken enough burthens off the people. Why do you not take more off at once »" The answer to 'bat is, "We want to see what the laud tax would bring iu. We have taken off ha?:' tho duty on BUgar, and it will bo very es:-y to take the other half off. We will gladly do eo when the right time comes. Wo havo taken twopence in the pouaTl eft" tea, aud wo will bo delighted to take uIT tho other fourpence when wo see what will be tho result of the now tax. Tho moment we . know what tho land tax really do-is yield, we will unhesitatingly do our very host to leaiovo the whole of these burthens from tho pu'oiie, under which they ought not to suffsr. You will see that you are entit'ed to a farther reduction of tho duty upon tea and sugar—upon both those article" of necessary consumption. (Cheers ) We .veio obliged to deal cautiously with one of theso questions, from cireunv .ances which I hive already told you of. We were not cert'.in of a dissolution and au a;>:>oal fro yourceivei. Now, if next sossion a dissolution necessarily takes placeupon a conflict upon thesosuhj eN, the power rests with yourselves. Yen bee -mc th: legislators for the time. Wo sh-iii lay down a ceitain programme touching up :i all tho e points. If it is necessity to app-jil to you, you will vote as you think light upon these points. You will become tho general Legislature for tho time bsing. You now understand what 1 :::ev.i upou that point. (Cheers.) Now there aro somo. other points upon which I. must sp:ak to you, and which, I feel, will agitate the Assembly during next session. Well, :it,v, this you will have to determine, and this is at present unknown to the colony. This is the first time it will have become public. You will havo this question to determine, and it will be for yourselves to deal with it. It is this : Is an aristocracy, a titled ariitocracy, peculiar to New Zealand, to be set up in this country, or is it not ? (No, no !) Very well, that is what I want t<> know. I intend to resist it to the utmost. (Cheers.) On tint point I hive never deccivnl you. J believo you knew, when you returned me, that theiio were my sentiments. I have certainly never kept tiiem back from you when 1 have addressed ymi. I will £«U you what has taken place. In England tho law is this: Tho Crown is the fouutain of honour, and the Ciown can bestow all honours known to tho Constitution, —that is, the Crown can make Peers. It now can make life Peers sf Law Lords, but not of anybody else, and it can make Baronets r.tul . Knights of every order and degree. It can bestow decorations for peoplo to stick upon themselves. It ha 3 all theso powers, but tho Crown can create no now rank iu Eug'au-', and can create no new title. It tried to do it; it tried to make a life Peer without an Act of Parliament. Both Houses of Parliament resisted it, and it was admitted that iu England, according to the Cons'.ihition, the Crown can create- no new iitlo whatever. Now the Crown determines in New Zealand, acting with aud by she advice of its Ministers, without the knowledge of ■ the people, or withoui the knowledge of the Assembly, that is, acting with the assint of its Ministry, it determines to set up in NewZealand a new order of aristocracy of a very peculiar kind. It was to be a life aristocracy. They were to be called-" Honorable""'' for life, aud they were only to boar their title within the limits of New Zealand. Directly they went on board ship, and left ourshores, they were nobodies; and directly they touched New Zealand's shores again, they were to be "honorable" for life. (Laughter.) You will see, then, that it would not have been of much consequence. Eat if tho Crown can create an order of nobility, it may create any other order it likes. If it can do that without statutory power, if it can do it, of its inherent right, then it can tnake any order of nobility in New Zealand it pleases. I think you arc all aware that they sont out intimations to ns to promulgate a general order in the .Yew Zealand Oazelte that the Judge? in New Zealand, when they retired from cffice, were to bs always honorable for life under this singular order of aristocracy. I said, " I cannot put that in the Gazelle." I do not believe the Queen has tho power to do it. I know that she ha 3 not. In the first p!a:e, when the Queen confers an honour upon any of her subjects, it is put in tho London Gazette; then the wholo world kuowa that the Queen has determined to honour somebody, and the namo of the man who is so honoured passes throughout the w hole of her possessions. I said that " I shall not put anything in the JVew Zealand Gazette that is not in the London Gazette, an l you havo no power to order me to do so." (Cheers.) Well, that has been answered, aud they say now, "Well, we think you are rightabout th« New Zealand Gazette. Wo are going to consider tho thing, and wo will put it in the London Gazette for the futuro; but the - Queen claims the right to do this, and we intend to carry it out." To that I answered distinctly that "The Queen has no right; and I tell you tho reason 'that she • cannot do it in England, and there is an additional reason why she cannot do it in Stw Zealand. Tho only power left to tho Qaeen upon such a subject is this. The General Assembly has the power to make all laws for the peace, order, and good government of New Zealanel. No«*, clearly, the creation of an aristocracy in this country i 3 a question • connected with its order and good government, and it is quite clear, therefore, tbat it , is only by a law passed by the Legislature that the power can bo exorcised by the , Queen." Then I used another argument. I said, " Woll now, supposing that you have tho power to do tlr's, though I : don't admit it, I say it would be an act o£ • generosity to the peoplo of New Zealand to consult tho people on the subject. If we ; create a separate aristocracy iu Now Zealand i it will tend to load to the separation of New i Zealand from the mother country. It is imi possible to set itp a new part of tho Empire s which is not recognised elsewhere. It is a fact to make it a separate portion of the • Empire altogether, and the people of New i Zealand have a dislike to such a thing ■ being done. Why not act generously • ) towarels them? Why not eay, Al- > though we claim the power, we- will not ; force it unless tho representatives in the ' General Assembly address the Crown, aak- , ing the Crown to do it. Wo know the r Queen takes no interest in those matters, i It would be a generous and fair thing to 3 her subjects in New Zealand that this thing I should bo done by their consent and by r their choice." They do not notice that, f They simply say they intend to do it. , They do not say that they have taken any ) legal opinion, but they say they are quite - satisfieel tho Queen has the power. Nov/ s I say this, that you must, not think because i tho Colonial Department says this, that there % is any reason to bolieve they are right. I will 1 give yon an instance of what I mean. The - Colonial Department claimeel the power of 1 creating Bishops iu all these colonies, and r they issued letters patent to the Bishops at a home, and they tnado them Peers within the 1 colonies. They said the same rights aud e dignities belonged to them in theso colonies t ns was enjoyed by the Bishops in Englar-d. r They authori-ecl Bishops to set up Ecclcsil astical Courts, to suo peoplo, to have people e within their jurisdiction brought up and t triod upon ecclesiastical questions. This I was a power the Bishops had not • f at home. The Government went on a issuing these letters patent, . and the ', Attorney-General and Solicitor-General had e a fee of five guineas for reading them, t whether they read them, or whether any o£ o their clerks read them. These letters a patent were said to bo perfectly legal. I re- . t monstratod with the department when in the - Cape of Good Hope, and.it was especially 3 distasteful to them, and- »t;jaife'tjln.q the' tt clergy of the Capo of Good Hope' refn'scd' to h come to my house. It .was distasteful to.
that the Queen had no right, but they • -igaid I was wrong, that the Queen had "'•-'the right, and they went on issuing letters patent as before. We waited to have the . - question tried by the "Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, the highest authority in Oreat Britain, and, fortunately, the Bishops suspended a clergyman from bis living, and that gave the clergyman the power to appeal, and we immediately subscribed money in order to have the question submitted to the Committee of the Privy Council. Their decision wat this, that the Queen having given a constitution to the country, very much such as we have here, and having created a Legislature, with powers to moke all laws for the peace, order, and good government of the country, can issue no letters patent in Great Britain, unless under the authority of an Act passed bj the Assembly, and that the letters patent issued were iLerefore absolutely null and void. (Cheers.) And so we got rid of the Bishops. (Laughter.) Ido not mean to say that we got rid of the Bishops as we have them here, but we got the right of electing our- own Bishopo, and -ire got rid of the Bishop:! sent out from England under letters patent. Now we elect our own Bishops, and they have snch rank as their congregations choose to give them. This shews that the Colonial Office, when determined to carry anything ont, are very often wrong on points of law. I- have no hesitation in stating my perfect confidence and conviction that they have no power to force an aristocracy upon the people of this country, and I, for one, refuse to submit to it. I intend to take care, by every fair and just means, that nothing of the kind is established in this country. (Cheers.) I feel perfectly satisfied that the moment the Home Government finds that such a stand is taken they will give way. If the majority of the people ill this colony do not go with me in this matter, and if they choose to give this power to the Crown, .we can do nothing bot protest. I shall certainly protest, and do my best against it. [Cries: " "We'll go against it."] That remains to be seen, but X believe firmly that the people will go against it. That is one of the burning questions that will have to come on for discussion daring the next session of Parliament." Well, then, there is another matter upon which X was anxious to assert for you your right. I told you before my firm conviction was that the people of this colony had the right to pass a law deciding the manner in which our Governor • nominated. I have always held the opinion that what they have a right to do is to pass a law and to say that the Governor should be nominated by this colony. I maintained that they had that right, and that it was a right inherent in the Constitution. That was disputed. The Colonial Bepartment at home have come to their senses upon that aoint, as we. have been informed. They admit that the colony has the power by law of determining who their Governor shall be. (Cheers.) The Queen has the power of refusing her assent to that Act if she. thinks fit, and she is part of the Assembly. Yon have' power at any time to determine the manner in which your Governor shall be nominated. That rests with yourselves. As to the particular manner of doing it, I do not go into that, but it is a very great thing that you Bhould know that the power rests m yonr hands, to be exercised by you as you please. That power has now been conceded to you. There were one or two other points X intended to allude to, there is one point lam anxious to explain to you, because it is a thing upon which I have been subjeoted to great misrepresentation, and that is the question of the power of the Judges. Ido not know that yon are aware that before last session the Judges claimed this extraordinary power—-they said that they had the right at aoy time they pleased to commit any man they pleased to prison for life, for what they regarded as a breach of order in Court, and that they possessed this power, accompanied by these extraordinary circumstances that they were not obliged to make any record of their having done thi», or to allege any reason why they had done it; that, once the man was in gaol, the Queen herself could not let him out again, and • there was an end of it. They said that that power was inherent in themselves, and they committed a barrister to <>aol for a month for arguing for his client. That subject came before the House, and, upon inquiry, we found that the Judges also srud that they had the right to commit a man for contempt of Court, that they had the right to shut him up in prison, and that the Crown had not the right to let liim out. I wished myself to restrain the power of the Judges. 1 thought sufficient power ought to be left in their hands to commit any person for contempt of Court, but X thought that the time for which they were committed should be settled : that the extreme time should be settled ; and T thought there Bbould be a power of appeal in case the Judge had acted in a hasty manner. I thought with regard to the Press the power ought to be still more limited, and I will explain the reason why to von It was claimed in cases of contempt, that the Judges had witnessed the contempt, that they had heard the tones of voice that accompanied the act, that they had seen the gestures which the persons used, and that all these things must be taken into consideration iu deoiding the punishment. Therefore, it was contended that the power ought to be absolutely left in the hands of the Judges, and that there should be no trial by jury in such cases. I argued" that in regard to the Press none of these arguments could apply. Ane man did nob issue the newspaper m Court, nor did he shake his fist in the Judge s face when he wrote the article. Therefore, I say that if an article is complained of as being a contempt of Court, or being libellous, tbat there Bhould be a prosecution, and that it should be left to a jury to determine exactly - -what punishment Bbould be inflicted. The result of the discussion that took place on this subject was, -hat the majority in the House decided that - the Judges should not be interfered ■with, and I confess myself that I thought the majority were wrong, and X wish you to know that I differed from them. Ido not consider that this is a case for an appeal to the constituencies. I think it is a, case for the growth of public opinion. [Sir George Grey argued that such a power should not be left in the hands of the Judges. He:instanced the power of torture claimed by the Judges, which was found to be illegal, and referred to the case of Margaret Clitheroe, s lady m the IGth century, who was pressed to death because she refused to plead when accused of sholtering Roman Catholic priests.] lam certain that the Judges do not possess tha power of imprisoning for life which tney claimed. I believe that I .will have the support of my constituents in doing" my best to remedy what i believe to be a great public evil. (Cheers.,) I think I have vindicated to you the programme which I have proposed for the future. I will now turn to another practical question. I believe, and I have for many years believed, that this portion of New Zealand is destined to a great future. I believe that when you have the railway opening up to yon the fertile lands of the Upper Waikato,—opening up the country in the direction of Tauranga and the Lakes, and passing, as I hope it will, along the whole of this peninsula, so that the whole of the auriferous land can be got at, you mil find a great number of capacities in this district. You have immense water power for manufacturing purposes and for machinery, and you have auriferous deposits of great value yet undiscovered. United to all these, you have fertile country here—a country, I believe, as fertile as any in New Zealand. You have population to use the produce that may be brought here. You will take care to have a harbour constructed, as the proper terminal connection with the railway, and connecting the remoter districts with your town. Without a harbour, your communication will be incomplete. When you have obtained these objectß, you will have "gained all the artificial advantages added to the natural advantages which any district is capable of possessing. Moreover, there will be land open to you for settlement. (Cheers.) For the first time the people of the Thames will have an opportunity of acquiring fertile iaud Within their own distriot. (Renewed cheer- | ing.) You' are aware that a plan was formed for establishing a settlement on the Te Aroa block by persons brought out here from. England. As I stated to-day, it was held out as a great boon that a ment of that kind would induce capitalists to come here, who would provide labour for the people of the Thames and give them ' :■ employment. We had a very eloquent description given to ua in the House of the livea'which these capitalists led in England, : of tbo delicious wines which Mr. Fox saw on V theli; tables, but which, of course, he did not tasti>—-(a latigh),—of the luxury amid which the&4 capitalists spent their days, and of the good they would do by spending their money here. A great many things of that 'iind we iaveheard. Of course, myself and m 7 friends said : What the people of New 7 ,».and de--1 Bite is, »s •" possible, to ' -ploy them-
r ■■ 1 _Save homesteads _ 011 which tlTemselves and their children might labour, and tbat they had no wish, whenever fertile lands were opened, that we should bring strangers in and put them in possession of the land for which the people already in tbe district had yearned for years. We determined that this should not be done, and we refused to hear the voice of the charmer on the subject. Therefore, for the payment of the sum of £3500 onr object was Becured, and these lands are now available for you, but I still think it is onr bounden duty carefully to watch all the lands in the vicinity of this place, and to take care that these lands shall be secured to the public at large and not swallowed up by a few private individuals. (Cheers.) Now, just let me make a personal , application of these matters to myself, as ; your representative, and to you as my con- i stituents. Supposing that my plan had been | this—that, for example, I bad secured on this goldfield, and between this and the Waikatof the beat blocks of land I could get for myself and my friends, and tust' that I had E ot a railway made, how wonlc. you have looked upon me ? Would you nave felt the same sentiments in the jetting of the milway for you as you would v.-.Tin you kn.,w that I have not an acre of lf-nd in the district, and that I have no personal interest whatever in it? Would you have felt that 1 had been really working for yo r advantage? [Cries of 1 , l say that your bounden duty is to aid me m watching all the lands in this district, that 1 as your representative, and you as my constituents, should see that, as far as possible, these lands are secured to the public. 1 say again, shut you ears to the voice of the charmers who tell you, "Give us large blocks of land, and we will find employment for you." I say that in this country the thing that we desire is, tbat the people should have the opportunity of making homes for themselves. These are objects which you should all desire to attain; and I feel certain that those persons who aid in such a work will earn the gratitude of future times, — tbat many humble men, perhaps Bome of those who are now listening to me, by working for that object, would leave imperishable names behind thean. |The hon. gentleman here referred to a statement recently published by a leading Bishop ifl England, depicting the terrible state of the poor in the towns.] Now, I say this, that it is our duty to take care and watch things in their beginning, and not allow yourselves to grow up in a state which will assuredly entail a fuiure.of that kind in a few generations upon our posterity. I flay, that that man who, for the sake of getting labour easily, and allows land to be improperly acquired, that he may get labour, who deprives his fellow-men of their rights of obtaining land for themselves and their families, is a disgrace to the community. I say, then, let us all lay these subjects to heart ; let us work to lay down a broad platform for the future benefit of tbe nation which we are building up here, and I am certain that we shall obtain the blessing of those who will follow us. I.et me close by using the last words which I uttered in thesHouse of Representatives. I said this : That in New Zealand there is the noblest clay existing, ready to the hand of the potter. I pointed out that the original immigrants were chosen with the greatest care, that they all came out in the prime of life, that they were of good character, men selected of good health, free from vice, who had families ; and that the young men of the higher ranks who came cut, were some of the most distinguished families in England ; that the flower of seme_ of the other colonies flocked here, believing there was a great opening in New Zealand for such a class of immigrants. I said that here is tbe noblest clay ready to the hand of the potter; that there may be fashioned one of the greatest and best nations that the world has ever seen. I said this, that that noble clay will be moulded by no unskilful potter; it will not be moulded in a shape which will create misery and destitution to millions hereafter to come. It will see that justice is done to itself, and any Government that attempts to pass laws of an unfair kind, creating these class distinctions that I spoke of—creating those vast inequalities of property —giving favours to certain individuals over others,— X say such a Government and such a systetr is rotten, and if attempted to be enforced cannot exist for a day. I say that the clay is truly noble—the clay will be moulded into a noble shape,—those potters who trj to act otherwise will find that the whole population of New Zealand will cry out ; Away with you ; we will be moulded by nt such potters as yon are ! (Loud applause.) Mr. J. Brown moved the following resolution That this meeting cordially thanks the Hon. Sir G. Grey for his ad mirab.'.o address, and now reiterates the feel ing of confidence so frequently expressed by the people of this district in him as their re preservative in the New Zealand 3?arlia ment." Mr. K. Graham seconded the resolution which was carried without a single dissen tient voice, amid much enthnsiasm anc cheering. Sir G. Grey briefly thanked the meeting and moved a vote of thanks to the chairman which was carried by acclamation. Repeated cheers were then given for Sii G. Grey and the Mayor, and thus termi nated one of the most enthusiastic demon strations ever witnessed in the Thames dis trict.
Permanent link to this item
https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/NZH18781223.2.24
Bibliographic details
New Zealand Herald, Volume XV, Issue 5336, 23 December 1878, Page 3
Word Count
19,465SIR GEORGE GREY AT THE THAMES. New Zealand Herald, Volume XV, Issue 5336, 23 December 1878, Page 3
Using This Item
No known copyright (New Zealand)
To the best of the National Library of New Zealand’s knowledge, under New Zealand law, there is no copyright in this item in New Zealand.
You can copy this item, share it, and post it on a blog or website. It can be modified, remixed and built upon. It can be used commercially. If reproducing this item, it is helpful to include the source.
For further information please refer to the Copyright guide.
Acknowledgements
This newspaper was digitised in partnership with Auckland Libraries and NZME.